In Russian (Later)
Contents Scythians
Contents Huns
Stearns P.N. Zhou Culture
Ogur and Oguz
Zakev M. Scythians
L.Zgusta Zelenchuk Inscription
Turkish translation
Alt. transcription of Elamite
Hinz.W. Elamite Dictionary
Guties Synopsis
Sarmat Synopsis
Landsberger B. Basic questions of the early history of the Near East
Balkan K. Gutian Language
Guties and Zhou's portrait
Keightley D. Synopsis of Zhou story
Alan Dateline
Avar Dateline
Besenyo Dateline
Bulgar Dateline
Huns Dateline
Karluk Dateline
Khazar Dateline
Kimak Dateline
Kipchak Dateline
Kyrgyz Dateline
Sabir Dateline
Seyanto Dateline

Behistun Elamite Inscription

A. D. Mordtmann
Explanation of the cuneiform inscriptions

Journal of the German Oriental Society, Vol. 16, no. 1 (1862), pp. 1-126
Harrassowitz Verlag, JSTOR, Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/43359914
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A. D. Mordtmann, Erklärung der Keilinschriften zweiter Gattung, original PDF file 8 M
ASCII text, unedited, starting with “Von Dr. A. U. Mordtiiiaiiii”, https://archive.org/stream/zeitschrift16deutuoft/zeitschrift16deutuoft_djvu.txt
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft: ZDMG, Volume 16 https://books.google.com/books?id=mgY-AAAAcAAJ&pg=PA1#v=onepage&q&f=false
Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft https://books.google.com/books?id=MCG7hHPleEYC&pg=PP11#v=onepage&q&f=false

Posting Introduction

The following citation of A. D. Mordtmann's work fills a gaping lacuna in the Behistun inscription's historiography that started as a puzzled open-minded research but soon was sucked into a pseudo-scientific nationalistic slipstream. The famous Behistun inscription was carved in three languages, obviously addressed to three dominating components of the incipient Persian state. The first part is Old Persian, the third part is Semitic, and the second part, initially called Scythian, nowadays dubbed Elamite, and called Susanian by A. D. Mordtmann, remains controversial. The script is a version of the Sumerian, the late Babylonian (ca 7th c. BC) script franca of the Middle East used by the Babylonians, Elamites, and Achaemenids.

The posting aims to illuminate the Türkic components of the A. D. Mordtmann's 1862 work. The rest is presented superficially, in slightly edited machine translation. This presentation allows to follow the author's method, logics, and conclusions. In the Elamite text, A. D. Mordtmann flagged about 70 Türkic lexemes, a large enough body to induce an investigation, but it never was done. Cited below, in his 1870 publication A. D. Mordtmann detected another dozen of Turkisms in the Assyrian Cuneiform records. The machine reading of the Ottoman-time Arab script leaves much to desire, in most cases it is obviously incorrect, and should be carefully validated by a native reader. Any volunteer help is welcome. Likelier than not, any such reading would leave room for ambiguity, with more than one outcome and interpretation. The spectrum of 40+ Türkic languages, plus an extension of the Germanic, Slavic, Romance, all three versions of the Persian, Mongol-Tungus, and the Turkisms in other Eurasian languages, may offer various versions, and even relicts that fell out of the Common Türkic milieu. On top that, agglutinative languages are very capacious, they laconically transmit what in other typologies requires an extended phrase. To be productive, these factors, cranked laborously in the 19th and 20th centuries, now lend the task to a computer-based analysis.

The syllabification and phonetization of the underlying cuneiform syllabary is another problem. Both were done in numerous ways, with various scripts as adopted by various principalities, with a choice of phonetic values, writing conventions, and semantic meanings, leading to clusters of transliterations and interpretations. The only validation of any theory is a substantial concordance with the worked out Old Persian and Semitic textual contents, anything else is only a working hypothesis that can't be held as codified independently of the provisional consensuses, ideological pressures, or the winds of time. That the linguistic explorations are malleable was amply demonstrated by the Zelenchuk inscription, whether it is a hoax or not, which, with positively known Greek alphabet, was successfully read in five different languages belonging to three different linguistic families. Zelenchuk inscription's heaviest problem remains a justified suspicion that it is an ideologically-driven primitive hoax. The Behistun Elamite inscription, with known contents and incompatibly more extensive text, provides dramatically better chances for eventual success. The insights laid out in 1862 are far from being completed, they need to be properly investigated without a prejudice, peer-review criticized, and complete a due scientific cycle.

The A. D. Mordtmann's translation is a first approximation, a rough sketch that breaks the ground. In his method, following the pattern of his predecessors, he searches around in a wide sweep, looking for any parallels across a linguistic palette available to him and not confined to the agglutinative candidates. If he managed to suggest a suitable foothold consistent with the other two versions, anchoring the whole word, phrase, sentence, or paragraph, that opens a way for further explorations. In the 1862 A. D. Mordtmann's incisive anathema words,
“...we rightly conclude that a people of the Türkic-Tatar tribe invented these ideographs and this script, and since we find in the language of our (Behistun Elamite) inscriptions many other purely Türkic words, so nothing hinders us to read these words phonetically as soon as they can be proved in the Türkic-Tartar languages.”
“This peculiarity of the Susi language... in the Türkic-Tatar languages ​​expressed sharply and with all the consistency through the entire linguistic construction, more than anything else is capable of characterizing Susi as associated with the oldest Turkic-Tatar languages...”

These words were written 150 years before we learned that 40% of the Sumerian descendents, the Assyrians, are marked by R1b-L23 Y-DNA subclade haplogroup, dated to their common ancestor to about 6000 years before present. That puts those Assyrian males squarely into the Sumer time, and directly relates their ancestors of the preceding epoch with the Kurgan culture populace of the N. Pontic. Linguistics and genetics independently corroborate each other. From a genius outcast A. D. Mordtmann sprouts to an ingenious visionary.

The possible Türkic connection, first detected by A. D. Mordtmann, was quietly abandoned as improper, and all subsequent philological efforts were directed to a search in an exclusive linguistic bubble. Episodically, reference and acceptance of the Türkic words (i.e. ata “father”) can be encountered, without elaboration. The 150 years of the impaired studies reached a verdict of a “‎language isolate”, which positively cut off any prospective links with any worldly languages. Ironically, that happened after a very first deciphered word, a calque of the Old Persian and Semitic texts, turned out to read parubi “I carried”, a typical agglutinative compound of par- (v.) and -ubi (pronoun), a reflex not only of the the alive and kicking Türkic compound berim of ber-/bər-/ver-/vər- “bear, carry” and -im “I”,  but also of the English bear, A.-Sax. ber(an), bær, bor(en) “bear, bring, bring forth, produce, endure, sustain, wear”, OSax. ber(an), OFris. bera, OHG ber(an), ONorse bera, Goth. bair(an), Gmn. (ge)bär(en) “carry, bear, give (birth)”, Slavic bremya (áðåìÿ), ber(emen)- áåð(åìåí)-) “load, carry (child, burden, bring)”, and more. Routinely, the native lexemes are anachronically called Old Persian, just because they are happened to be used in the Persian texts, further complicating the picture. All Germanic and Slavic languages are loaded with Turkisms, and “bear, carry” is not an only example of shared lexicon between the Near Eastern “‎language isolate” and the Türkic/Germanic/Slavic languages. In all these languages the Türkic admixtures are a result of diverse processes of amalgamation, with no connection to any Family Tree-type “proto-language”. Indirectly, the A. D. Mordtmann's work carries an attestation that he was aware of the Türkic-Germanic genetic connection, attested by his use of the German cognates instead of the other available synonyms, to translate the Elamite text. As exemplified by the Chuvash language, there were substantial phonetic and lexical differences between the western and eastern Türkic languages, i.e. between the Ogur and Oguz rasters of languages; ever since the western nomads settled and diffused across the Western Europe, and the eastern nomads expanded westward at the dawn of our era, the Oguz-type languages were left as the surviving Türkic languages. As a consequence of that process, the modern European languages, especially the Germanic group, may have preserved better the elements of the archaic western Türkic languages than most of the modern Türkic languages. In addition to the lexical differences, the most typical systemic differences are the m/b and r/l alternations, prosthetic anlaut consonant (like er vs. Herr), and truncated suffixation.

