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Irek BIKKININ
TURKIC BORROWINGS IN ENGLISH [1]

Rassokha I.N.
Ukrainian pra-motherland of Indo-Europeans
Kharkiv, KhAMG, 2007, ISBN 966-695-083-0

Links

For Germanic substrate hypothesis refer to that Wikipedia article, which suffers a major bout of blindness indirectly addressed on this page.
For a complete Irek Bikkinin's article click here: http://www.tatarica.narod.ru/world/language/tat_eng.htm.
The original of I.N.Rassoha book is here: http://www.hrono.info/libris/lib_r/rass00indo.html
Comments on Indo-European linguistics are here: http://www.ece.lsu.edu/kak/ary2.pdf.

Introduction

Türkizm (or Türkism) is a word borrowed from Türkic languages.

1. The work of Irek Bikkinin covers medieval borrowings. A small appendix below gives a sampling of much deeper layer, the full article is in the Turkic substrate in English posting.

2. I.N.Rassoha's work gives a general review of the Sredny Stog culture. Though the Sredny Stog culture is popularized in the countries of the Eastern Europe and by the preachers of N.Pontic origin of the Indo-European languages as a suspected ancestral home of these languages, ethnologically the Indo-European peoples are completely non-comparable with the Sredny Stog culture. Any other group of peoples has not preserve until historical times that complex of ethnologic parameters which defines the Türkic peoples: kurgan burials, tamgas, care after ancestors in the other world, horse-based nomadic economy and all tools for its functioning. The chapter from I.N.Rassoha's book gives archeological description of the emergence of this phenomenon. While obviously not a standard concept, this concept has found support among all involved disciplines: archeologists, physical anthropologists, ethnologists, historians, and linguists, not only among ethnically Türkic scientists and scientists involved in a Türkology, but also among other scientists not interested in pre-prejudiced solutions for the ethnic problems of other peoples.

Posting notes are highlighted in blue. Page numbers are shown in the beginning of the page (later).

Irek BIKKININ
TURKIC BORROWINGS IN ENGLISH

Contacts of peoples always mean contacts of languages. Language contacts result in words being borrowed from one language to another and the other way around. Languages of such active peoples as Turkic peoples left numerous traces in different languages, including the English language. Different sources show different numbers of words of Turkic origin in English from 10 [2] to 800 [3]. According to our data [4], there are about four hundred Turkic loan words in English, 55% of which are ethnographical words, 26% belong to social and political vocabulary, and 19% are words designating natural phenomena.

The natural terms belong to the terminology of corresponding sciences and thus they are a necessary part of the English vocabulary, although some of these words are familiar only to specialists. Among the most well known words of this group are such words as badian, beech, irbis, jougara, mammoth, sable, taiga, turkey etc. There are 18 names for minerals in the same group, for example dashkesanite, tabriz marble, turanite etc.

Turkic borrowings, which belong to the social and political vocabulary, are generally used in special literature and in the historical and ethnographical works, which relate to the life of Turkic and Moslem peoples. The most well known Turkic loans forming this group are: bashi-bazouk, begum, effendi, chiaus, cossack, ganch, horde, janissary, khan, lackey, mameluke, pasha, saber, uhlan.

The ethnographical words are generally used in the scientific literature, and in the historical and ethnographical texts. There are Turkic borrowings that became an integral part of the English vocabulary: caviare, coach, kiosk, kumiss, macrame, shabrack, shagreen, vampire etc.

The words with Turkic etymology began to penetrate the languages of the English ancestors (Angles, Saxons and Jutes) not later than the end of the fourth century, when they fell under the influence of the Huns, a Turkic people. By the 376 AD, all of the Central Europe was controlled by the Huns. In 449 AD, not long before the death of the Huns king Atilla, the first groups of Angles, Saxons and Jutes began moving to the British Isles. This process lasted for about 150 years. Thus, the direct influence of the Turkic language of the Huns on the Old English language, fostered by the Huns dominance over the Germanic tribes, lasted for at least 73 years. If one takes into consideration the unquestionable domination of Turks at that time over the Germanic tribes both in culture and military field, then there must be a lot of Turkic loans which penetrated the Old English, especially its military terminology, titulation, horse-breeding vocabulary and terms designating the structure of a state. We believe that such words as beech, body, girl, beer, book, king were borrowed during the Hun Old English period [5]. Unfortunately, we didnt examine the Old English vocabulary thoroughly.

In the process of the development of the English language, most of the Old English words, including Turkic borrowings of the Hun period, were replaced by words from the other Germanic languages and from the Old French. Thus, for example, tapor, the Old English word of Turkic origin was ousted by axe [6], a common Germanic word. It is interesting that tapor was also borrowed by the Arabic [7], Persian [8] and Russian [9], and hitherto was saved in them as well as in Eastern Turkic languages. In the Western Turkic languages, e.g. in Tatar and Turkish, it was subsequently replaced by the word balta having the same meaning, leaving a trace in Tatar only in the form tapagoch a chopping knife for vegetables. The verb tapau to chop, to whip, from which the noun tapar is derived, is still active in the Tatar language.

Citation from M.Adji English Kipchaks:

The (Austrian and) English word shilling came from the Türkic sheleg, or unexchangeable coin, which is equal to twelve smaller, exchangeable coins. Penny came from the Türkic peneg, or small coin. And, of course, the word sterling comes from the Türkic monetary weight unit, the sytyr, sytyrlig (-lig/-leg is a Türkic affix), and (surprise, surprise!) in weight it was equal to twenty shelegs. All this was exactly the same for the English.

The similarity of the Türkic word manat and the English word money only reinforces that observation, since they both mean exactly the same (Online Etymological Dictionary http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=money money: c.1290, coinage, metal currency, from O.Fr. moneie, from L. mint, coinage, from Moneta, a title of the Roman goddess Juno, in or near whose temple money was coined; perhaps from monere advise, warn (see monitor), with the sense of admonishing goddess, which is sensible, but the etymology is difficult... [Ha. Ha-ha]. So, moneta comes from Latin, and it is the Latin that had a cognate word with the Türkic manat).

The published etymology of the shilling and penny gives the same type nonsense, of unknown origin. For the European linguists the gap between  known and unknown is a short leap, a little education and miniscule brainwork go a long way to connect the dots between the shillings of Gundobad (474? - 516) in the Burgundian Code and the modern shillings in Austria and England. As a minimum, the published date is false, even if you do not know better, 516 is a far cry from 1290, and it is a moral crime to teach falsehoods to innocent children. Science, including linguistics and etymology, are supposed to propagate reality, not to indoctrinate naive believers.

It is better not to discuss here the language of the ancient Britain at all. Otherwise, we might ruin the future joy of the Türkological linguists who perhaps will choose to study this mystery. Most probably, the striking similarity of Türkic and ancient British words will attract their attention. There are many such examples. Here are some of the first to have been found:

young (Türk. yang, Engl. yang=young); immediately (Türk. tap, Engl. tap?); sated (Türk. tok, Engl. tok=take/intake); attach ( Türk. tak, Engl. tack; soul (Türk. sulde, Engl. soul); Aidan (Türk. Aidan, Engl. Eden). Very close in meaning and spelling are the ancient Türkic and British words for dress/fashion (ton); to notch and a notch (kert and kerf); and to thunder (tang, tung and tang). Even the famous Tower of London was connected with the hill upon which it stood, the tau (hill or mountain).

Incidentally, the word London is of Türkic origin, this word already in the 5th century (actually, ca 115 AD) was warning barefoot British boys about innumerable snakes along that river. London stems from the Chinese word lung (dragon, snake) plus Türkic don (icy, cold, like Herodotus' icy Tanais, i.e. icy Icy-is, which show that Herodotus knew the Türkic meaning of Tan)

There is another possible way of adoption of the Turkic words by the Old English as well as the Middle English the Viking route.

Vikings for a long time from the 9c until the 12c actively contacted with Turkic peoples Bulgars, Pechenegs/Besenyo/Bajinaks, Kypchaks, etc. And, apparently, they borrowed some notions from them. Vikings, known as the sea nomads, warriors and merchants, began their expansion only in the 800 AD, but it is known that already in the 5c they highly valued Hunnish swords [10]. The recent research shows that Vikings ancestors lived in the Don river basin, and left the region only in the 4c AD, supposedly forced out by the Turkic tribes. During the epoch of the Scandinavian Reign of England (9-12cc) [11], the Scandinavian language of the Vikings had a strong influence upon English.

In the 9-12cc the Turkic words penetrated English also through the Old French [12], which at the time was spoken by all the English aristocracy and their servants and warriors. Direct contacts of the English and Turkic peoples were resumed again during the Crusades, in which the English nobility participated along with their warriors. From the 1096 to 1270 AD, Europeans undertook eight Crusades to Palestine to free the Gods coffin and to recover the Holy Land from the Muslims.

The Crusades had positive consequences for the European culture. In the West, people began to wash hands before meals, learned how to use knives and forks, began to take hot baths, learned to change clothes and underclothes. Europeans began to grow rice, buckwheat, lemons, apricots, watermelons, to use cane sugar as food, learned to manufacture silk and mirrors and improved the quality of metals they produced.

The main opponents, whom the Crusaders had to fight against, were the Turks, or the Saracens, as they were called in the West. What is interesting is that one of the names for buckwheat in English is Saracen corn, which directly shows the place and the time of borrowing this crop. Europeans, fighting the Turks in Syria and Palestine, expanded this name of the Turkic and partly Kurdish tribes on all the Moslem peoples of the Middle East, including the Arabs of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt. As a result, most of the etymological dictionaries attribute saracen to the borrowings from the Arabic.

This is an example of a typical mistake of the European linguists in revealing the etymology of an Oriental borrowing, when the Turkic factor is not taken into the consideration [13]. E.g. if an English word, lets say kourbash or kismet, is present both in Turkic and Arabic, the European etymologists automatically attribute this word to English borrowings from Arabic. They even do not assume that Arabic or Persian, languages of ancient culture, could borrow something from theTurkic, the language of the wild nomads in the Europeans view. And, meanwhile, there are considerable layers of borrowings from Turkic in the Arabic and Persian.

As an example of a misguided etymological analysis, we can use sabot, dating back to the Crusades epoch. The closest to the truth version says that sabot and its derivatives saboteur, sabotage were borrowed from French, while the word sabot itself was borrowed from the Arabic language via Turkish. The Arabian word sabbat sandal was identified as the etymon for sabot. But, actually, Arabic and Old French borrowed it both from the Turkic language of Saracens, who lived in the Middle East.

It is well-known that the Turkic word chabat (chabata, sabat, shabat) comes from the verb chabu to cut, to chop and initially meant shoes made of one piece of forest, then it denoted a different type of foresten shoes, including wattled ones, i.e. there was an expansion of its meaning. As most kinds of foresten shoes kept falling out of use, this word began to mean shoes made of other materials. In the Modern Tatar language the word chabat means a bast sandal, i.e. a shoe, wattled of bast.

The Old French adopted this word in its original meaning a shoe made of one piece of forest sabot.

Russian word choboty has the same Turkic etymon chabat. In Spanish, this word apparently was borrowed from the language of the Turkic tribes, which settled down during the period of Arabian Khalifats in Spain, and is currently known as zapata. {If not earlier, in the Gothic-Alanian times)

In Spanish, its meaning expanded further, and now zapata means shoes in general, and has a lot of derivatives.

Besides sabot, saboteur, sabotage, there are some other Turkic loans in English derivatives of the verb chabu, such as chabouk a scourge, a long whip; chibouk tobacco-pipe; saber (sabre); sjambok a lash, a scourge, made of rhinoceros skin.

The derivatives of the verb chabu penetrated English through the French, German, Afrikaans, Malayan and Indian languages. All these Turkic borrowings have generally preserved their original semantic meanings to cut, to chop, to whip. Turkic words sablya, chubuk penetrated many other languages. By the way, there are two more Turkic borrowings in English, which mean lash, scourge kourbash and nagaika.