The very name Elam sounds as a derivative of the Türkic el “land, country, state” with an archaic pl. suffix -an, thus “lands”, Cf. er “man” - erän “men”; oɣul “child”, oɣlan “children”. Elam was a name for the mountainous portion of the modern Khuzestan preferred by the pastoralists, while the lowlands were permanently occupied by sedentary agricultural population. Accordingly, for a state that survived for two millennia, 2700 – 539 BC, the state had to develop a Sprachbund lingua franca, probably based on amalgamation of the local Dravidian language with the languages of the pastoral populations. History left us a number of names for the surrounding nomadic tribes, all with a familiar ring of other pastoral tribes: Guties, Kangars, Turuks, Subars, Kumans, and more. The name Guties, like the later Oguzes, was not a tribal name, it was a collective name “tribes”, functionally similar to the Yörüks “nomads”, Alans “steppe (people)”, Tokhars “upland”, Ases “plain”, Suvar “river”, etc. The ruler of the Guties, a founder of the Gutian dynasty (ca. 2154 – 2112 BC in short chronology, 124 years on the outside), had a title Ia-ar-la-ga-an-de, where Iarl is a Türkic title “judge, tribune”, Cf. English title Earl; gan attests for Khan, and the suffix –de is identical with the Old Turkic noun locative suffix -da/-de (-da/-dä), i.e. “of judges”, “of tribunal”, and the like. As a minimum, the title attests to a common cultural connection, at least till the time when genetic tracing would allow to compare Y-DNA haplogroups of the British Earls with the Elam-Assyrian Iarls and the other Türkic Yarls. Gutians belonged to a cluster of horse nomadic tribes occupying eastern Taurus and Zagros mountains from about 3000 BC. As a group, in archeology they are directly or obliquely compared with Scythians, either literal or metaphorical. The names Scythians and Gutians are rather proverbial, they serve as an allegoric model to describe a distinct phenomena in familiar terms. The substance behind these retrospective metaphorical designations are real nomadic tribal confederations participating in historical events as seen by the settled inhabitants.

The A. D. Mordtmann's work had disappeared from sight without his findings even ever explained away; despite the journal’s high regard, the subject was supposed to wither away without attracting unwelcome attention. Not until 150 years later the majority of the Europeans were found to be the migrants of the Kurgan archeological culture, the very despised mounted barbarians from the steppe, of the ilk of the Huns and Tatars. The discovery was a forced event, driven by the genetic breakthroughs, not by some enthusiastic outsiders ignorant of the calcified disputes. The discovery placed theretofore patently eastern nomads into the west, center, and east of the Europe, just north of the Middle Eastern Sumerians, Elamites, Akkadians, and millenniums later of the Old Persian arrivals. It tramped the 19th century ideology of the IE “proto-language”, the autochthony of the bulk of the Europeans, and triggered a chain reaction that is reshaping both the European historical ideology and that culture. The 21st century is resurrecting long buried insights, quenches intolerance for debate, and atrophies staunch opposition. It is time to move forward, again. The uncouth ideological disrespect shall turn into a deserved tribute to the valuable contributions of A. D. Mordtmann.

The citation of the 14 Scythian words from the work of A. Chay, who in 2002 republished the A.D. Mordtmann list of the “Scythian” words found in the Assyrian tablets is mirrored below, with a known English translation, and juxtaposed against readily accessible Turkish translation. The Turkish translation belongs to the Oguz branch of the Türkic language, separated from the Scythian originals by a time of 27 centuries and a space of half Eurasia, and still the proximity of the modern Oguz and Classical Scythian is readily apparent. In the Oguz Türkic, only two words out of 14 on the list were replaced with unrelated roots.

Assyrian Cuneiform Documents
A. Chay
Scythians//The Turks

Ankara, 2002, p. 155, ISBN 975-6782-55-2, 975-6782-56-0, ©
Cuneiform records from the Sus area
Entries in black are by A.D. Mordtmann,  entries in red suggest alternate cognates
Scythian Turkish English Scythian Turkish English Scythian Turkish English
anira tamir onar repair (v) irchigi üre choğal increase (v) vita -- utru opposite (adj)
arta oturush orna seat (v) kutta kat add (v) vurun vurush beat (v)
daldu doldur fill (v) chagri -- çocuk/çağa (Türkmen) offspring
gik gök sky val yol var road

Ref. A.D. Mordtmann, “Über die Keilinschriften zweiter Gattung”, ZDMG XXIV, 1870, p. 50
Alternates suggested by M. Karamuftuoglu

Page numbers are shown at the beginning of the page. The sequence of the chapters was reshuffled to bring the topic up; auxiliary explanations are highlighted by tinted background. The posting's notes and explanations, added to the text of the author and not noted specially, are highlighted in blue font, shown in (blue italics) in parentheses and in blue boxes. The machine OCR transcriptions of the Arabic-spelled words are given in bold [square brackets], followed by phonetic reading in bold (blue) and Türkic form in (blue italics); for other languages the [square brackets] are left empty. The ethnic Türkic names are highlighted in bold, for easier identification. Where machine translator faltered to translate a Germanic term, and likewise where interpretation is given in Latin, its suggested meaning or an English translation is given in (blue italics); the Türkic words that follow untranslated references to the Old Persian words of the inscription are also shown in (blue italics). The OCR systematically read Č/č as G/g, at times as C/Q and the like; only within the immediate scope of our focus those were systematically corrected, otherwise spelling needs to be ascertained. For accuracy, the OCR transcriptions must be cross-checked against the PDF file of the original .

A. D. Mordtmann
 Explanation of the cuneiform inscriptions
Posting order
Syllabary pp. 36-40
Türkic lexis specifically noted in the publication  –
Analysis of the Elamite texts pp. 41-102
Analysis of the Syllabary pp. 1-36
System of writing, ascertained syllabary pp. 31-32
Separate inscriptions of Bihistun pp. 102-106
The remaining inscriptions pp. 107-126
Syllabary, pp. 36-40
Header translations: lautwerth - according to value
No. wo die Lautwerthe bestimmtsind - No. where the phonetic values are determined
Click to enlarge
Syllabary p, 36
Click to enlarge
Syllabary p, 37
Click to enlarge
Syllabary p, 38
Click to enlarge
Syllabary p, 39
Click to enlarge
Syllabary p, 40
1. See for an alternate Elamite version of the Behistun Inscription (Source: https://cdli.ucla.edu/files/publications/cdlb2017)
2. For an agglutinative language, the Syllabary should have included most frequently encountered suffixes: 1st and 3rd pers. sing. past tense, accusative, causative, locative, etc.
Türkic lexis specifically noted in the publication
Arabic/Roman transliteration needs systemic correction,
some connections appear misinterpreted or inexplicable, some definitions are missing, and a few entrances are duplications
No Elamite Türkic English Location Ref.
1 čavas daijosna   regional king I, 1.
2 čagri ogul “son” son I, 1.
3 nanri buyur- “command” command I, 2.
4 vara buyur- “command” command I, 2.
5 tiris ter- “assemble (people)” say, said, told I, 2.
6 ttata atası “his father his father I, 2.
7 nima ba-/ma- “sex” family, sex I, 3.
8 tiri  ter- “assemble (people)” call I, 3.
9 čaččata aga, aga, ɣaɣɣata "age" old I, 3.
10 tiri tür(gün) “time” time I, 3.
11 čafo ut   we have ruled I, 3.
12 utta tur-/dur-/tu- “do, act” do I, 4.
13 Angoč deniz “sea” sea I, 6.
14 gutis götür-/kötür- “rise, up” bring up collectively I, 7
15 ufarri up-, op-, ob- “up, rise, go up” he, she I, 8
16 dalduka tolï, tolu/dolu “full” complete, whole, completely I, 8
17 thap ta:b “beating, battle” since or then I, 10
18 tarna tanï-  “know, cognize” know, cognizant I, 10
19 rup  er/ar/ir “man” man I, 11
20 vara urla-, urïla- “cry, scream” say I, 11
21 varrita alɣu “all” + -ta directional, “of all” all, everyone I, 11
22 vara urla-, urïla- “cry, scream” say I, 11
23 varrita alɣu, alku:, alqu “all” + -ta directional all, everyone I, 11
24 ufarri 1 o/ol + postposition oɣ(an) he/him/his/she/her I, 11
25 ufarri 2 o/ol + er “man” that man I, 11
26 kka kim, with b/m alternantion who I, 13
27 -rra -er masculine gender marker I, 13
28 thubaka üzere “above, on high, upon, over, on” above I, 13
29 gita götür-/kötür-  “get, carry, bear, lift up” bring I, 14
30 anzijan anu:-, anun- “prepare, ready” prepare, ready I, 14
31 gagri  oɣul “son”, ɣaɣri, with prosthetic first ɣ-) son I, 16
32 tar töl/döl “son” son I, 16
33 batar batur/bator/batır “hero, fighter”   I, 19
34 thap ta:b “beating, battle”   I, 19
35 rudas utra, utru, utrun "against" against I, 19
36 uttinara/uttivara unclear Arabic spelling   I, 19
37 čathak čom-/čöm-/čüm- “sink, dive, drown” drown I, 19
38 artak dur-/tur- "live" live II, 3
39 avačir anča, anda, anta "there there II, 4
40 kanna köŋül "heart", köŋültak "cordial" friendly, benevolent II, 4
41 ulnigat ol 3rd pers. sing. pronoun "he, she" I II, 4
42 vit gi-/i-/ij-/ïj- "go (in pursuit)" go II, 6
43 uttu atmak "toss"   II, 7
44 čarak unclear Arabic spelling times II, 8
45 avarris balik, balïq "city, castle, fortress" castle, fortress II, 8
46 dačču, daččuvap ata "father" father II, 13
47 kappikä qadaš “relative” in chains relative ? (in chains) II, 13
48 nanga irkän "when"? buyur- “command” ? time-word? command? III. 3
49 vitgini gi-/i-/ij-/ïj- "go (in pursuit)" go III. 3
50 apisni čalpas- “clash” fight? III. 3
51 pat  bad(ar)- “bat, beat” slay IV, 2
52 illegible verb sorma- “not ask” unquestionable IV, 5
53 maniyahy (Pers. text) many (mahny) (n.) “meaning, sense, essence, idea” mean (deem) IV, 5
54 dal  tol “full” full IV, 5
55 ini ne, ne:ŋ “negative, negation (emphasis)” no, not, non, IV, 6
56 ankirini kör- “see” witness (eyewitness) IV, 7
57 inni ne, ne:ŋ “negative, negation (emphasis)” never IV, 7
58 attata atası “his father”, atada “at father” his father Syllab. 32
59 mm and v m/b alternation depicted identically Syllab. 35
60 an. go. č. si “water, moisture, sea”) or dingiz “sea” sea Syllab. 70
61 kappika qapïɣ “gate” enclosed (gated?) Syllab. 93
62 x.t.ta.na.ta. hanum “lady”, khan “prince, king” my prince/princess, my khan/queen Syllab. 94
63 ir.va (ma),x. munča “much”, bunča “bunch” all in all Syllab. 97
64 x. si. kiši “man, human, wife” human (people) Syllab. 99
65 x. x. x. na. kemi, kemä, kimi “ship, boat” ship, boat Syllab. 100
66 dasch (?) tasche “bag, pouch” bag, pouch Syllab. 103
67 fuit (Lat.) oldu “was” was Syllab. 103
68 uttasch (?)     Syllab. 103
69 fecit (Lat.)   done, made Syllab. 103
70 fuit (Lat.) idi “was” was Syllab. 103
71 fecit (Lat.) itti “done, made” done, made Syllab. 103
72 ur (ul) olmak “ready, ripe, mature” ready, ripe, mature Syllab. 103
73 var ba:r/var-/war- “be, is, exist” was, were Syllab. 105, 107

(Beginning of Elamite text)

Second division.

Analysis of the texts.

1. Inscription by Bihistun.

First Column.
(The Roman I refers to the First Column of the Persian text)

I, 1. 1U. Darijvos. čavas. irčarra. čavas. čavasfainna. čavas. Parčijkka. čavas. daij(os)na. Vis2tačpa. čagri. Arsama. rupučagri. Akamanisij.

U, ego, has nothing similar in the Aryan languages, nor in the Türkic-Tatar nor the Ugrian-Finnish languages, and is completely isolated as a purely Susi word.

Darijvos follows much closer to the Greek. Δαρειος 1), the Latin Darius, the Hebrew un'nl, as the Persian Original Darayavos. Holtzmann has already made that remark in general, and we will often do it in the course of our analysis. The cause of this phenomenon is simple; not only at the royal court camp Susa, but also throughout the city and throughout Susiana, the language spoken in our inscriptions was spoken, and Holtzmann was so close to the truth that one wonders how he did not take the final step has and declared the language directly for susisch.

Čavas (in conclusion, I only use č if it is expressly required; in the case of the indeterminacy of the writing system, I can in most cases avoid the insulting conclusion- č) "King" is already Abth. No. 101 discussed in detail.

Irčarra, large, stands for the Persian Vazarka, and in any case stands closer to it than the words mentioned by Norris eros (ungr.) big, powerful, and ar (ostjak.) big.

1) I note once and for all that I pronounce the Greek in the way that is spoken and written in Greece, and that I base this analogy on my own analogy. I have so little to do with quite unfavorable league discussions as Dareios, as with Darayavus u. s. w. (and so on)

Čavasfainna is an irregular genitive plural instead of the ordinary fana.

Parčijkka is in locative; the particle kka serves just as well as the name of the same and I have not been able to find a difference so far. The Susi text thus decides against Rawlinsou in favor of Oppert, by reading Parčiya and translating King of Persia; Thus cs is to be read in the Persian text Parčey, in the locative.