Many Turkic loans came to English through Arabic, Persian and the Indian languages.

The first Turkic settlers in Egypt and in Syria were Oguz Turkic tribes of Turkmen, part of them settling down in Spain, when Arabian Khalifats existed there. Since the 10c, Kypchak tribes began to arrive in Egypt, gradually changing the language situation.

As a result of Mameluke sultan Aybeks ascension to power in 1250, Kypchakian becomes the state language of Egypt. In Egypt, until the conquest of the Mamelukian state by Turks-Ottomans in 1517, existed and flourished the literature in the Kypchakian-Oguz language, which was very close to the Tatar language of the period of the Golden Horde. Kypchaks had a tremendous influence on the Arabian literature and on the vocabulary and grammar of Egyptian Arabic [14].

The Persian language also has experienced an intensive influence of the Turkic languages, especially in its vocabulary. In the Turkic-Persian states of the 10-16cc on the territory of Iran, Central Asia and India was an original linguistic situation, when the language of science and religion was Arabic, the language of literature and clerical work was Persian, and in the courts of Shahs and Sultans and in the army was generally used Turkic language.

In a few centuries time, Persians and Indians assimilated a large part of the Turks who lived in Iran and India. Thus, naturally, the Persian and Indian languages adopted numerous Turkic words. Except for the Azerbaijanis and Turkmen, only certain tribes, living in isolation, preserved the native Turkic language.

The data of the Turkic language dictionary of the Delhian Sultanat of the 16c, composed by Badr Ad-Din Ibrahim, clearly shows the Kypchakian nature of this language, which was spoken in the Northern India [15]. Therefore, Afanasy Nikitin, a famous Russian traveler, who knew Kypchakian, the language of the Tatars, well, and was in the service of the Russian Princes, lived freely first in Iran, strictly observing the Moslem customs, then moved to India, where he called himself Khoja Yusuf Khorasani. He had no special need to study local languages, because in the second half of the 15c, when Aphanasy Nikitin was in Iran and India, it was possible to speak Turkic everywhere [16].

The adoption of Indian words, among which there were Turkic borrowings, became one of the ways for the words of the Turkic origin to penetrate English. The direct borrowing of Indian words by the English began in the 16c, when the first English factories were founded in India.

Most of the Indian words were borrowed in 19c, when India became a part of the British Empire. English absorbed about 900 words from different Indian languages [17], and 40 of them were the words of Turkic origin. Among them are such words as beebee, begum, burka, cotwal, kajawah, khanum, soorme, topchee, Urdu.

More than 60 words of the Turkic origin penetrated English through Russian. Among them: astrakhan, ataman, hurrah, kefir, koumiss, mammoth, irbis, shashlik etc [18].

Such Turkic words as hetman, horde, uhlan, came to English through Polish. The etymological dictionaries of English wrongly derive uhlan from the Turkish oglan a young man. In the Tatar of the epoch of the Golden Horde, uglan meant not only a child, a young man, but also a noble warrior, and was also applied in relation to the Khans Guards.

In 1313 Tatars helped Hediminas, the Grand Duke of Lithuania, to repel the attack of the German Crusaders. In 1397, after the defeat of the Kipchak Khanaate by Tamerlane, the Grand Duke of Lithuania Vitautas invited Tatars to his service and permanent residence. These Tatars played the main role in the defeat of the German knights in the Grunwald battle, and in honour of that, a large Mosque was built in Kaunas, which was taken away from the Tatar community in 1940. Taking into account that in Poland and Lithuania Tatars have lived for about 600 years, there are no reasons to identify the Turkish vocabulary as the only source of Turkic borrowings in the Polish language.

Horde derives from the Turkic urda (orta, urta) the center, the middle of something. This word obtained the meaning of Khans headquarters, camp, and later army (e.g. in Turkish ordu). The version orta in the modern Turkish began to mean company, battalion. In Arabic, urta began to mean battalion, squadron. Ordu army was adopted by Arabic in the meaning of detachment, corps).

Such Turkic words as coach, haiduk, kivasz, vampire were borrowed by English from Hungarian via German and French.

Coach, one of the most frequently used words of Turkic origin in English, was borrowed in its original meaning a large, covered carriage. Coach has many other meanings: a van, an automobile, a trainer, a tutor, etc. Most of the etymological dictionaries show that the origin of this word is the name of the village of Kocs in Hungary, where the first large covered carriage issupposed to have been made. But yet in Old Russian, there was a Turkic borrowing koch that meant a large covered carriage for nomadizing, which was later called kibitka. [19]

From the word of Turkic origin kuch to nomadize, to move, to shift, were made many derivatives in different languages. Such Russian words as kochevat, kochevnik, kosh, koshevoi, koshey, kucha have the same etymon kuch. There is another derivative of this Turkic verb in Russian kucher, borrowed from French.

We cannot deny the mediation of Hungarian, in which, at present, 800 Turkic loan words are used, in conveying the word coach into English. Considering that Old Russian already knew the word koch in the same meaning, when the Hungarians only came to the Avarian lands in Pannonia, it wouldbe logical to assume that both Hungarian and Russian, and German borrowed this word from one of those Turkic peoples, which Hungarians, Russians and Germans had contacts with, and, to be exact, with the Turks-Avars, who lived in the territory of the Modern Hungary and were overcome by Charlemagne, and, digging further into history, with the Huns, Turks-Avars ancestors. We can add that,in Spanish, the Turkic borrowing coche a car, a van has a lot of meanings and derivatives.

Turkic words directly passed to English from many languages, e.g. from German: shabrack, trabant; from Spanish: bocasin, lackey; from Latin: janissary, sable; from Italian: kiosk. Most of them penetrated English through French: badian, caique, caviare, odalisque, sabot, turquoise. When the Turkic loans came to English through other languages, very often the last mediator was French.

Direct contacts of French speakers with Turks began yet in the time of Crusades. Many Frenchmen, Spaniards, and Italians were in Turkish service during the extensive expansion of the Ottoman Empire (14-16cc). In 1536, France and Turkey signed a Union agreement. Frenchmen were given commercial, consular and court privileges. The admiration of the luxury and richness of the Ottoman Empire caused a phenomenon of Turkophilia. For Europeans of the 14-16cc, who were experiencing the religious persecution and the oppression of the feudal lords, Turkey was a state of religious tolerance, justice, and well being of the people. The interest to Turkey was so enormous that only in the first half of the 16c were written over 900 scientific works about Turkey. Naturally, numerous Turkic words appeared in French and in other European languages.

Since 1579, between Turkey and England also were established friendly relations. William Harnbourn, the first British Consul in Turkey, began what could be called the direct penetration of written Turkish words into English. Many English merchants set out towards Turkey. There were founded the English trade colonies and built Anglican churches. Englishmen, who lived and worked in Turkey, in their letters, diaries and reports described the customs, material culture, and the political system of Turkey in great detail.

English writers began to actively use Turkic words in their works about the East. Christopher Marlow, Shakespeare, Byron, and Scott were especially fond of Turkic loans.

In the 19c, Turkic loanwords, generally of Turkish origin, began to penetrate not only through the writings of the travelers, diplomats and merchants, and through the ethnographical and historical works, but also through the press. In 1847, there were two English-language newspapers in Istanbul The Levant Herald and The Levant Times, seven newspapers in French, one in German and 37 in Turkish.

Turkish contributed the largest share of the Turkic loans, which penetrated into the English directly. This can be explained by the fact that Turkey had the most intensive and wide connections with England. Nevertheless, there are many Turkic loans in English, which were borrowed by its contacts with other peoples Azerbaijanis, Tatars, Uzbeks, and Kazakhs [20].

In 155859, Englishmen tried to use the Volga trade way, which at that moment had just fallen into the hands of the Moscow State, to reach India via Iran. In 1558, Anthony Jenkinson, an English businessman, with his assistants Richard and Robert Johnsons and a Tatar interpreter, supplied with the letters of the Russian Czar Ivan IV, went down the Volga. They visited Kazan, Astrakhan, the Mangyshlak peninsula, Baku, Bukhara, and Samarkand. After Jenkinson, many English travellers visited the Volga region. In 1601, Sir Anthony Sherly with his assistant William Paris made a trip to the Caspian Sea. In 1625, he published his impressions about that trip.

In 1858, was published a book of travels of Thomas Atkinson, who visited Kazakhstan, [21]. In addition to the travelers, diplomats and merchants, there were a few British intelligence officers who penetrated Central Asia in the 19c. Thus, in 1824 Captain Connolly and Colonel Stotgardt, who infiltrated Turkestan under the guise of Indian Muslims, were executed in Kokhand,. Up to the beginning of the 20c, almost all of the copper, polymetal and coal mines on the territory of the modern Kazakhstan were in the hands of English businessmen, who employed quite a few qualified workers and engineers from the Great Britain. The diaries, reports, letters of the British, who lived and worked in the Volga region, Transcaucasia, Central Asia and Siberia were full of Turkic loans, which reflected concepts and things, hitherto unknown to the British, and which had no equivalents in English: astracan, aul, batman, carbuse, jougara, pul, saigak, toman, turquoise (in the meaning of a semi-precious stone) etc.

Most of the Turkic loans borrowed by the English before the 19c are now out of use. Most of the Turkic loans in English carry exotic or ethnographical connotations. They do not have equivalents in English, do not have synonymic relations with primordial words, and generally are used to describe the fauna, flora, life customs, political and social life, and an administrative-territorial structure of Turkic regions. But there are many Turkic loans, which are still part of the frequently used vocabulary. Some Turkic loans, for example bosh, caviare, coach, horde, jackal, kiosk, etc, have acquired new meanings, unrelated to their etymology.

The word bosh was adopted by the English language in the meaning of rubbish, nonsense, empty chattering, and later was used in the meaning of to spoil something, to fool.

The word caviare, originally meaning only pickled roe (eggs) of a large fish, in the end of the 19c began to be used in the meaning of a paragraph or lines, which had been obliterated by censorship, or withdrawn by it. Later, by conversion it began to be used as a verb meaning to obliterate, to cross out, to withdraw in the context of censorship.

The word coach, borrowed in the meaning of a large covered carriage, in due course gained many other meanings: a coach, a cart, a carriage, a tourist bus, a tutor, an instructor, a trainer etc.

The word horde, initially absorbed into English in the meaning of a Turkic nomads state, subsequently evolved into a group of rough, crude people.

The word jackal, in addition to its main meaning, transformed into a man doing another ones preparatory draft work, giving birth to the verb to jackal, to do the preparatory work.

The word kiosk, having the meaning of a tower, a cabin on a deck of a ship; a villa, a summer palace in Turkish, was borrowed by English in the meaning of a villa, a summer residence, and later became a newspaper booth, a convenience shop, a telephone box, a box at the entrance to the underground transportation, a warehouse for tools.

Turkic names of such formidable conquerors as Atilla, who was called the Scourge of God, Genghis Khan, Baber, Tamerlane became common nouns, i.e. occurred an expansion of the meaning. The same happened with the following ethnonims: Hun, Saracen, Tartar, Turk. The British may call an obstinate, naughty boy a young Tartar. To meet a stronger opponent may sound in English like to catch a Tartar.

To conclude, the words of the Turkic origin began penetrating English as early as the end of the 4c AD, when the ancestors of the modern Englishmen Angles, Saxons and Jutes lived in the European continent. In the Middle Ages, the Turkic loanwords found their way into English through other languages, most frequently through French. Since the 16c, beginning from the time of the establishment of the direct contacts between England and Turkey, and Russia, in English appeared new direct borrowings from Turkic languages.

The German, Polish, Russian, Serbo-Croatian, French, Arabic, Armenian, Afrikaans, Hungarian, Jewish, Indian, Spanish, Italian, Latin, Malayan, to a different extent, took part in the process of the transfer of the Turkic words into English. The main language, from which the borrowings were made, was Turkish.

DICTIONARIES

Berg, P.C. A Dictionary of New Words. London, 1953.

The Concise Oxford Dictionary. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982.