Daijosna stands in the genitive, which is indicated both in the sing. as well as in the plural by na, just like in Türkic [ كقكق ] (kuq) and [ ذآق ] (dhaq), in Chagatai and Tatar by [ دذنلا ] (dzana), [ نناقأ ] (nanaqa). The rule is that the genitive is expressed only when the word by which it is governed precedes, as here, Čavas daijosna, rex regionum (regional king); but if this word is followed, the genitive is not particularly expressed; For example, in the following words: Vistačpa čagri, Hystaspis filius (son). This construction follows closely the Hungarian, where one also says: a' fänak a' levelei and a' fänak a' levelei, if the genitive precedes, and a' nagysäga a' värosnak, if the genitive follows. In Türkic the construction is different; one can not say: [ مذاى داشاذق ] (madhaa dashadhiq) the house the Pasha, but one says either the house of Pasha [ داشافه مذاءى ] (dashafh madha'aa) or [ داشا مناغى ] (dasha managhaa) the house of a pasha. For the rest, in our texts we shall find repeated deviations and irregularities, just as the grammatical structure of the Susian language is nothing less than firmly structured and regulated.

Čagri the son, corresponds exactly to the Türkic [ ا.غمل ] (a.ghamil) ogul, as the initial č is often omitted in the Türkic dialects. [ مد.يمح ] (mada.yamih) Yemek eat, Yakut. čiä;  [ در ] (dur) yil the year (Jahr, jak. (Yakut, Saha), čyl); [ ض ] (d/z) yeni new, Yakut. čana; [ دوق ] (duq) yok no, Yakut. čuoklı; on the other hand (more examples follow) čüd milk, Yakut. uh; ginir sahne, Yakut. üör. To prove the Semitic affinity of this word, Holtzmann has compared it with the Hebrew "OT, Arabic, 3, but with such comparisons I just want to prove that Susi is only a dialect of Bohemian." The Treatises of Holtzinann on the The second type of cuneiform writing will hardly be translated into Türkic or Persian, otherwise the passage in question in the Orient might cause a doubtful shake of the head, but in order to prove the illegitimacy of such analogies, the following considerations should suffice: Would anyone compare German with English and prove their agreement? the words: lord, jockey, dock, twist, sultan, regiment, journal, tobacco, guano, etc., would make him a fool

because these words are borrowed either directly from English, or from both English and German, or from other languages. The Turks have a good word for son [ أوتئدل ] ('awtayadil) ogul, a distinguished Turk, however, never uses this word when he speaks of his son, but borrowed from Arabic the word which means not "son" but "server". In the same way, the Susians will certainly have had a word for "son" without first begging in the Semites; but what is not likely of these predatory nomads, they borrowed a Semitic word from ornamentation; But which in the Semitic means nowhere "son," such a borrowing proves absolutely nothing for the relation of the Susian to the Semitic languages. (English/German son/Sohn “male offspring” is the Türkic soŋ (song) “offspring“, soŋsuz (songsuz) “childless” (-suz is a negation suffix), ultimately fr. soŋ (song) “end, after, then, trailing” (M. Kashgari))

Daijosna has the vertical wedge in front of him, and is therefore more likely to be understood by the peoples than by the Territorieu. The word pargij, on the other hand, has the horizontal wedge in front of it, as the affix does not permit any other meaning.

A strange formation is rupugagri, which corresponds to the Persian Napa "grandson"; rup is "man" and gagri "son", ie "man's son". Just as the French petit - fils becomes a grandson in English and a groatsan in Low German, the suspicious grandfather thought, under his grandson, the son of a son who had already grown up as a man.

The name Arsäma has already been compared by Rawlinson and Oppert with the Sanskrit root rsh, and I add to the examples they cited earlier the words irčarra (the ending ra or arra denotes the application of the adjective to a person: irga means "Big", irčarra "a bigger one", as Parčij "Persia", Pargarra "a Perseruj, which, as mentioned, is borrowed from the Aryan linguistic tribe, the Finnish-Türkic linguistic stem borrowed another word for" big ".

So the first paragraph is exactly as in Persian (the Babylonian text seems to be a little different, but is mutilated):

"I (been) Darius, the great king, king of kings, king in Persia, king of the peoples, son of Hystaspes, grandson of Arsames, Achaemenid."

I, 2. Iak. Dar(ij)vos. Čavas,3nanri. U. ttata. Vistačpa. iak. Vistačpa. (t) tard. Arsamma. iak. Arsamma. t4tari. Arrijramna. iak. Arrijramna. Ttari. Zispis. iak. Zi (spi) s. Ttari. A5kkamanis.

Iac "ac, atque" not only separates individual parts of sentences, but also whole sentences, just as the Semitic [  ]. Since it is an independent word, it basically does not matter where

one sets it, whether at the end of the sentences as our point or at the beginning as the Semitic va. However, I will not translate it as a theorem.

Nanri, like the Persian thatiy, corresponds with respect to the emphasis completely to the Hebrow [  ] which in consequence of this emphasis in Arabic already means "to command". Even today no one in the Orient permits himself to say [  ], but generally uses the verbs of time [  ].

Nanri is Arab. [ ] Persian [ ] Türkic [ بموردى ] (bordi) jussit (imperative) (buyur- “command”)
Vara  is Arab. [ ] Persian [ ] Türkic [ نمرى ] (namraa) "inquit (inquiring) (buyur- “command”)
Tiris is Arab. [ ] Persian [ ] Türkic [ سرقلامى ] (saruqlamaa) dixit, locutus (said, told) (sö:yle, sö:yüg, sö:yke: “say, said, told”) est.

New Persian has no word of its own for the latter, at least no other expression is known to me, and if one wants to make it explicit, one says (U & s.
Here, in the dative, U puts here in this respect probably the sole sustenance of the Susi language is that the nominative and the dative of the Persian pronoun are not distinguished.

Ttata is "father", Türkic [ اذا ] ('iidha), ttari (attari) is "his father", Türkic [ مأذاسى ] (ma'adhasaa) (atası)

The translation of the second paragraph reads as follows:

"King Darius says: My father is Hystaspes; of Hystaspes father is Arsames; Arsame's father is Ariaramnes; Ariaramne's father is Teispes; Teispe's father is Achaemenes".

I, 3. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. uppainračkimas. niku. nima. Ak (kamani) sij. tiri6maniun. čaččata. ka(ra)ta(tu)ri. čafo. ut. iak. čaččata. karata. turi. nima. nikavi. (čavačfa.)

Uppainračkimas stands for the Persian avahyaradiy and is also a compound. Upa or uppa means ille; in is a postposition which corresponds to the Türkic [ وم.ا ] (wama.a) Chagatai [ دش ] (dash/duş), račkimas is thus the Persian räd. Unfortunately, the Susi word račkimas does not appear in any other connection, otherwise it might explain the not very definite räd, since it is most likely a transcript or at least a word of similar origin; the ending kimas or kivas is common, z. B. titkimas falsehood (ezüg/ezük, yuban-/yuba:n-, yalğıl, yalğan-/dyalğan- "falsehood"), čaparrakmmas, battle (ča:lıš, dokıš/tokıš, süŋ/süŋüš, uruš, uvma:k "fight, battle" ) u. s. w. (and so on)

Niku is the Persian Vayam, we; nikavi ours; I draw attention to the transformation of the u in avi, which justifies our Čavas, king, in comparison with zunguk, kingdom.

Nima is an ideograph, and so we are not sure whether in the Susian language "family" really meant that; but in any case it is certain that the people who invented this scripture have nima

for "family, sex", said, and we now compare the more surely the Hungarian nem. (Türkic root for “copulation” is ba- (ma-), the -ni- may be something else)

Tirimaniun from the Zeitw. (verb) tiri, say, call, Türkic [ أد.دمخ ] ('ada.damakh), 1st Persian Pl. Passive (us) (ter/tir live, gather, tirä- prop, buttress).

I can not compare Čaččata "old" with any words. (aga, aga, ɣaɣɣata "age")

Karata, time, reminiscent of the Greek turi corresponds the Votyak Tyrys, the Türkic [ نءرى ] (na'raa); čaččata. karata. turi is called (turi) in Türkic [ اس\ى ,ماندز ,ا دوى ] (as\a mandz, a dawaa) (tür(gün) “time”).

Čafo stands for the Persian amäta, and apart from the phonetically not quite certain final suffix, it is etymologically related to čavas, and therefore also related; ut is the 1st Persian Plur. of Verbi subst. noun and čafo ut means "we have been ruling" or "we have ruled".

The third paragraph is thus:

"King Darius speaks: For this reason our race is called the Achaemenic. From ancient times we have ruled; From ancient times, those of our race were kings.

The Babylonian text seems to have some variations here; but the Susi text confirms the hitherto customary translation of the Persian original.

1, 4. Iak,7Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. V III. Čavasfa. nima. unina. appuka. Čavasmas. varris. U. IXm (mas. Čavasmas.) Utta. ča8vakvar. niku. Čavasfa. ut.

Unina is the genitive of u and thus belongs to nima; Appuka is called earlier, beforehand, and since the word "me" is missing, Rawlinson's paruvam is more correct than Oppert's paruvamma, which the latter (also) is not confirmed in the Susi text.

Čavasmas means "royalty, royal dignity, royaute, Βασιλεια", just as čakčabavanainas the dignity or office of a satrap. In Suzy as in Babylon it is said, as now in Persian and Türkic, "he made kingdom" instead of "he was king". (-mïs/-mis/-mïš-/miš verbal and denoun Turkic suffix, ajunčıka erdem “world ruler”)

Varris is 3rd person. Prät. (past) of varri, capere, tenere (catch, hold) (Turkic ber- "bear, carry").

m. mas, the ending of the ordinal numbers, is purely Aryan, while the other linguistic stains express themselves in a completely different way: cf. Skt. navama, Persian Navama,? Lat. septimus, decimus; Litth. pirmas, septmas; whereas Türkic [ ظمزتى ,ظعوز ] (izmaza, zeuz), Hungarian kilencz, kilenczedik. (-mïs/-mis/-mïš-/miš verbal and denoun Turkic suffix, borrowed/internalized by Aryan. Modern Türkic ordinal -nč/-nči/-nchi)

Utta, 1st Persian Sing. (& Plur.) Praet. from ut, facere (do) (Türkic tur-/dur-, Chuv. tu- (v.), a truncated form, “do, act”)

For the Persian duvitataranam with preceding Numeral IX, the Susic text has only čavakvar (the Babylonian text is incomplete), Oppert translates this: "en deux branches" by taking the word taranam or ätaranam "passage" for "gender line"

Rawlinson adopted this translation in his analysis of the Babylonian text. But the Susi text confirms little this interpretation, as does the older Rawlinson's translation, which Norris maintains. Čavakvar is a compound; var is called "von" "de", čavak compares Norris in a slightly exaggerated way, as one is used to in the Magyar Finnish philologists, with čarek, čatavatak, čačča and čafo (which he reads satcho) and thus brings the translation from this equation "From a long time" out; any other translation would prove itself in a similar way. If we also leave sataram, taranam as a "lineage," the meaning of duvita is "double," undoubtedly, and evidently čavak is only a modification of the sound, which is related to duvita, as dvi [ ] dvo , duo, slav. dwa, engl, two u. s. w. (and so on) to the Upper German zween, zwo, zwei. So I think I have to take čavakvar as the Latin de-nuo, "again". According to this view, the final sentence would not refer to the two Achaemenid branches, but to the government interrupted by Gomata's usurpation and by Darius restoring the Achäinenes dynasty. In this sense, the entrance of the great inscription would be a kind of proclamation to the peoples of the Persian Empire, in which the restoration of the legitimate ruling family is proclaimed. I, 1-4 would be the text of this proclamation, which is also repeated in the separate inscription A; the remainder of 1, 5, on the other hand, is a kind of commentary to this or court relation on the establishment of legitimacy in the whole realm.

The translation of the fourth paragraph is thus:

"King Darius says: Eight kings of my generation previously held the royal dignity; I am the ninth king, we have become kings again".

I, 5. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. zomin. (Oramazdana.) Čavasmas. u. ut9ta. Ora(mazda.) Čavasmas. u. dunis.

Zomin stands for the Persian Vasana; in §. 3 we already have is recognized as the ending of the Susius instrumentalis or ablative, and the word vasana is thus called in the Susic zom (three). It would also be possible for it to be zov, and then it would be related to the Persian [ ]. Westergaard (p. 343) compares [ ] zao or zo to the Persian [ ] or [ ], but forgets that he has to deal with a language that knows nothing of prepositions but knows only postpositions.

U is in the last movement again in the dative; dunis is 3rd person. Sing. Praet. of give duni, donare.

The translation is thus:

"King Darius says: "By grace of Oromazes I clothe the kingly dignity; Oromazes asked me to fall in love with the rule".

I, 6. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. Daij(os. na. appi.) unina. ti10risti. zomin. Oramazdana. u. Čavasmas. appini. utta. Parčij. iak. Afardi. (iak Babilu)fa. iak. Ač11urafa. iak. (Ar)baijfa. iak. Mutzarijfa. iak. Angočfa. iak. (Spardapa. i)ak. Iijo12nafa. iak. Madapa. iak. Arminijfa. iak. Katpatukaspa. iak. Parthuvafa. (iak Sarra) ngaspa. iak,13Arijfa. (i)ak. Varazmijfa. iak. Baksis. iak. Čugdaspa. iak. (.......) thana. iak. 14Čakkapa. iak. Thattagus. iak. Arrovatis. iak. Makka. vardalvo. (XXIII. Daijoj)s.

Well, that's the demonstrative; appi the relative, of which the following appini is the genitive. Tiristi is the medium of Zeitw. (verb) tiri, call, 3rd Persian Plur. The antecedent is thus literally: "provinciae hae quae meae dieuutur, gratia Oromazis ego rex earum sum" (in the future I translate the inconspicuous phrase (Čavasmas utta "I make dominion", by "I am king").

With the many gaps in this paragraph, it is very fortunate that the three texts complement each other very well; the only void I did not dare to fill is the representative of Persian Gadara, for whom the Babylon. text says "Paruparaesanna"; it is probable that the Susi text had the same name, indicated by the remaining,..thana, The number 23 comes completely and Oppert's addition to Sagartia has not proven effective while he was right about the Meder.

It is not the place to explain the individual names, which others have done before me in an exhaustive way. I permit myself only a few remarks, as the Susi text allows me.

Almost all names in our text are plural, and we see that pa and fa alternate; Norris tried to locate a system, but the grammatical structure of the language is too random, and the system can not be established; not even the plural name in general is carried out consistently; Baksis, Thattagus, Arrovatis are without any plural name, as is Makka, while in Čakka-pa the plural is indicated. In general, it may be assumed as a rule that the initial of the last syllable determines the plural form; the final suffixes beginning with a guttural and dental pa change to fa, z. Spardapa, Madapa, Katpatucaspa, Sarran-gaspa, Čugdaspa, Čakkapa; on the other hand Babi/u/a, Aččura/a, Arbaij-/a, Mutzaraijfa, Iijonafa, Parthuvafa. — Angočfa, is no exception, because Angoč (Ango?) is an ideograph, and it is possible that this word was very different in the Susian, perhaps after the Persian, daraijfa.