Chambers Etymological English Dictionary. New York: Pyramid Books, 1968.

Chambers 20th Century Dictionary. Ed. by E.M. Kirkpatrick. Suffolk: The Chaucer Press, 1983.

Klein, E. A Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the English Language. V. I-II. New York, 1966.

Morris, W. and M. Harper Dictionary of Contemporary Usage. New York: Harper & Row, 1975.

A New English Dictionary on Historical Principles. Volumes I-XIII. Oxford, 1888-1933.

Onions, C.T. The Oxford Etymological Dictionary. Oxford, 1966.

The Oxford English Dictionary. Vol.1-12, Supplement. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969-1970.

Partridge, E. Origins. A Short Etymological Dictionary of Modern English, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972.

Skeat, W. An Etymological Dictionary of the English Language. Oxford, 1958.

Szabo, M. Orosz-Magyar, Magyar-Orosz Szotar. Budapest: Akademiai Kiado, 1983. 262 I.

Websters New International Dictionary. New York, 1967.

Websters New World Dictionary. New York: World Publishing, 1972.

.. - . .: .., 1984. 944 .

- . . .. . .: . , 1979. .I, .II.

.. - . .: .., 1986.

. , 1969.

.. - . .: . ., 1964.

.. - . .: .., 1984.

.., .. - . .: .., 1977.

. 3- . : , 1977, 1979, 1981.

- . .: .., 1977.

. . 4- . .: , 1964-1973.

.. . -: , 1976.


[1] Irek Bikkinin, fellow applicant of the Mordovian Republic Governments Institute of Linguistic, Literary, Historical and Economic Researches, Saransk, Russia; Editor-in-Chief, The Tatar Gazette.
[2] .. , ., 1956, Multiple ref's
[3] For detailed information see .. ( ): . .... . . -, 1971.
[4] .. , . , 1998. 1. .176.
[5] .. ( ): . .... . . , 1974. In different places.
[6] For further information see .. ( ): . .... . . ,1954.
[7] .. : . .... . . , 1967. In different places.
[8] .. : . .... . . , 1955., Multiple ref's
[9] .. ( ): . .... . . ., 1966. In different places.
[10] For further information see : / . . . . ., 1996.
[11] For further information see Strang, B.M.H. A History of English. London and New York, 1989.
[12] .. . , 1964. In different places.
[13] - .. : . . .... . . , 1989. In different places.
[14] For further information see .. - XIV : . . ., 1965.
[15] For further information see .. XIV , . 1982. N2. . 70-88; N3. . 72-85.
[16] . ., 1986. In different places.
[17] For further information see . : . . . , , 1988.
[18] .. - : . .... . . , 1984. In different places.
[19] For further information see .. . ., 1985.
[20] Purchas, S. Purchas his Pilgrim. Microcosmus of the history of man. London, 1619. In different places.
[21] Atkinson, T.W. Oriental and Western Siberia: a Narrative of Seven Years Explorations and Adventures in Siberia, Mongolia, The Kirghis Steppes, Chinese Tartary, and Part of Central Asia. London, 1859.
Germanic-Türkic Appendix
There goes around a funny notion that Türkic-IE connection does not exist, that IE could and was solely impacted only by the Ugro-Finnic group. In that scheme of ethnical geography, Altai is too far from the European arena to possibly pass any borrowings into the IE languages. The myth is solidly supported by a thorough linguistic disregard of linguistic reality. Actually, why do you need a linguist that can methodically bridge a dragon into a mama using a firmly established asterisk and unbreakable laws of phonetic change as strong as the force that keeps our Sun rotating daily around the Earth: dragon > *twhaghouwmwewhme > mama. In contrast, most of the Türkic borrowings, or rather sharings, are so transparent, it takes a certified blind to pretend not seeing them with a naked eye. Etymological dictionaries state with a straight face an unknown origin", or at best lead to OG or OL (Old Greek or Old Latin).

Forrer advocated that IE was composed of two unrelated languages (Forrer E. Neue Probleme zum Ursprung der indogermanichen Sprachen. Mannus , B . 26, 1934). ( . . . VII . ., 1964)
 - Also Feist, Sigmund (1932). The Origin of the Germanic Languages and the Europeanization of North Europe. Language (Linguistic Society of America) 8 (4): pages 245254. doi:10.2307/408831. http://jstor.org/stable/408831
 - Also John A. Hawkins (1990), Germanic Languages, in The Major Languages of Western Europe, Bernard Comrie, ed. (Routledge). ISBN 0-415-04738-2
 - Also Edgar C. Polomé (1990), Types of Linguistic Evidence for Early Contact: Indo-Europeans and Non-Indo-Europeans. In: Markey-Greppin (eds.) When Worlds Collide 267-89.

Funnier yet, in reconstructive phonology, The development of vowels in Germanic languages shows a feature resembling the reconstructed development in Altaic: the reflexation of vowels (in particular the short ones) in stem-initial syllables strongly depends on the vowels of the following syllable(s), which allows reconstruction of Germanic phonology using Altaic parallels (A.V. Dybo, G.S. Starostin, 2008, In Defense of the Comparative Method, or The End of the Vovin Controversy//Aspects of Comparative Linguistics 3, p.139, Moscow, RSUH). Can you imagine: one has to climb a Türkic ledge to reconstruct the Pra-Germanic phonology! Is not this an ultimate insult to the IE pedigree and philologists who were solemnly resting on an island, unsuspecting that they are perched on a peninsular branch!

Latvian is held to be the most archaic language in N.Europe, and accordingly is cited as closest to the pre-IE languages of N.Europe. It also happen to be the only N.European language that was examined for substrate languages, and viola, it turned out to be Türkic! The substrate lexicon, morphology, syntax, phonetics of vowels and consonants, even the agglutinative suffixes, all find their roots in Türkic, and they even are quite compatible with the modern Turkish, although the Turkish belongs to the Oguz branch, and the Latvian demonstrates features and has historical links that point to the Ogur branch. The difference must be on the range of Hittite vs. modern Italian, and still the volume of evidence is more than overwhelming to demonstrate intimate genetic connection. If Latvian is archaic, what about its substrate?

Examples of linguistic layers in English and sister languages deeper then those cited in I.Bikkinin's article and found in the etymological dictionaries are compiled in a little table and expanded below, a leading posting with details and grammar is Turkic substrate in English:

Table 1a. Frequency listings for TürkicEnglish correspondences
orthography is adjusted for phonetical clarity; ɣ, ŋ, and x = kh are retained
The column Rating reflects relative sequential standing by frequency
No English Türkic Rating Frequency No English Türkic Rating Frequency No English Türkic Rating Frequency
1 you -üŋ 1 4.63% 44 bad bäd 219 0.07% 87 bill bil 901 0.01%
2 I (arch. ic) ič (es) 4 3.99% 45 baby bebi 233 0.06% 88 short qïrt 942 0.01%
3 that şu 7 1.57% 46 mind ming 243 0.06% 89 Earth Yer 989 0.01%
4 not ne 8 1.57% 47 house kosh 255 0.05% 90 box boɣ 992 0.01%
5 me min 10 1.18% 48 jack cak- 256 0.05% 91 mama mamü 1012 0.01%
6 this şu 14 0.95% 49 money manat 268 0.05% 92 Adam adam 1023 0.01%
7 yes yea 15 0.90% 50 son song 275 0.05% 93 bag bag 1028 0.01%
8 my -m 20 0.80% 51 girl kyr 285 0.05% 94 key kirit 1053 0.01%
9 do tu- 24 0.74% 52 hurt sert 312 0.04% 95 crime krmshuhn 1056 0.01%
10 be buol- 25 0.73% 53 kill kelle 322 0.04% 96 joke elük 1068 0.01%
11 was var- 28 0.70% 54 car köl- 326 0.04% 97 boss bosh 1093 0.01%
12 we ös 29 0.69% 55 truth dürüst 352 0.04% 98 brain beini 1129 0.01%
13 so aša 32 0.64% 56 wife ebi 364 0.03% 99 hide quyqa 1130 0.01%
14 all alqu 34  0.60% 57 use tusu 366 0.03% 100 age aga 1141 0.01%
15 are -ar 36 0.58% 58 heart chäre 376 0.03% 101 faith vara 1154 0.01%
16 she şu 50 0.42% 59 case kečä 390 0.03% 102 yep yah 1223 0.01%
17 can kanata 51 0.41% 60 turn tön 393 0.03% 103 bunch buncha 1230 0.01%
18 think saq- 54 0.39% 61 trust dörs 397 0.03% 104 cash kečä 1257 0.01%
19 go git 57 0.38% 62 check chek 398 0.03% 105 king kengu 1290 0.01%
20 how qalï  60 0.33% 63 brother birader 413 0.03% 106 foot but 1379 0.01%
21 see süz 68 0.29% 64 question kushku 457  0.03% 107 tree terek 1391 0.01%
22 as aδïn 73 0.26% 65 hit it- 481 0.02% 108 butt büt 1417 0.01%
23 time timin 77 0.25% 66 cut kes- 539 0.02% 109 cry qïqïr- 1420 0.01%
24 mean many 82 0.23% 67 sick sök- 543 0.02% 110 guard qur- 1429 0.01%
25 tell tili 83 0.23% 68 eat ye 547 0.02% 111 cake kek 1434 0.01%
26 hey ay 84 0.22% 69 lie yalgan 598 0.02% 112 cup kap 1451 0.01%
27 yes yah 89 0.21% 70 body bod 620 0.02% 113 taste tat- 1454 0.01%
28 some kim 98 0.20% 71 worse uvy 625 0.02% 114 land elen < el 1460 0.01%
29 say söy 101 0.19% 72 touch toqï 680 0.01% 115 band ba- 1526 0.01%
30 take tut- 103 0.19% 73 cold xaltarä 692 0.01% 116 ought ötä 1544 0.01%
31 us ös 106 0.19% 74 food apat 696 0.01% 117 bastard bas + tard 1551 0.01%
32 make -mak 108 0.17% 75 act aqtar- 737 0.01% 118 guest göster 1563 0.01%
33 too de 111 0.16% 76 top töpü 741 0.01% 119 jerk jul- 1591 0.01%
34 man men 130 0.14% 77 swear  vara 748  0.01% 120 cousin qazïn 1603 0.01%
35 uh yah 130 0.14% 78 less es- 761 0.01% 121 skin saɣrï 1612 0.01%
36 much muncha 139 0.13% 79 till til- 773 0.01% 122 dumb dumur 1661 0.01%
37 talk tili 152 0.11% 80 till teg 773 0.01% 123 bear bori 1683 0.01%
38 God kut 154 0.11% 81 eye ög- 786 0.01% 124 scare qor 1703 0.01%
39 call qol 164 0.10% 82 court qur- 815 0.01% 125 tie taŋ 1723 0.01%
40 other ötürü 175 0.09% 83 wake vak 832 0.01% 126 sea si 1759 0.01%
41 day dün 185 0.08% 84 message mushtu 836 0.01% 127 coat gömlek 1799 0.00%
42 kind keŋ 209 0.07% 85 write 'rizan 865 0.01% 128 beg bag 1839 0.01%
43 care qorq 218 0.07% 86 early ertä- 867 0.01% 129 master bash+er 1884 0.01%

Some etymological examples:

English thread ~ Türkic telu  bowstring, to stretch, from Proto-Altaic *telu bowstring, to stretch, German Draht ~ wire. The Proto-Altaic, which happened to be exactly the same as Türkic, is so far the only language where the word can be etymologized, which excludes all branches of Indo-European and Tungustic families. The Eurasiatic spread of the word is amazing: : English thread, German Draht, Mongolian tele, Hotan ttila, New Persian tel, Kurdish tel, Ossetian tel, Khalka tele, Buryat telür, Kalmyk tel-, Evenk telbe-, Japanese turu/tsurú, etc. (Dybo A.V., Chronology of Türkic languages and linguistic contacts of early Türks, Moscow, 2007, p. 806)

English Earth ~ Türkic Yer (German Erde, from the Türkic root er, which produced Germanic noun ertho, and ultimately German erde, Dutch aarde, Danish and Swedish "jord, and English earth. Related forms include Greek eraze, meaning on the ground, and Welsh erw, meaning field", as opposed to the Indo-European Sansr. "thira", Lat. terra".