For the words "tyey darayahya" the Susi text "iak. Angočfa. iak." By the fore-following and following iak, Angočfa is clearly separated from the Egyptians and Lydians, and is listed as a special people; the Persian daraya "sea" is reproduced by an ideograph; if we read the same phonetically, it is Angoč, which corresponds exactly to the Türkic [ دك;ر ] (dak;r) deniz, Tatar. dengiz. The order of enumeration leads us automatically to Phoenicia, Syria, Palestine, and Cilicia as representatives of the peoples under the collective name "Resident of the Sea". So far, these "sea dwellers" have been explained by the island's Greeks, why? I'm not very clear; just as little have we thought to date of counting Syria with its annexes (Phoenicia, Palestine, Cilicia) to the Persian Empire, to which they certainly belonged. Our inscription of Bihistun, written in the first years of the Darius reign, before the campaign to the Danube and long before the campaign to Hellas, is known only to Ionier, d. h. ( i.e.) Asia Minor Greeks, the same people who were then also in Hellas Ionier. The much later inscribed Nakschi Rustem inscription knows two Ionians, namely Ionier and Ionier with the surname Takabara; the former are evidently our Asia Minor Ionians, and who the Takabara Ionians are, we shall see in the explanation of the inscription NR; it will show that the explanation is very simple and natural.

The word vardalvo "All in all" was already explained in no. 97, Division I. The translation is therefore:

"King Darius says: These are the peoples that belong to me, and whose king I am by the grace of Oromazes: Persians, Susians, Babylonians, Assyrians, Arabs, Egyptians, the (Phoenician, Syriac and Cilic) residents of the (middle) Sea, Lydians, Ionians, Medes, Armenians, Cappadocians, Parthians, Drangians, Aryans (Herat), Chorasmians, Bactrians, Sogdians, Paropamisads (of Kandahar), Saken (Segestans), Sattagyde, Arachosians, Macranians, all in all 23 people".

I, 7. Iak. 15Darj(vos.) Čavas. nanri. Daijos. na. ap(pi). unina. tiristi. zomin. (Oramazdana.) Tačluba(mas.) u16nina. uttas,.. s. unina. gutis. appi. u. ap-tirij. ovasfarvana (oder sifarvana)..,.pa. utta17s.

Tačlubamas. unina. uttas stands for the Persian mana bandaka ahanta, mihi subiectae erant; unina is mana; uttas is taciebant; instead of saying, "they were obedient to me," as it is usually said in the Susic text, "I obey obedience". Now, later on, a word lubaruri often appears, which is undoubtedly "obedient, subject", and of which we have here at any rate the substantive; luba is the tribe, lubaruri obedient, lubamas obedience; So what the previous tas

or that should be difficult to determine; it is called erant, but that does not fit here at all, presumably it has come here by mistake of the stonemasons. (Illiterate stonemasons and their spellcheckers are natural scapegoats for our own ignorant presumptions. #1)

For the Persian bajim, vectigal (tax, tribute), in the Sanskrit text there was a word on s, probably the same word, that is to say bazis, because in other passages a word similar to the Babylonian expression appears. Unina is the genitive that depends on bazis; it literally says vectigalia mei (my taxes) or vectigalia quae mea sunt (my taxes).

Gutis corresponds to the words abarata, afferebant, and compares with the Türkic Gotürmek bring (bring tribute, tax) (kötür-/götür- “raise, lift”, hence kötü/götü “roof”, thus “bring  up (tribute” ?).

Ap-tirij is composed of ap, eos, iis (them, those), and tirij, dicebam (ask).

The following long but mutilated word (ovasfarvana) stands for the Persian Khsapavä rocapativä "by night and by day"; it starts with the determinative of divine things and time determinations, which is not to be pronounced, as Norris has done. Then follows a group which is so indistinct in the text that one does not know whether there are two syllables, [  ] o. vas or a syllable [  ] si is, and otherwise no word "night" anywhere in the inscriptions, we are limited to constructions".Day" means nan; presumably the last visible part of the word begins with it; the preceding va would be locative, and for "night" ovasfar or sifar would remain; the last syllable far is also indistinct in the lyrics. Let's assume ovasfar, so wants the syrjän. woi, Mordwin give some weak support; But if we substitute ovas and instead of the indistinct Z], we would have sipi, a word which gives much to both the New Persian and the Afghan is closer than the Old Persian khsap. Accordingly, the word sipivananva should be added. - Before uttas the demonstrative upa is to be completed. (day and night in one language can be expressed by a single word in another language)

The paragraph is thus in the translation:

"King Darius says: These peoples, who belong to me through grace, were subservient to me, tribute to me; what I commanded them they did at night and in the daytime"

I, 8. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. daijos. na. ativa. kisirra. (arigi. dalduka.) ufarri - r - ku18kti. (kisirra. arikkas.) ufarri. dalduka. vilae. a....zomin. Oramazdana,.... nina. dai19ijos. unina. kuktak. appi. anga. ukkivar. tirikka. uppa. utta(s).

Ativa refers to the locative in living beings, as the Latin inter (between).

Ufarri, the Persian pronoun of the third Pers. Sing. is often quite superfluous according to our concepts, as the passage in vol. XVI.

this pronoun usually represents represented nouns. Holtzmann compares it to the Mongol over, which is used just like the Türkic [ اور ] (awr). Here it belongs to kisirra, which is already in the accusative, but which is again expressed by r or ir, which always precedes the verb; in the plural it means ap instead of ir, as we have already seen in the previous paragraph.

Arigi dalduka is Norris by expanded conjecture, and since I know nothing better, I leave it alone. However, it is much to be regretted that the text is sketchy here, as it might perhaps give just as a nice contribution to the explanation of the dark Persian agata (to the elder) as the Babylonian text. Arigi is taken from the following sentences, meaning "loyal, affectionate"; but in the Babylonian there is a word which means "active, diligent, industrious."

Kukti from Zeitw. (verb) kuk, protect, 1 Persian Pret.

Dalduka means complete, whole, penitus (completely); since dalva also means "complete, complete", Holtzinann took the identification of the group [  ] with [  ] from these two words, by reading them both va. I already have Abtli. in I, No. 90  my reasons given why I kept the sound of Norris, tu (du). The stem of the word is dal, and compares to the Türkic [ طو؛-و ] (bölmeve) (bütün, pür, qalïsïz, tämam, tolï, tolu/dolu), "full"; everything else is just flexion-syllables; dal-va, in full, like [ أطولر ] (tvlr) where that; in the end, it is not radical either, as the verbs [ طولع-ا ] (tvla) dolmak is full, [ طرنموم.ى ] (trnmvm.y) doldurmak fill, prove; the final word of the Türkic word is rather a remnant of the old locative; daldu is "fill, complete", =  [ طرممرمفت ] (trmmrmft) dalduk (K Nieb. Z. 17) "it was completed", 3rd Persian passivi; dalduka, Part. Pass, "completed"; the word that we have here.

Vilae is probably a misspelling for vilaru, [  ] for [  ], it means "a lot", πολυ, Manchu fulu, Finnish paljo. (synonymous with tolu/dolu, a la “fill full”)

A.... is for the Persian aparčam, and is impossible to add anything.

Appi anga corresponds to the composition according to the Latin si quid, quodeunque (anything, whatever).

Ukkivar, "from me"; uvar is expected, but it seems that u does not connect directly with all affixes.

Tirikka is passivum (passive) of tiri (tiri, say, call: daid, called).

The translation can not be made with certainty from the existing rubble, especially since the passage after the word Oramazdana does not quite correspond to the Persian and Babylon. Texts seems to agree. So I only translate probably as follows:

"King Darius says, "I have vigorously protected the man who was active among these peoples; the man who was a good-for-nothing, I vigorously and emphatically (punished); by Oromazes' grace, the peoples (subject to my laws) were protected by me; all you desired from me, was done".

I, 9. Iak. Dar20ijv(os.) Čavas. (nan)ri. Oramazda. na. Čavasmas. u. dunis. iak. Oramazda. pi(kti. and the kus.) u. Čavasmas. na. 21patu, iak. (zomin. Oramaz)dana., u. Čavasmas. varrij.

Pikti must mean "helper", not "help" because the verb follows noun. I have no other word for comparison than the Lapp. wekeke, help.

Kus means "until", "donec", "usque" (till, until).

Patu stands for the Persian adaraya, which by the way is doubtful at this point. Otherwise this paragraph does not present any difficulties, and in the translation:

"King Darius says: Oromazes gave me this kingdom, and Oromazes helped me until I got this kingdom; by grace of Oromazes I have the kingdom".

I, 10. Iak. Darijvo (s. Čavas. nanri.) na. appi. u. 23utta. (zomin, Oramaz)dana. (tha)p. appi. Čavasra. tuva. Kanbuzij. na(či. Kuras. čagri. nikavi.) ni(ma. u)far22(ri,..) mi. u,.... ta. Čavasmas. varris. Kanbuzij. ufarri. 23tant....k. ika. Kanbuzij. ufarri. Fardij-r-apis. (thap. Kanbuz)ij. Fardi-24r-apis. daččuvap. inni. tarnas. appi. Fardij. apica. vačni. Kanbuzij. Mutza(rijfak)ki. piris. 25vačni. daččuvap. (arik)kas. kutta. titkimas. daijos. ativa. irčikki. (uttas. kutta.) Parčikki. 26kutta. Ma(dapa)kki. iak. kutta. daijos. appi. daie. ativa.

After the 22nd line, one line in the lithographed text has failed; later Norris noticed the mistake, but the imprint of the inscription was here folded, and so little was read. To avoid confusion, I set the number 22 twice.

The words thap appi stand for the Persian Paruva. yatlia, which evidently mean antequam (before) (ävväl, äwwäl, öŋ, teg, tegi, tegïn, teginč, tegü, yiče:, eyiče: front, before, first, previous), the analysis of the two Susic words does not lead to this, for thap (Chagatai [ طاب ] (tab)) is called quum or tum (since or then) (bajatïn, beri, berü, berüki, sizïntä "here, since, from"; andan, basa, kedin, keδïn, kejin, kin, ötrü, ötürü, son, soŋ, udu, uδu "then"), and appi is relative. (Türkic ävväl "before" is an Arabism, hence the Elamite appi, an allophone of ävväl, is of the Babylonian stock) The translator or stonemason was obviously wrong. (Illiterate stonemasons and their spellcheckers are natural scapegoats for our own ignorant presumptions. #2)

Čavasra is in the text, evidently a mistake, for čavasmas; Incidentally, the text is unclear here. (Illiterate stonemasons and their spellcheckers are natural scapegoats for our own ignorant presumptions. #3)

Tuva must mean "to gain", which will later be confirmed in another place.

Very little remained of the damaged line 22b, and some important words we unfortunately lost. For the Persian words: paruvama. ida. khsayathiya. Aha. Avahya. Kabujiyahyä. brätä. Bardiya. nama. Aha. hainamatä. hama-pitä. Käbujiyahya. Pagava we have only the few words

of Z. 22 b and the mutilated beginning of Z. 23. In the first words the words of Susi (Avasmas varris, which was before me) were king, and the rest follows is missing.

Apis from the Ztw. api kill, Praeter. Act., As later apika, passivum.

Tarnas of tarna, know, acquainted, Türkic [ رطان؛أم ] (ratanum) (tanï- “know, cognize”) Persian [  ].

Piris of piri, πορευομαι, proficiscor (thereby) (beri “since, because”) (A casual jump from Elamite to Greek is too reckless).

Arikkas is composed of arikka and the 3rd person. Prät. Of the Persian Verb. Noun, a very peculiar borrowing, but the fact can not be denied, because the Susic verb subst. is completely different.

Kutta is a stronger conjunct than iak, it is nec non Ital nonche, and corresponds to both the meaning and the lute after the Yakut kytta.

Titkimas, lie, of tit, lie; see. above raskimas, cause.

The final words daijos. appi. daie. ativa".Inter populos qui ceteri" d. h. ( i.e.) "Among the rest of the peoples" show an odd peculiarity in the use of the relative appi (Greek οποις (“any”)), which caused Norris to consider construction appi to be a kind of article in such cases. This is not necessary, however; Old Persian has the same construction: Gomata. hya. Magus. In Pehlewi I have already proved them in my treatise on the Pehlewi coins (Ztschr. d. DMG. VIII, 53) and Spiegel, in his Parsian (Parsy) Grammar, gives the same proof for the Parsian (Parsy). So it is entirely appropriate to Türkic usage, where, however, it looks somewhat different from the requirements of the Türkic sentence structure, but basically it is the same construction: [ دن*كى؛ ] (dana*ka) (-im) mine, literally "qui meus" (which mine) [ اود»كى مآشيلم ] (awd*kaa mashylm) (evde kišilar) homines qui domi (sunt) (people who are at home) u. s. w. (and so on). (Consistency between -im, mine, and meus is due to the common origin, from the Türkic min “me, mine”, via the Corded Ware amalgamation)

On the basis of the Persian text (since the Susi is far too patchy) the translation is as follows:

"King Darius says: I did that before I came to power through Oromazes' grace. Cambyses, a son of Cyrus, of our race, (before me was King.) This Cambyses had a brother, named Smerdis, from the same mother, from the same father as Cambyses.) Later, Cambyses killed the Smerdis. When Cambyses killed the Smerdis, they did not know that Smerdis had been killed. Thereupon Cambyses went against the Egyptians. At that time the people became bad, and spread many lies among the peoples, both among the Persians and Medes, and among the other peoples".

I, 11. Iak. (vačni. rup. gi)r. Magus. 27Gomatta. nači. ufarri. Nas......karag. Arakkadarris. nači. avi. i(vaka. XIV. nan. XXX.) Vikanna28sna. pilga. na. (zi)tu. ivaka. ufarri. daččuvap. apir. tiračka.

nanri,u. Fardij. (Kuras čagri Kan)buz29ij. i...vara. vačni. daččuvap. varrita. Kanbuzijkkivar. (pafatifa. u)farrikki, pi30ris, kutta, Parčij. iak. kutta, Madapa, iak, kutta, daijos, appi, da(ie),.. Čavasmas, ufarri, 31varris, IX, nan, XXX, Garmapadasna, pilga. na. zitu. Kanbuzij,.. (i)ak. vačni. Kanbu32zij. apipa...ču. apik.