English dawn ~ Türkic Tang from the Türkic root tang = dawn". Sunrise had a primary role in Türkic societies, it was a morning prayer in a celestial dome. In Chinese, dàn/dang is also sunrise, morning, and though statistically this coincidence may not be overly impressive, other then a chance coincidence, the only reasonable link connecting the Germanic and Sino-Tibetian languages is the overreaching mobility of the Türkic languages, and even that would need a superb penetrating cultural capability to make that happen, aside from the Forrer's surmisal about unstated Türkic being a substrate component of the Germanic branch of the IE family. Considering that SE Asia had its own peopling path, totally isolated from the Middle East peopling path, this lexical continuity, complemented by a total absence of biologically genetical connection, should raise some loaded questions.

English man ~ Türkic men, from the Türkic root men/min = I, me". In Chinese bĕn is I, myself, personally ~ Türkic ben/men I (m/b alteration). Another  English/Türkic/Chinese peculiar coincidence. In English, like in Türkic, man also serves as an affix of a noun, as in workmen, serviceman, with some peculiarities, for example alteration man/men to indicate plurality is impossible in agglutinative Türkic languages.

English -er  ~ Türkic er/ir/ar, English ending indicating a man: teacher, butcher etc., ..., from the Türkic root er/ir = man". But the link does not end there, in Chinese err is a male child, boy (as far as Chinese can articulate rr"): N.Bichurin, Collection", Vol.1, p. 46, Note 3. Like the word man", in English, like in Türkic, -er also serves as an affix of a noun, as in worker, servicer. And Herodotus' time Scythians called their man er", cited in the word Eorpata, eor = man. The Scythian pata = strike also survived in English as the word bat. The phonetic form eor reflects the Ogur yer/yir/yar, with prosthetic y/j in the anlaut, rather than the Oguz form er/ir/ar.

English -'s  ~ Türkic -si, both Türkic and English affixes indicate belonging of an object or subject to a 3rd person singular: Tr. annesi - Engl. mother's, Tr. baba - Engl. father's. The affix -'s is a contraction of O.E. -es < Tr. -si. Other O.E. affixes -e, -re, -an (gen.), -a, -ra, -na (pl.) etc. have vanished.

English body ~ Türkic bod, from the Türkic root bod = body". From the Türkic bod came the Türkic budun = a mass of bodies, generic for people, which already in Herodotus time obtained a negative, low-lying semantics of human material, chattel, i.e. Herodotus' Budini describes the chattel of the Scythians, ditto Budun of the Orkhon inscriptions.

English elbow  ~ Türkic el = arm, forearm. The Türkic element el starts English elbow,  O.E. elnboga, from ell length of the forearm + boga bow, arch, Du. elleboog, M.Du. ellenboghe, Ger. Ellenbogen, O.H.G. elinbogo, N. albuen, O.N. ölnbogi, Latv. elkonis, Lith. alkune, Sl. lokot (, with contrtacted el), all expressing compound arm + bend, with bend coming in two flavors: Gaulic kon in Bask. ukondoa (probably contracted lukondoa), Gujarati koni, Hindi kohani, Hung. könyök, Latv. elkonis, Lith. alkune, Sl. lokot; and Germanic bog in E. elnboga, Du. ellenboghe, Sw. armbage, G. elinbogo, N. ölnbogi. Of Germanic languages, only Sw. changed the Türkic el to Germanic arm: armbage.

English go (v.) ~ Türkic git/kit/ket (v.) = go. Germanic cognates are O.E. gan to go, advance, depart; happen; conquer; observe", O.E. past tense eode and gaed, O.S., O.Fris. gan, M.Du. gaen, Du. gaan, O.H.G. gan, Ger. gehen, Goth. iddja; others suspicious are derivatives O.Indian ḗti = goes, Skt. jihite goes away, Avesta ēiti, O,Pers. aitiy, Gk. εἶμι/εἶσι/ἴμεν/ἴᾱσι. In modern English, be and go take past tenses from entirely different verbs. The Goth. iddja is identical with Slavic forms idya/ida/iti/idu/isi/issti, and Baltic forms eĩti/eimì/iêt/eimu/iêmu/ēit/ēisei. The Türkic prosthetic consonant g-/k- points to Ogur form it > git, from which developed Germanic, Skt. and Chinese 去 (shi) forms; the Türkic auslaut affix -t is is agglutinative marker found in most of the dialectal forms, related to grammatical person and tense. The Goth., O.Indian, Avestan, O,Pers., and Gk. forms point to a Nostratic form i-/e-. The PIE speculation *ghe- "to release, let go belons to the ether theory. The uniformity of forms across families (Türkic, Skt. and Gk. forms) points to Nostratic origin. The Chinese word is likely a reflex of the Scythian Zhou component in the Chinese language.

English eat (v.) ~ Türkic ye, ash. O.E. et (v.) = eat, Engl. to eat, devour, consume", O.Fris. ita, O.S. etan, M.Du. eten, Du. eten, O.H.G. ezzan, Ger. essen, O.N. eta, Goth. itan; modern Türkic forms are ij, çi, i, e, ije,'im, em, em, če, cie, či. Baltic forms are êst, īst, ė́mi, ę̄du; Slavic forms isti/ests/j̏/jė́sti/jísti/jeśc; O.Indian átti, Arm. utem (1st pers. sing), Gr. edo ἔδω, esthio ἔσθίω, estho ἔσθω; Lat. ēdī; Chinese 吃 (chi). The Türkic prosthetic consonant ch-/j- in ye, çi, če, cie, či, Slavic j̏/jė́sti/jísti/jeśc, and Chinese form 去 (shi), with Türkic transposed prosthetic in ij, ije points to Ogur form i/e > ye/chi/che, vs. Germanic, Baltic, Slavic, O.Indian, and Arm. unadulterated i/e forms; the Türkic auslaut affix -ta/-tan/-ten/-zen/-sen is agglutinative marker related to grammatical person and tense. The Germanic form essen (v.) arises to the Türkic noun ash = food, verb asha = eat. The uniformity of forms across families points to Nostratic origin. The Chinese word is likely a reflex of the Scythian Zhou component in the Chinese language.

English talk (v. and n.) ~ Türkic tili/tele/dili (n.) = language, tongue, speech, with verbal derivatives. Related to tell and tale. O.E. talken, M.E. tale story, East Frisian talken to talk, chatter, whisper", Dutch taale language, Du. taal speech, language". Ironically the fake PIE root *del- to recount, count reverts back to the Türkic verb tili/tele/dili. Ironically, the fake PIE root *del- to recount, count reverts back to the Türkic verb tili/tele/dili, the absence of Indian/Iranian cognates notwithstanding. Apparently, the Türkic concept tili = speech is a later development compared with söy = say, which is reflected in Chinese as a reflex of the Scythian Zhou component in the Chinese language.

English tell (v.) ~ Türkic tili/tele/dili (n.) = language, tongue, speech, with verbal derivatives. Related to talk and tale. O.E. tellan to reckon, calculate, consider, account", O.S. tellian, O.N. telja, O.Fris. tella to count, tell", Du. tellen to count, reckon, O.S. talon to count, reckon", Dan. tale to speak", O.H.G. zalon, Ger. zählen to count, reckon". Possible derivatives known as Fr. conter to count", raconter to recount", It. contare, Sp. contar to count, recount, narrate"; Ger. zählen to count, erzählen to recount, narrate". Ironically, the fake PIE root *del- to recount, count reverts back to the Türkic verb tili/tele/dili, the absence of Indian/Iranian cognates notwithstanding. Chinese reflex 说 (shua) = say, tell, talk is likely a reflex of the Scythian Zhou component in the Chinese language.

English tale ~ Türkic tili/tele/dili (n.) = language, tongue, speech, with verbal derivatives. Related to talk and  tell. O.E. talu story, tale, the action of telling", Du. taal speech, language". Secondary English sense of number, numerical reckoning => teller, O.Fris. tale, M.Du. tal number, O.S. tala number, O.H.G. zala, Ger. Zahl number". Ironically, the fake PIE root *del- to recount, count reverts back to the Türkic verb tili/tele/dili, the absence of Indian/Iranian cognates notwithstanding. Chinese reflex 说 (shua) = say, tell, talk is likely a reflex of the Scythian Zhou component in the Chinese language.

English say (v.) ~ Türkic  söy/söjle/suj/söle/süle/ülä (v.) = say, with verbal and noun derivatives in English and Türkic. O.E. secgan to utter, say", O.S. seggian, O.N. segja, O.Fris. sedsa, M.Du. segghen, Du. zeggen, O.H.G. sagen, Ger. sagen to say", Hitt. shakiya- to declare", Lith. sakyti to say", O.C.S. sociti to vindicate, show", O.Ir. insce speech", O.Latin inseque to tell say", Chinese 说 (shua) = say, tell, talk, Slavic skaz. The Chinese reflex 说 (shua) = say, tell, talk is likely a reflex of the Scythian Zhou component in the Chinese language. The Germanic and Latin forms point to Ogur Türkic source with y<=>g alteration. The fake PIE *sokei-, probably from root *seq-  reverts back to the forms of the Türkic verb söy/suj = sprechen, speak (v). Notably, the Türkic verb is shared by all Türkic languages, from Chuvash and Gagauz to Khakass and Uigur, quite a contrast with the manifested exclusivity within the IE languages, which excludes Nostratic origin.

English kill ~ Türkic kelle, from the Türkic root kelle = head. The transition from the head to kill is via Türkic agglutinated negation, a la behead. Türkic kelle = head > general Scandinavian n skulle/skult < Engl. kill. See more on skull.

English smile (v. and n.) ~ Türkic (gülüm)seme (n.), gülümsemeye (v.); O.E. smerian "to laugh at", O.E. smearcian (modern smirk), Dan. smile, Swed. smila "smile", O.H.G. smieron "to smile", Sl. smekh () with derivatives via Baltic: Latv. smiêt, smeju, smêju, smaidît, smîdinât, smĩnêt; the Latv. smaidīt to smile smaidīgs smiling preserved the reflex -īg of the Türkic affix -gen used to form qualitative adjectives from verbal stems; the Skt. forms smáyatē, smáyati, smḗras, smitas; all forms point to E.European origin prior to ca. 1500 BC. The Türkic seme has a connotation of beginning, genesis, seed, as opposed to a full laugh, so the word was truncated at some point from its original form resembling (gülüm)seme. The IE fake *smoisos was derived from the Türkic reflexes in Germanic/Slavic languages, with telling absence of parallels in Romance branch of the IE family. Distribution of the word points to Nostratic origin, Türkic > Germanic > Slavic, with Skt. forms budding off after initial European development.

English I ~ Türkic es = I. English is a 12th c. shortening of O.E. ic, first person singular nominative pronoun, O.Fris. ik, O.N. ek, Norw. eg, Dan. jeg, O.H.G. ih, Ger. ich, Goth. ik; Skt. aham, Hitt. uk, L. ego (source of Fr. Je), Gk. ego, Rus. ja, Lith. aš, Lat. es < Tr. es. Archaic Lith. and Lat. forms point to original source. Skt. form points to s/h alteration in Middle Asia area. Hitt., Türk., and Gk. forms point to the Nostratic origin.

English demonstrative pronoun this/that and she ~ Türkic şu = this/that. The English neuter demonstrative pronoun and adj. this/that, like the Türkic şu, is genderless. The English that reportedly emerged ca.1200. O.E. þæt (pronounced that), neuter sing. of the demonstrative pronoun and adj. (corresponding to masc. se, fem. seo, also cognates of the Türkic şu); Skt. ta-, Lith., O.C.S. to, Gk. to "the," L. talis "such" point to the Nostratic origin. Latv. preserved supposedly archaic form šis (chis).

this O.E. þis, neuter demonstrative pronoun and adj. (masc. þes, fem. þeos), probably from a North Sea Gmc. pronoun formed by combining the base *þa- (see that) with -s, which is probably identical with O.E. se "the" (representing here "a specific thing"), but it may be O.E. seo, imperative of see (v.) "to behold." Cf. O.S. these, O.N. þessi, Du. deze, O.Fris. this, O.H.G. deser, Ger. dieser. Once fully inflected, with 10 distinct forms (see table below); the oblique cases and other genders gradually fell away by 15c. The O.E. plural was þæs (nom. and acc.), which in Northern M.E. became thas, and in Midlands and Southern England became thos. The Southern form began to be used late 13c. as the plural of that (replacing M.E. tho, from O.E. þa) and acquired an -e (apparently from the influence of M.E. adj. plurals in -e; cf. alle from all, summe from sum "some"), emerging early 14c. as modern those. About 1175 thes (probably a variant of O.E. þæs) began to be used as the plural of this, and by 1200 it had taken the form these, the final -e acquired via the same mechanism that gave one to those.

  Masc. Fem. Neut. Plural
Nom. thes theos this thas
Acc. thisne thas this thas
Gen. thisses thisse thisses thissa
Dat. thissum thisse thissum thissum
Inst. thys thisse thys thissum
þ = voiceless th is relaced with th (þes = thes, etc.)

English personal pronouns me ~ Türkic min = me. O.E. oblique cases of I me (dative), me, mec (acc.), O.N., Goth. mik, O.H.G. mih, Ger. mich; Latv. me manis (gen.), man (dat.), mani (acc.). The Latv. forms match the modern Turkmen (Oguz) forms of the personal pronouns men = I: me = menin (gen.), mena (dat.) me, meni (acc.). Skt., Avestan mam, Gk. eme, L. me, O.Ir. me, Welsh mi "me". Dative agglutination is preserved in meseems, methinks.

English kin ~ Türkic Hun/hün, kun/kün, from the Türkic root hun/hün, kun/kün = "kin". O.E. cyn family, race, kind, nature, O.N. kyn, O.H.G. chunni, Goth. kuni "family, race, O.N. kundr son, Ger. kind child", also Goth. kuni race", O.E. cennan "beget, create", O.H.G. kind child", O.Ir. ro-genar I was born", Welsh geni to be born", Lith. gentis kinsmen", L. gignere to beget, gnasci to be born, genius "procreative divinity, inborn tutelary spirit, innate quality, ingenium inborn character, germen shoot, bud, embryo, germ", Gk. gignesthai to become, happen", Skt. janati begets, bears, janah race, jatah born", Avestan zizanenti they bear". In Romance group,  common words for Germanic kin are famil~ and parent~

English king ~ Türkic Kengu = king, O.E. cyning, P.Gmc. *kuninggaz, Du. koning, O.H.G. kuning, O.N. konungr, Dan. konge, Ger. könig; in Balto-Slavic: O.C.S. kunegu prince, Rus. knyaz, Boh. knez, Lith. kunigas clergyman; Finnish kuningas. Note that the Old Church Slavonic has perfectly Türkic form kengu ~ kunegu, and since Germanic and Hunnic tribes solidly divorced at about 453, this Türkic/Germanic/Balto-Slavic shared word must have been shared before that. The Türkic root is kön - sun, not Türkic kun/kün ~ English kin, as suggested by IE philologists, and with the suffix -gu it makes kengu of sun, descended from sun. Apparently the people who made the appellation illustrious knew the meaning of the  kengu king, later lost, and that also shows that the kun/kün/kin = relative is false etymology. A parallel title is Herceg (like in Hercegovina), formed identically, with parallel Türkic/Germanic meaning Er + eg ~ Herr +ceg = man + of = (Head, Leader) of men; the Balto-Slavic blindly borrowed both titles, and Germanic does not have herceg because it was a later Bajanak (Besenyo) title. Kengu shows up on the Late Antique Central Asian coins in Türkic runiform script, like on Athrikh (Afrosiab, 305-? AD) coin:

English guest ~ Türkic göster, (n., v., adj., adv.), stem of  göstermek = to show, to demonstrate. With agglutinated affixes, the stem produces both active and passive verbs, which in turn produce derivative nouns: göstermek = to show, gösterdi = to be shown, hence bifurcated semantics of noun guest and host retained in Germanic languages, in Latin, and in Greek: O.E. gæst, giest (Anglian gest) "guest; enemy; stranger", O.Fris. jest, Du. gast, Ger. Gast, Goth. gasts "guest"; Gk. xenos "guest, host, stranger"; L. hostis "enemy," hospes "host"; O.C.S. gosti "guest, friend", Slavonic also extended semantics to traders and billeting (postoi), hence the gospodi "lord, master", with connotation of strangers, and hozayin = gospodi = host. No parallels in Indo-Iranian languages, pointing to the emergence of the term after ca 1500 BC.

English land ~ Türkic elen < el (English land has nearly identical forms in all other Germanic languages. PIE etymology for land does not exist, Tr. el = land, country > elen = smb's land, possession). The Germanic form land is semantically literal form of Tr. elen: a definite portion of the earth's surface owned by an individual or home of a nation, adopted as a compound of the root el and affix of possession en. Even more clear is the Tr. El in the expression Île-de-France, where the root El is used directly under its meaning land. 

English papa ~ Türkic baba//babai (Engl. papa, from Fr. papa, from L. papa, cf. Gk. pappa o father, pappas father, pappos grandfather. Türkic root baba/babai = "father, grandfather". Cf. Scythian Papai = primogenitor. ancestor". Altaic, Chuvash, and Khakas form are papai"

Kishlak (kashlyk) Türkic (English castle, from French castel, from Latin castrum/castellum "fort/fortified village, forming -caster and -chester in place names, castle was used to translate Greek kome village"..., from Türkic kishlak (kashlyk) = winter quarters, winter village, winter fort/fortifications etc.)

English house ~ hut ~ Türkic Koš/quš/xüžə (English house ~ hut, with all corresponding ancient and modern Germanic cognates, Romance kasa/casa with all corresponding ancient and modern cognates, Slavic kosh, khata and other cognates, Mongolian qos, Kalmuk xoš (hosh). The word ascends to Proto-Altaic *kul'o enclosure (Dybo A.V., Chronology of Türkic languages and linguistic contacts of early Türks, Moscow, 2007, p. 808)

German Turm  = tower", also French, Spanish. (Sic!) possibly from a pre-I.E. Mediterranean language ~ Türkic türma = jail, dungeon", from tür = emplace". Other Türkic meanings for türma are grave mausoleum", grave".

English candle ~ Türkic  kandil oil-lamp, O.E. candel "lamp, lantern, candle". Cognate of M.Ir. condud fuel (Welsh cann white is a long shot), L. candela a light, torch, candle made of tallow or wax", candere to shine"; Gk. kandaros coal", Skt. cand- to give light, shine, candra- shining, glowing, moon". The Slavic cognate chad smoke, soot could not be derived from Latin or Etruscan. Candles were common from early times among Romans and Etruscans, but unknown in ancient Greece (where oil lamps sufficed). The idea of early ecclesiastical borrowing from Latin is preposterous, people in general, and English in particular were using lamps long before Christianity, and for example Etruscans were never given a chance to become ecclesiastical Christians. The Skt. cand- points to Nostratic spread, according to genetic tracing Skt. migrated to Indian subcontinent ca 1500 BC via Eastern Europe and Caspian area.

English write ~ Türkic rizan (Turkish resim) = draw (picture), via O.H.G. rizan to write, scratch, tear, Ger. reißen to tear, pull, tug, sketch, draw, design, O.E. writan to score, outline, draw the figure of, later to set down in writing (class I strong verb; past tense wrat, pp. writen); O.Fris. writa to write, O.S. writan to tear, scratch, write, O.N. rita write, scratch, outline, all variations of Türkic rizan. Slavic preserved the original Türkic semantics to draw": Polish rysować from rîʒen/rîʒʒan > Ukr. risuvati (́) > Russ. risovat, risunok (n) (, ́), with numerous cognates and derivatives in every Germanic, Slavic, and Türkic language. No non-senile PIE etymology, no similar word exists in any other Romance language. This is one of primary examples on impropriety of family tree model applied to real languages.

English message ~ Türkic  muştu pleasing news. O.Fr. message, from M.L. missaticum, from L. missus, pp. of mittere to send (~ mission). Oh, boy, no IE *cognates, but a Latin borrowing from the Ottomans should probably be ruled out.

English coney, cony = Türkic kuyan with dialectal variations = hare". . From here comes Coney Island = Jack Rabbit Island, and plenty of Türkic Kuyans, starting from the Eastern Hunnish tribe Kuyan, one of the 24 original Hun tribes, which eventually became a dynastic clan of Sünnu-Hunnu, and Syanbi-Sambirs, Kuyans in the Bulgarian royal line, Kuyan Hill in Kyiv, Jack Rabbit Kuyan also stood for Milky Way among Uezhi/Uechji Tocharians, it was a Scythian qayan, and is still living in the Russified word Kuyanchik = My Little Rabbit that a mom calls her little boy.

English hag = Türkic karga/kharga/qarga etc. Hag = ugly evil-looking old woman; Karga = the same (still living in Russ. Old karga=Staraya karga=old desiccated-looking woman). English Hag comes from P.Germanic *hagatusjon-, of , where 'tusjon ~ -tesse was a (fem.) suffix. From Tr. karga = raven, with allusive meaning old", old woman (Shipova, Vasmer, Radloff, Zelenin, Berneker). Germanic group only, not in Romance group.

English coal = Türkic Kül/köl ashes (O.E. col charcoal, coal, from (sic!) P.Gmc. *kula(n), from (sic!) PIE base *g(e)u-lo- live coal". Türkic word is alive and kicking, and does not need any asterisks.

Antler English = Türkic anten = horn, with derivatives such as antenna (insect), antenna (radio); no sentinent PIE etymology, no similar word exists in any other Romance language, while Türkic shares this primordial base with all Germanic languages. Ger. Augensprossen antlers, lit. eye-sprouts is linked with the fake Gallo-Romance cornu *antoculare horn in front of the eyes, from L. ante before + ocularis of the eyes, which also includes the Türkic base ant, and cooks etymology incompatible with a word that was needed 50,000 years ago

Arca Türkic (English arch, from O.Fr. arche arch of a bridge, from L. arcus, from PIE (sic!) base *arqu- bowed, curved (cf. Goth. arhvazna arrow, O.E. earh, O.N. ör, all from the Türkic root arca = back")

English boot = Türkic bot = leg, foot, thigh", via O.Fr. bote, with corresponding words in Provençal (France) language and Spanish, of unknown origin", perhaps from a Gmc. source, originally for riding boots only, from Türkic root bot = leg". This word has a glorious Euroasiatic circulation: Besenyo and Kipchak sapag/sapug boot with upper", Estonian sbs, Finnish ss, French sbt foresten boot", Karel sh/sg, Latvian zabags/zàbaks, Lithuanian sopagas/zopagas, Manchurian sabu, Mongolian sb, Slavic sapog and chobot, Spanish zapata, in all cases the part sap is Türkic stem".

English underwear, undies, German Unterrock, from Türkic andarak/andrak/antar = "short dress worn under caftan (Dahl V. Encyclopedic dictionary of live Great Russian language [ ], 1955), vol. 1, p. 78, in E.N. Shipova  Türkisms in Russian, 1976, p. 33)

English robe = Türkic rop = female gown without sleeves. O.H.G. rouba vestments. Circuitous attempts to etymologize from European roots are pitiful.

English diadem, from Türkic didim diadem, wreath of bride; it is not present in the new Türkic languages; it was borrowed into Mongolian udim, Khalkha titem 'crown; graphical tooth in a crown', Sogdian δyδm, Greek διαδημα. From Khalkha to Greece: who else could carry this word across the Eurasian steppes?

English bazaar, an international word that spread throughout Eurasia and beyond, from Türkic baz/boz"="to be loud, to scream", in addition to bazar, generated an extensive family of semantically related words in Türkic and Slavic languages. And the English flea market, German der Lausemarkt, Fr. marché aux puces are a calque of Türkic bit bazary"="flea market".

English tree ~ Türkic terek. This must be among the oldest known words of shared vocabulary.

English elm, Lat. Ulmus campestris, ~ Türkic ilm (m.), ilma (f.) - Ulmus campestris tree. This could be a reverse borrowing, Germanic => Türkic, but one way or another it is a common, and very specific, word. The Romance Latins never ventured into Siberia to share their golden lexicon with various Siberian tribes. The same root is in the name of the river Ilmen, and Ilmen territory. This could be a Finnish loanword both to Germanics and Türkics.

English mead ~ Türkic  mir = honey. Engl. fermented honey drink, Germanic: , O.E. medu, O.N. mjöðr, Dan. mjød, O.Fris., M.Du. mede, Ger. Met/Metu "mead"; Celtic O.Ir. mid, Welsh medd, Breton mez mead"; Baltic. medus, medus, meddo  "honey"; O.C.S. medu, Sl. mȇd/med/miód/mjód; Finn. mesi; Gk. μέθυ methy wine"; Skt. madhu honey, honey drink, wine", Avestan maδu; Chinese form 蜜 (mi); Japanese 蜜 (mitsy). The uniformity of forms across families points to Nostratic origin and widespread borrowing. The Chinese word is likely a reflex of the Scythian Zhou component in the Chinese language, later transmitted to Japan.

English alms ~ from Türkic cluster with religious semantics offering, give takings: lmak/algı taking, payment, acıma pity, of unknown origin, in addition to being Germanic O.E. ælmesse, O.S. alamosna, O.H.G. alamuosan, O.N. ölmusa, entered  Ecclesiastical Gk. charity, alms from eleemon compassionate and then Lat. (eleemosyne, eleemosyna) and Romance languages O.Sp. almosna, O.Fr. almosne, It. limosina.

English calamus, Lat. Acorus calamus = Türkic igir ~ acor"- a type of wetland reed endemic to S.Siberia, M.Asia (Caspian, Aral), India etc.

English cap and cup ~ Türkic kap 1. container, vessel, box, 2. cover; and all the derivatives of the vessel and cover; the IE justification is likely via Etruscan and Latin, which brings etymology to two other speculative unknowns. Notably, 2 Türkic semantic meanings are duplicated in two distinct semantic fields in European languages, vessel and upper cover. The productivity of  Türkic kap, which produces 39 derivatives listed in a small Turkish dictionary, is mirrored in the European languages, from cap to cup and far beyond.  German Kapf, and Latin caput for the head belong to the same cluster. Shared by different linguistic families. Moreover, derivatives like hood ~ bonnet cap, a trademark of the Scythian, Sarmatian, and Türkic dress across millennia called kapşon (kapshon) in Türkic, retained both its Türkic stem and Türkic affix in loanwords: Engl. capuche, Germ. Kapuze,  Spanich capucha, French capuchon, Lat. kapuce, Russian kapushon, Arm. կապոտ kapot, It. Church capuccino (Order of St. Francis), and so on.

English sin (n.) ~ Türkic cin [jin] (n.) evil spirit. O.S. sundia, O.Fris. sende, O.N. phrase verð sannr at "found guilty of", M.Du. sonde, Ger. Sünde "sin, transgression, trespass, offense", O.E. synn "moral wrongdoing, offense against God, misdeed". Somehow compared with Goth. sonjis, O.N. sannr "true" ~ Türkic čïn [chyn] (n.) "truth", "true" (adj.); like if black can be derived from white. Possibly cognate to Latin sons (gen. sontis) "guilty, criminal". IE etymologies do not make sense neither for sin, Lat. sons < Tr. cin, nor for O.N. sannr < Tr. čïn, essentially hanging them up in the air.

Norwegian sannr "true" (adj.) ~ Türkic čïn [chyn] (n.) "truth", "true" (adj.), Gothic sonjis O.N. sannr "true", Chinese form 真 (chin). No sensible IE etymology. In Germanic languages it was replaced by synonymous "true" ~ Türkic dürüst. The Chinese reflex 真 (chin) = truth is likely a reflex of the Scythian Zhou component in the Chinese language.

English truth (n.), true (adj.) ~ Türkic dürüst (n.) "truth". O.E. (n.) triewð (W.Saxon), treowð (Mercian) "faithfulness, quality of being true," from triewe, treowe "faithful" (see true). O.E. (adj.) triewe (W.Saxon), treowe (Mercian) "faithful, trustworthy", O.Fris. triuwi, Du. getrouw, O.H.G. gatriuwu, Ger. treu, O.N. tryggr, Goth. triggws "faithful, trusty". No sensible IE etymology. Lith. drutas "firm", Welsh drud, O.Ir. dron "strong," Welsh derw "true," O.Ir. derb "sure" are all reflexes of the Türkic form of dürüst.

English castigate, chastise of the same root, from L. castigare, ~ Türkic kast bad intention, spite, evil".

English clan and ulan, ulan being an obvious recent (Middle Age) borrowing from Türkic, but clan comes from the same word, only from the Early Classical Time, likely via Etruscan, from Türkic oglan, uhlan, ulan (ğ = silent g) with a slew of meanings that developed in the last 3,000 years: son and its derivatives offspring, youth, young man, hero, strongman, warrior, rider, cavalryman, militiaman, descendant, clan of descendants, clan, family, stock, and possibly hundreds more semantic derivatives in different linguistic families.

English son ~ Türkic song end, after, then, trailing, sonsuz childless, M. Kashgari: söng offspring. Lat. sunus, Slavonic syn. In Chinese, sūn ~ sūnz is grandson, another  English/Türkic/Chinese peculiar coincidence, with a spill into Romance and Slavic.

English ace ~ Türkic as skilful in some activity, English skilful in some activity. This word can't be a random coincidence, because of precision of its meaning, and could be a late reverse borrowing from European languages, but its association with archery points to much deeper, unrecorded usage. Speculatively, originally it was an Etruscan word, and then it can be added to the extensive list of Türkic - Etruscan cognates. At the same time, it may also be connected with the prime Türkic ethnonym As, expressing the most notable property of the Türkic military from pre-Classic times - archers. The ethnonym As is known from the Assyrian records as an endonym of Scythians As-kiji = As People = Ishkuza or Ashkuza. Among very numerous derivatives of as are asig, asil, ash, and ashil, respectively benefit, substance, increase, and growth, all with connotations toward superlative.

English skull ~  Türkic kelle head, a cognate of the ancient word form which produced English skull < general Scandinavian skulle/skult head; Slavic glava and golova: Türk. kelle > Latv. galva > Sl. glava, golova, hláva, glowa, hlowa; Aramaic gulgulta, lit. (place of the) skull", cognate with Hebrew gulgoleth skull", the famous name for Golgotha where Jesus was executed; Armenian gluχ head. The predominance of anlaut g and presence of Slavic anlaut forms hl point to original glottal stop phoneme /q/, transmitted with local phonetical tools, with Oguz Turkish kelle being only one of the dialectal forms. The spread of the word from northwestern Europe to Levant and Mesopotamia doubtlessly singles out the horsed Kurgan riders as the source of the borrowings, and allows to assign terminal dates of the borrowing by following the traces of the migrants' genetic mutations and literary traces. Another notable shared feature is the use of the same root in numerous languages for the generic kill, exemplified in English, where the word behead stripped the word kill from its origin, while the semantic behead from the kelle survived in other languages, like the Russian obezglavit () = behead.

English tooth, teeth ~ Türkic tis tooth, the oldest Goth. form is tunthus. This must be among the oldest known words of shared vocabulary.

English colon ~ Türkic kolon, Gk. kolon, the part of intestine that ends with anus, from Türkic kilak = stomach ache". French qolique, Lat. colica, Gk.  kolike, are also from the same Türkic root kilak".

English phlegm ~ Türkic balgam, Gk., Arab. phlegma, etymologized as related to Gk. phlox (gen. phlogos) flame, blaze, but there is a long way from the Classical Greece to the S.Siberian steppes, for a borrowing from the Greek to penetrate into Oguz languages. A Greek borrowing from the Western Scythians, who brought the word from the north-eastern fringes of the Middle Asia, appear to be a likely scenario.

English barn ~ Türkic ambar, both grain/fodder storage shed.

English bat (v. and n.) ~ Türkic and Scythian pata is to strike, to kill  was explained by Herodotus IV 110 as Scythian word for kill in the compound eorpata - those who are killing their husbands. It is incompatible in Avesta, where pada = heritage, offspring. Only Germanic languages have cognates of this Türkic and Scythian word, among cognates is bane ~ O.E. bana killer, slayer, murderer; devil, O.Fris. bona murderer, O.N. bani, O.H.G. bana murder, O.E. benn wound, Goth. banja stroke, wound.

English dip ~ Türkic dip bottom, with a slew of derivatives that includes submerge, go under water. O.E. diepan immerse, dip, and ultimately to deep. The word has cognates in all Germanic languages, but etymology stops there.

English dumb (adj.) ~ Türkic dumur = atrophy, degeneration. Old Norse dumbr is identical with Türkic form. O.E. dumb silent, unable to speak and verb to become mute", Old Saxon dumb, Gothic dumbs, meant mute, speechless", O.H.G. thumb is mute and stupid", Modern German dumm stupid", M.E. foolish, ignorant", Latv. dumjš stupid". The fake PIE *dheubh- confusion, stupefaction, dizziness, from root *dheu- dust, mist, vapor, smoke, and related notions of defective perception or wits is raving mad, with no cognates in other IE groups, and with semantical and phonetical breaches even with the fake IE roots. Related to dementia, from the same Türkic dumur = atrophy, degeneration.

English dementia, dement drive mad"  ~ Türkic dumur = atrophy, degeneration. Cognate of O.E. form gemynd "memory, thinking, intention closest to the Türkic form, other cognates are explained from mind and memory, but not to the absence thereof: Goth. muns "thought," munan "to think;" O.N. minni "mind;" Ger. minne "memory, loving memory". In Romance, M.Fr. démenter, L.L. dementare to drive out of one's mind"; Latin is explained as de mente out of mind, derived from mens mind, and then linked to mind and memory, but not to the absence thereof: Skt. matih "thought," munih "sage, seer"; Gk. memona "I yearn," mania "madness", mantis "one who divines, prophet, seer"; L. mens "mind, understanding, reason", memini "I remember", mentio "remembrance"; Lith. mintis "thought, idea", O.C.S. mineti "to believe, think", Rus. pamiat "memory", all lacking semantics of degeneration. The Türkic dumur, like the English dumb, can't be derived from Latin de mente, but both dement and dumb, and other Germanic dem-/dum- cognates are derivatives of the Türkic dumur = atrophy, degeneration.

English dune ~ Türkic dun low. Cognate of English down, O.E. dun down, moor; height, hill, mountain", M.Du. dunen sandy hill, Du. duin, also Celtic hill, citadel", O.Ir. dun hill, hill fort"; Welsh din fortress, hill fort"; second element in place names London, Verdun, etc., traced to pre-insular Celtic [Cambridge Dictionary of English Place-Names] before Anglo-Saxon migration. The non-English Germanic words tend to mean dune, sand bank dune, the Celtic cognates tend to mean hill, hill fort". Ger. Düne, Fr. dune, Italian, Spanish duna are said to be loan-words from Dutch, linking it to possible Simmerian Türkic origin. Fr. M.Du. or M.L.G. dune, perhaps from Gaulish. The French word (13c.) is held to be an Old French borrowing from Germanic. Russian duna  = dune likely comes directly fr. Türkic.

English tambourine ~ Türkic tambur - musical instrument, similar to mandolin".

English flask ~ Türkic baklaga, late Latin flasconem - all water bag". One etymological theory from proto Germanic *fleh- flax, another theory a metathesis of Latin vasculum, both do not make much sense.

English sack ~ Türkic sak store, and all the derivatives of the store, likely via Etruscan and Latin

German Tasse ~ Türkic tas/taz, Ital. tazze, French tasse, all low cylindrical bowls".

German, Greek, Latin Theriak/theriacum, ~ Türkic tiryak", all snake antidote". Türkic has a cluster of meanings: opium, antidote, narcoman drug addict, heavy smoker, drunkard, maniac, quarellsome, i.e. it is a generic word that passed to Greeks and Latins only one meaning.

German Truthahn turkey fowl ~ Türkic turuhtan", both for a kind of fowl".

English cake ~ Türkic kek - flat, round loaf of bread. Originally (until early 15c.) a flat, round loaf of bread. Shared by Germanic languages: from O.N. kaka cake, M.Du. koke, Du. koek, O.H.G. huohho, Ger. Kuchen.

German Ulan cavalryman ~ Türkic ulan/oglan"  - young man", scion of a noble family". Same word in Polish, Russian.

German  Schabracke horse blanket ~ Türkic cheprak -  horse blanket".  Same word in Yiddish, Polish, Bielorussian, Ukrainian, Russian.

English sage ~ Türkic sag, sağ"  (ğ is articulated silently) - wise, talented, foresighted". In etymological theory from Latin sapere have a taste, have good taste, be wise, from PIE base *sap - to taste. The Türkic sag is real and does not need any asterisks; also if of all IE languages only the ancient Latin has it, then in Latin it is a borrowing, is not it? Semantically, from the *taste to wise is quite a distance that needs a scholarship leap, even the seasoned and wise semantically are quite distinct. The Greek soph ascends to the 6th c. BC, and must be a medium that brought this word into the western IE languages.

English adj. matt ~ Türkic adj. mat - matt, dull, opaque, lackluster, darkish. No etymology exists whatsoever, who goes by etymological dictionaries is going to miss this pearl.

English adj. thick ~ Türkic adj. sik - thick, dense. O.S. thikki, O.H.G. dicchi, Ger. dick, O.N. þykkr (thykkr), O.Fris. thikke, Gaelic tiugh. In quasi-scientific etymologies, the obvious Türkic word is veiled by a fake PIE *tegu- thick, instead of a straightforward Türkic adj. sik/thik.

English adj. sorrel ~ Türkic adj. sary. Sary was most popular color name, for pale yellow and achromatic pale gray, it was widely used as endonyms, from antiquity (Sary As, Sarir, Saragur, Saryg) to Middle Ages (Sarysün, Kuman, Kipchak, Akkoyunly, Ak Nogaj, where Sary = Ku = Ak) and to modernity (Sary Yogur, Sary Uigur). In English, with time, the hue became darker, sorrel (adj.) reddish brown", in M.Fr. sorel from sor yellowish-brown", M.Du. soor dry, O.H.G. soren to become dry", O.E. sear "withered, barren"). Not a trace of IE etymology in sight. Two transmission lines are discernable, one circum-Mediterranean ca 2800 BC, which eventually produced Irelandic h-version hárr gray, gray-haired, and another later overland s-version, which produced Germanic and Slavic s-version, with darker hue, and Slavic s-version with lighter hue, Slavic ser = gray, gray-haired. Drying color is a derivative, exemplified by Slavic idiom pojeltet = turm yellow = dry (foliage).

English moist, moisture, and mayonnaise ~ Türkic mayi - liquid, fluid > moist - watery, wet, damp; mayonnaise from Catalan maonesa, in Old French moyeu = yolk of egg, via French mayonnaise. Cognates ostensibly include Vulg. Lat and Lat. forms ca. mucidus, quite a long shot. For such prominent phenomenon, absence of etymology is quite telling.

English cockney ~ Türkic köken motherland > English domestic (language). Phonetical folk etymologies are  milksop, simpleton; effeminate man; hence: Londoner and spoiled child, milksop; cock's egg; runt of a clutch; the semantics of domestic (language) < motherland  seems to be the most suitable survival from the forgotten past; all folk etymologies date from late Middle Ages, a thousand years after the collapse of the substrate language.

Germanic-Chuvash Türkic Sub-appendix
Valentyn Stetsyuk
Research of Prehistoric Ethnogenetical Processes in Eastern Europe
Book 2

Chuvash is a relict of a language that is reputed to be an archaic branch of the Türkic, or a remnant of Ogur branch, or a language of Suvars/Sibirs, or a Turkified Finnic Mari language with idiosyncrasies befitting a language adopted from a different linguistic group. In case of Suvars/Sibirs, they were conquerors of the Bactria in 140 BC. Being a stand-aside branch of the Türkic, they are endowed with their own Türkic-Germanic correspondences that defy chance coincidence. In their defiance, they are quite selective, they chose to solely defy the Germanic branch, ignoring Romance, Indo-Iranic, and every other IE branches. What turn of the fate gave then a chance of such strange and insubordinate selection is not clear. Both Chuvashes and Germanics were tribes in the Western Hunnic confederation, but that does not warrant a cultural borrowing of the word like to do and child. Neither Germanics nor Chuvashes were people that were absolutely idle and childless before culturally encountering each other and impressing the loafers how to live and procreate. We have a fairly good Suvar Dateline that starts with Sumerian records, where were the Germanics at the time?

  1. Chuv apat  food, eatable - OE ofett, Germ Obst vegetables.
  2. Chuv armuti wormwood - Germ Wermut wormwood.
  3. Chuv ătăr otter - OG *utra, Eng otter , Germ Otter.
  4. Chuv ăvăs asp - OG *apso, OE æps, Germ Espe asp.
  5. Chuv čak(k) to stick up - Germ Zacke tooth, jag.
  6. Chuv čětre to tremble - Germ zittern to tremble.
  7. Chuv jěkel acorn - OG *aikel, Germ Eichel acorn.
  8. Chuv kěrt  - OG *herdo, Germ Herde, Eng herd, Sw hjord herd, flock.
  9. Chuv karta fence - OG *gardon, Germ Garten, Eng garden.
  10. Chuv lăbăr thistle OE laber, leber rush, reed, Old High Germ leber.
  11. Chuv măkăn poppy - Germ Mohn poppy (old form *mæhon).
  12. Chuv pěçen sow-thistle - Germ Vesen siftings, bran.
  13. Chuv palt fast, quick - OG *balþa, bold, courageous, eng. bold, Germ bald fast, soon.
  14. Chuv papak, pebek child (other Türkic bebi, beba, bebek) - Eng baby.
  15. Chuv pultăran a kind of parsley - Germ Baldrian valerian. Perheps, Latin name of the plant Valeriana, that is similar to parsley, is changed accordingly to Lat valere be strong and the first form of the name was other. German word is more similar to Tur baldiran a kind of parsley and other Türkic names of this plant (in Balkar, Tartarian and Altaian). Therefore, it is not clear, which of the languages, German or Latin, adopted the Türkic word first.
  16. Chuv tără top - Eng tor stony top. See Lat torus too.
  17. Chuv tu  to do - Germ tun, Eng to do, Dt doen to do.
  18. Chuv urba (Turk arpa) barley -   OG *arwa, Germ Erbse pea.
  19. Chuv vak wake - OG *wakwo, Germ Wake, Eng wake, Swvak wake.
  20. Chuv xajmatlăx  kondred - Germ Heimat, (Old High Germ heimoudil), Got haimoþli homeland.
  21. Chuv xaltară  to freeze - OG *kalda, Germ kalt, Eng cold cold.
  22. Chuv xatăr cheerful - OE hador, Germ heiter cheerful.
  23. Chuv xitren good, fine - OE cytren beautiful.
  24. Chuv xüte  defence - OG *hoda, Germ Hut, Eng hood, hat, Swhatt defence.
  25. Chuv ytla  superfluous - West Germ.  *ídla insignificant, vain, Germ eitel, Eng idle, Dt ijdel.
Rassokha I.N.
Ukrainian pra-motherland of Indo-Europeans
Kharkiv, KhAMG, 2007, ISBN 966-695-083-0
. .

: , 2007 ISBN 966-695-083-0

5.4. Hybrid character of Sredny Stog cultural community

"In 1934 E.Forrer [235] expressed an opinion that Indo-European language was formed as a result of hybridization of two unrelated languages.

N.S.Trubetskoy, H.K.Ulenbek and B.V.Gornung [236] propose that the conflating occurred between languages of the Ural-Altai type and a language such as Caucasus-Semitic. This concept is rooted in pra-Indo-European language system displaying inconsistent phenomena which with a greatest probability can be explained by an origin from different linguistic systems. First of all this contradiction is manifested by the "laryngeal theory, which stipulates that the pra-Indo-European had only one vowel sound e which did not have a phonemic function, with the phonemic system consisting only of consonants and sonants, but at the same time it developed into a language with a triad of vowels e, o, a.

Are also cited the presence of fusion and agglutinations elements in the machinery of the Indo-European language, the existence of regular thematic declension with permanent roots on the one hand, and heteroclitical declensions where the nominative and accusative have one base, and the other declension cases have another base, on another hand, and also non-thematic declension with floating accent and alternating voicing, and various suppletive forms. B.V.Gornung also points to a combination in the syntactic train of the pra-Indo-European of the ergative and possessive structures, etc. [237, p. 26-27].

S.A.Starostin believed that pra-Indo-European linguistic community was overlaid on a dialect of a pra-Northern-Caucasian language", and we can date the contacts between the pra-Indo-European and pra-Northern-Caucasian languages by the beginning of the 5th millennium BC, i.e. by the epoch of the advanced Neolith [268, p. 154]. These contacts appear to be assimilation by the Indo-Europeans of a certain local Northern-Caucasian language substrate. From that previous population the Indo-Europeans borrowed a number of the words (lexemes) connected with the animal husbandry and agriculture, the names of daily use utensils, food, exchange and trading - operations, and also some names for wild plants and animals [268, p. 152-153].

As discussed above, the carriers of the Sredny Stog culture were anthropologically a mixture of two racial types: a Neolithic population of the Southern Ukraine with a significant share of southern Caucasoids of the Mediterranean racial type, and late Cro-Magnons of Nordic racial type. In the Neolith, representatives of the Cro-Magnon type in the Eastern Ukraine were the carriers of Dnieper-Donetsk culture. In the European Mesolith and Neolith, the most close analogies to the Dnieper-Donetsk culture Cro-Magnon type population should be searched for among the carriers of the culture of more northern forest and forest-steppe territories. The people of Ertebelle culture were closely related to them by a number of taxonomic indicators . ...At that time the Central Europe was predominately occupied by Mediterranean type people with gracile features [230, p. 188]. The obvious distinction between the Tripolie and Dnieper-Donetsk culture carriers physical type, as representatives of respectively Mediterranean and very massive late Cro-Magnon types, is notable in this respect, and also the expected affinity between the people of Tripolie and the Bug-Dniester and Sura cultures' peoples [261, p. 49-51, 24].

On the same subject, a conflating of two unrelated cultures, archeologists also can tell a story. On one hand, D.Ya.Telegin saw the sources of Sredny Stog culture in the Neolithic Sura (Sura-Dnieper) culture: These culture show commonality in the forms of utensils and technology of their production, in the pointed bottom pots, ornamentation predominately in the upper third by comb or dimple ornament, presence of powdered shells in the clay bowls, etc. Both the Sura, and Sredny Stog cultures had a highly developed bone industry, a common methods of working horn, and identical types of the working tools from horn material - mattocks, fishing hooks, chisels and so forth.

But in the main area of the Sura culture, the Dnieper Upper Cataract area, a distinct chronological gap exists between the existence of the Sura culture and the emergence of the first monuments belonging to the Sredny Stog culture, this gap is characterized by a predominance of monuments of the middle stage of Dnieper-Donetsk culture [2, p. 144].

The carriers of the Dnieper-Donetsk culture were culturally and anthropologically connected to the Baltic tribes, and still deeper in time with Upper Paleolithic denizens of the pre-glacial zone of Europe. They produced ceramics with sand additive and faunal remains, buried their dead extended on the back, and strewed them with red ochre.

At the same time the Mediterraneans did not usually scatter ochre on their dead, they buried them contracted on a side ("embryo pose"), and supplied food in pots inside the tomb [230, p. 33-35].

Apparently, closely related to the Sura culture tribes were the Crimea Neolitic tribes, and also the tribes of the neighboring Bug-Dniester culture. These tribes also produced ceramics with addition of powdered shells. The chronological position of the Bug-Dniester culture early developmental stage is 7 thousand BC calibrated date, it is determined from the specific features of utensils of that time, deep cylindrical pots with a thorn-shaped bottom and contain additive of crushed shells. The similar utensils are known in Dnieper Upper Cataract area, in Crimea, Northern Azov, on the Lower Don and in Caspian Turkmenia (Djebel). At the same time is notable a doubtless similarity of some utensils of that group (in respect to the so-called pinched ornament) to the most ancient ceramics in the Balkans, particularly the kitchen utensils of the Thessalian early Neolitic settlement Nea-Nicomedia [251, p. 121].

Tripolians from the Balkans subsequently conquered and replaced the Bug-Dniester culture tribes. Apparently, a part of the Bug-Dniester tribes migrated to the east, to the Cherkassk Dnieper area, to the Upper Cataract area, and maybe, to Severski Donets. There they intermixed with the tribes of the Dnieper-Donetsk culture. Were created syncretic monuments such as Buzki, formed early forms of producing economy. Apparently, occurred a mutual assimilation between the newcomers and natives [256, p. 30].

Probably, some tribes of the Bug-Dniester culture, under attack of Tripolians, moved further away to the east, to the basins of Don and even Itil: The sites of the Middle Don culture contained ceramic fragments of the Bug-Dnieper culture type, with ornamentation closer to the advanced phases of the Bug-Dnieper culture dated from the end of the 7th to the end of the 5th of millenniums BC [246, p. 141]. It is possible that exactly these immigrants became the founders of the Neolitic Samara culture in the Itil/Volga region. There, they became contemporaries with the Sredny Stog people ("Khvalyn Culture") who migrated considerably later. This process of the some residual ancient traditions and their carriers is characteristic for the whole Itil/Volga-Don forest-steppes [75, p. 12]. And there are numerous facts reflecting the close mutual relations and interactions between the populations of the Samara and Khvalyn cultures, which apparently were related [307, p. 72-76]).

But then the invasion of the Tripolians on the territory of Ukraine was decisively stopped along the watershed line of the rivers Southern Bug and Ingul. It is very significant that on the Ingul Border the were found in the same layers utensils of the Bug-Dnieper, Sura-Sredny Stog, and Dnieper-Donetsk types [260, p. 48-49]. Apparently, the Bug-Dnieper, and Crimean Neolitic tribes also played a role in forming the Sredny Stog culture. But again, probably they initially were close kins with the Sura tribes, and formed with them a continuous ethno-cultural community. To same community belonged the so-called Tuba culture in the middle course of the Severski Donets and along Aydar, the sources of the Tuba culture are connected with the Bug-Dniester culture, it coexisted with the Dnieper-Donetsk culture, and then its population was assimilated by the Sredny Stog culture [263, p. 8-11].

D.Ya.Telegin attributes to the Dnieper-Donetsk people the creation of the Mariupol type burials. However, the same burials conspicuously buried the Dnieper-Donetsk deceased and the Sredny Stog culture deceased [75, p. 47-48]. Apparently, to the combined Sredny Stog cultural community should be also attributed the founders of the Mariupol type late monuments. This is also confirmed by a number of corroborating archeological finds. For example, on the Mariupol type monuments were found stone cudgels, loose copper ornaments, and a golden charm [241, p. 18-19]. At the settlements of Dnieper-Donetsk culture in Sobachek and Middle Stog were even found domestic horses [230, p. 209]. And a noteworthy element is that the Burials of the Sura-Dnieper culture are not yet known [254, p. 138-139]. Sura and its related tribes could quite be also the founders of some early Mariupol type burials.

And also the settlements frequently have simultaneously the monuments of both the Sura-Sredny Stog and Dnieper-Donetsk cultures. In other cases D.Ya.Telegin is recognizing that also: The materials of the Upper Cataract contain a number of facts that confirm the coexistence of the Dnieper-Donetsk and Sura cultures during a certain time interval. So, for example, in the lower layer of Vovchk in the same layers were found Sura's and early Dnieper-Donetsk ceramics.... The coexistence of the Dnieper-Donetsk and Sura ceramics is evidenced not only by comingled fragments of utensils, but also the commonality of its ornamentation... Thus, the monuments of the Sura culture coexisted directly with the settlements of the first period Dnieper-Donetsk type. Their people, apparently, lived for some time in the Upper Cataract area also at the early stage of the second period (2 ) of the Dnieper-Donetsk culture [230, p. 190-191]. The separation, in the Lower Eneolithic layer of Alexandria on the river Oskol, of two major ceramic groups apparently testifies about their different origin, from the Dnieper-Donetsk and from the Sredny Stog cultures. There are enough reasons to assert a fact of coexistence of the utensils of the first and second groups. An organic conjunction of two ceramic types is also noted in the complex of the upper (2) Eneolithic layer of the settlement. The second ceramics group of the Sredny Stog culture along the Lower Don is distinguished, like in the Alexandria, first of all by the composition of the clay mixture containing additives of sand and traces of the faunal remains [2, p. 21-23, 26].

This implies the fact of long coexistence in the same territory of people with two unrelated cultural traditions: late Cro-Magnon people of Dnieper-Donetsk culture, and descendants of the first local cattlebreeders, the people of the Sredny Stog and Lower Mikhaylovka culture. And this coexistence is obviously resembling the coexistence of conquerors and subjugated population. More likely it looks as a tradition-forming union which in due course has resulted in the formation of a two-component unified people.

So, V.A.Manko alludes about shared distribution of the Azov-Dnieper (i.e. the "Mariupol variation of the Dnieper-Donetsk culture) and Sura cultures' tribes: "Possibly, the formation of the Kyiv-Cherkassk culture and the monuments such as the Tuba-2 are a part of a single process of the population shift from the northwestern Azov to the Dnieper and Severski Donets. The reasons of this migration could be an expansion of the Azov-Dnieper and Sura cultures' tribes [253, p. 162]. The Sredny Stog tribes, together with the population of the Dnieper-Donetsk culture groups, formed the pit-grave culture [252, p. 171].

Apparently, the coexistence within the Sredny Stog culture of stone and silicon axes, plate knifes and sickle inserts produced by bilateral chipping, spear tips of triangle-like and the rhomboid form, etc. should be regarded as a result of intertwining of different external influences [2, p. 147]. Thus, should be recognized a genetic connection between the early Sredny Stog culture and the Mariupol (Dnieper-Donetsk) cultural community [75, p. 48].

The following last paragraph does a harsh disservice to its author, following with a single-minded resume a valuable review of the previous studies. It is clear to any unbiased observer that the IEs never had a patent on the burial position of the deceased, it is no more a discriminator than phenomena of having two legs and a single nose. In the ethnogenetical respect, the Sredny Stog is a revolutionary stage in many respects, especially in mass cattle breeding, emergence of nomadic form of subsistence, a revolutionary change in the diet and ways to produce foodstuff, beginning of kurgan burials and a distinct funerary ritual of feeding the deceased and supplying them with utensils necessary for a travel into another world, a transition to a mobile economy that facilitates long-distance links and mass migrations, and enables later spread across Eurasia, cultural changes brought about by physical liberation from a stationary lifestyle and freedom of mobility, ability to become triumphant raiders against less mobile populations, technical superiority achieved through a greater mobility, etc., all well summarized and analyzed in the scientific literature devoted to different aspects of the nomadic life. Not a minor of them is a transition to a confederate type of society, produced by the mobility of the governed that would preclude a creation of masses of restricted and subjugated people exploited by a minority rulers, and develop instead a consensus model of existence. These are the factors that should be applied to analyze the later history and ethnogenetical origins, and explain the eastward and westward spread across the steppe belt of the Eurasian continent.

Is also indicative that the coexistence of two burial customs remained a characteristic feature of the later Indo-European archeological culture - the successors of the Sredny Stog: Unconditional traditions of the Mariupol type burial ceremony should also be considered the existence, during Copper and Bronze Epochs in the south of Ukraine, along with contracted deposition, of a burial ceremony in extended position on the back. Such burials are known in Lower Mikhaylovka and Pit culture [230, p. 41]. In the Spherical Amphoras Culture can also be found displays of a similar bi-ritualism. So, I.K.Sveshnikov notes, alongside with a prevailing ceremony of supine burials, also contracted burials (on a side or on a back), and sometimes these both are found in the same grave (and irrespective of their linguistic attribution - Translator's Note) [255, p. 13, 15, 40, 42, 54, 55].

Bibliography

2. Telegin D.Ya. Sredny Stog culture of Medieval epoch. Kyiv, Naukova dumka, 1973.
75. Vasiliev I.B., Sinyuk A. P. Eneolith of Eastern Europe forest-steppe, Kuibyshev: Kuibyshev Teacher's Institute, 1985
230. Telegin D.Ya. Dnieper-Don culture: History of population Neolith - Early Metall epoch. ϳ Evropi. Kyiv, Naukova dumka, 1968
235. Forrer E. Neue Probleme zum Ursprung der indogermanichen Sprachen. Mannus", B. 26, 1934.
236. Gornung. B.V. Question of formation Indo-European linguistic community. Report at 7th international congress of anthropological and ethnographic sciences, Moscow, 1964.
237. Savchenko A.N. Comparative grammar of Indo-European languages. Studies. Textbook, Moscow, Higher school, 1974
241. Telegin D.Ya. Neolithic burials of Mariupol type. Kyiv, Naukova dumka, 1991
246. Sinyuk A.T. Population of Don basin during Neolith epoch, Voronej: Voronej university Publishing house, 1986
251. Danilenko V.N. Bug-Dniester culture // Archeology of Ukrainian SSR in three volumes. Kyiv, Naukova dumka, 1985, Vol. 1, p. 118-126
252. Telegin D.Ya. Dnieper-Don culture // Archeology of Ukrainian SSR in three volumes. Kyiv, Naukova dumka, 1985, Vol. 1, p. 156-172.
253. Manko V.A. Preliminary results of Neolithic site Tuba-2 in middle Don // Archeological discoveries in Ukraine 1999-2000. Coll. of scientific works / Ed. D.N. Kozak, N.O. Gavrilyuk, Kyiv, NANU, 2001, pp. 161-162
254. Danilenko V.N. Sura-Dnieper culture // Archeology of Ukrainian SSR in three volumes. Kyiv, Naukova dumka, 1985, Vol. 1, p. 133-139.
256. Titov E.N. Contacts of Kyiv-Cherkassk population and Bug-Dniester culture // Stone Age in territory of Ukraine. Kyiv, Naukova dumka, 1990, p. 28-39.
260. Tovkailo N.T. Eastern connections of Bug-Dniester culture (materials of Pugach settlement) // Stone Age in territory of Ukraine. Kyiv, Naukova dumka, 1990, p. 47-54.
261. Konduktorova T.S. Anthropology of Mesolith, Neolith and Bronze Epoch Ukraine population, Moscow, Science, 1973.
263. Manko V.O. Neolith of S.W. Ukraine, Author's abstract of PhD dissertation. Kyiv, Archeology Institutee NANU, 2005
268. Starostin S.A. Indo-European - N.Caucasus izoglosses // Ancient East: ethnocultural connections, Moscow , Science, 1988, pp. 112-163
307. Morgunova N.L. Turgan site and some problems of Samara culture // Copper Epoch of the South-East Europe: the Interuniversity collection of works, Kuibyshev: PI, 1984, p. 58-78.

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