Rup "man" is in all probability a peculiar language of the Susi language, in the Aryan and Ugrian languages ​​no similar sound is to be found, and Türkic (ar/er) is not supported because of the initial sound. The word gir (bir), one (ein ?), quidam (some), is probably also exclusively peculiar property. (The doctrine of the initial sound, i.e. the absence of the Türkic initial liquids r- and l-, does not hold the water, because they are routinely covered by the prosthetic vowels a-, e-, i-, which are as easily stripped as they are added, Cf. arig/rex, Izmir/Smirna, ebäk (baked)/bake, etc. Also, Cf. allophones lavash/loaf, luɣat/language, etc. A mirror situation arises with prosthetic consonants and semi-consonants, Cf. lulu/ulu “great”, djilan/ilan “snake”, etc. Horezmian and its sister languages, and the Germanic languages habitually and consistently add prosthetic initial consonant h- to the Türkic words with initial vowel, Cf. er/Herr. Thus, rup/er/ar “man” can't be excluded from consideration)

The name of the province Pičiyovada is sketchy in the Susic text; we only recognize two groups na. as; the former [  ] is probably an accident for the stonemasons' [  [. (Illiterate stonemasons and their spellcheckers are natural scapegoats for our own ignorant presumptions. #4)

The word karag "mountain" has its representatives in almost all language trunks and is thus quite actually a Japhetian word. (“mountains of Arakadres” is rather “bandits of Arakadres”, qaraqčï “bandit, robber, outlaw, thug”. The karag “mountain” is dubious)

Näči (the first syllable phonetically unknown) is called for the Persian nämä (at).

Avi "da" (there), Lat".ibi" (there).

Ivaka is used by the indignation of an individual, Persian Udapatatä; pafatifa, on the other hand, from the turmoil of a whole country, Persian hamithriya abava. (ava, ÌÊ I 89)

Nan "the day" can not be proven in the Indo-European languages, in the Türkic and Ugric languages ​​there are weak hints, but I believe that it is an Echte-Susian word. (kün, daŋ, dün)

Pilga (jïl, yil, Yule, jaš “year”) is for the Persian Thakatä, which Oppert translates by "era", later by "year", but the Susi text does not confirm that; we never find the common "nan", day and XXX "month" without that pertinent determinative during the so often occurring pilga there is never a determinative, which would have to be the case if it meant "year" or "era". I can not translate it any other way than Rawlinson the Persian thakata, "then", tune, as correlative to yatha.

Zitu means mode, na zitu, hoc modo, ita, sic.

Apir is a strange form, since ap is plur. And ir is sing. probably it is an oversight of the stonemason. (Illiterate stonemasons and their spellcheckers are natural scapegoats for our own ignorant presumptions. #5)

Tiragka is the second Praet. of Ti, lie, in the participle.

The word for "brother" has failed again; only the first letter i has remained, which may lead to interesting comparisons; for while the Indo-European languages ​​(with the exception of the Greek, Susian, and Portuguese) borrow this word from the Skt. (Sanskrit) bhrätar, (actually, from the Türkic birader) that is, the Susi word seems quite foreign to this tribe, the Türkic (birader, biradar, biredar) and Finnish languages ​​distinguish between

older and younger brother, and the word for the former could easily be the one sought; in Türkic, Li means [ أغا ] aga (aga “old”) the elder brother, and  [ داشا ] pasa the younger brother (pasha/basha, from bash "head, chief", with no clear distinction between -b- and -p-). (Today's Türkic has completely forgotten these meanings, and these words are now used in a quite different sense: the Dictionary of Bianchi has no idea of ​​this primordial meaning, and Hammer gives in his Türkic story a very absurd etymology of the word Pasha Hungarian are almost the same words: Ötse the older brother and bätya the younger brother. In the Ostjak the brother is called jaja. The today's Türkic word [وقارداش]  (wakardash) (birader, biradar, biredar) originated [وءارذادأش] (w'ardhadash), is well-known a Türkic - Persian Compositum of [ءارن] (Iran) the abdomen [وقارداش] (wakardash) and [دامض] (damd) "Have" (those heard from a womb) (lit. “(from) one” (bir) (womb)) (bir “one”, in this case “sole”, like in “sole heir” + der plural/respectful suffix, Cf. father, mother ~ birader, German Bruder, English brother, Sanskrit bhrätar).

Vara is the 3rd person Sing., to which we later the first person vaga get to know. Holtzmann has come so close to the truth in discussing these words that it is almost a miracle how he did not come across the whole truth. If you want to understand them, let only the first best Turk tell you something; in every minute, and when the speech becomes more alive, every ten minutes he will hear it; they are simply the Türkic [د.يحاى] (d.yuhaa) and [ردب.دم] (radaba.dum), inquit and inquam (says and (I) say). (say does not fly, but urï ~ vurï with prosthetic v- “würgen, hurrah”, urïla-, urla- “weinen, schreien, cry, scream” fits the bill)

Varrita corresponds to the Latin cuncti (all, everyone) in its derivation, since it probably derives from varri "take", as cuncti comes from coniuncti (uniting); varri itself seems to be related to the affix var "of". If one wanted to pronounce vallita, then the Greek ολοι, the German alle "all" offers comparison (German alle and English all and Greek ολοι and Türkic alɣu, alku:, alqu “all” are allophones of the common origin unrelated to the Lat. cuncti and its origin, and dubiously to varrita).

Ufarrikki is composed of ufarri (3rd Pers. Sing., he/she) and kki; the latter postposition once signifies the locative, now the allative, and in the latter case corresponds to the Türkic [  ] (ol) and [  ] (ogan) and the Chagatai [  ]. (o/ol + postposition oɣ(an) “he/him/his/she/her”, o and u are interchangeable)

 According to the words which contain the date of Gomata's accession to the throne, there still seems to have been something that was not in either the Persian or the Babylon. Text stands.

Apipa is probably the medium for the Ztw. (Centre for Translation Studies ?) api. “kill”.

The translation of this paragraph is thus:

"Then a man, named Gomata, a magician, revolted in Pisiyovada, in the mountains of Arakadres; It was on the 14th day of the month of Viyachna, when he revolted and read to the people: I am Sinerdis, the son of Cyrus, the Cambyses (brother). Then the whole people revolted against Cambyses and passed to him, as well as the Persians and Medes, as well as the other peoples (and these) seized power. It was on the 9th day of the month Garmapada, where he (it did). Cambyses,.. killed himself. , , and died".

In this paragraph, and several times later, the ordinary entrance "King Darius says" is missing:.

1, 12. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. (Čavasmas. upa.) appi. Gomat33ta. kka. Magus. Kanbuzij. evidusti. Čavasmas. uttanni. karata. tu(ri. nima. ni)kavi, das, vačni, 34Gomatta, kka. Magus, Kanbuzij, evidus. kutta, Parčij, iak, ku(tta. Ma)dapa, iak, kut35ta, daijos, appi, daie, ufarri, eviduča, tuvae. ufar(ri.) Čavasmas. (upipana. var)ris.

The verb evidu (composed of eva, from, and du, take) occurs in this paragraph in several forms; evidusti is pluperfect, evidus preterite, and eviduga participle.

Uttanni means as much as priscus, prior, Persian paruva. (ut- follow)

We already had tuvae in the 11th paragraph, namely tuva in the first person; I have therefore taken the following e, which I otherwise can not accommodate. If we compare it with the tuva Z. 22, then certainly the meaning that the Persian and Babylonian texts have "does not turn out to be meaningful" comes out; tuva, tuvae corresponds to the meaning and the lute after the span, tuve, tuvo (of tener), portug. tive, teve (of ter (Lat. three)).

The translation is thus::

"King Darius says: This empire, which Gomata the magician had stolen from Cambyses, was from ancient times the kingdom of our race. Thereupon Gomata deprived Cambyses of both Persia and the Media, as well as the other countries; he gained her (for herself) and dominated her".

I, 13. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas.. nanri. Kisirranna. ullik. (inni. rup. gir. Parčar)ra. in37ni. Mada. iak. inni. nima. nikavi. kka. Gomatta. Magus. Čavasmas. evidus,... daččuvap,... 38,. si,... dač(ču)vap. irčikki. apis. kkapa. čačča. Fardij - r-tarnasti. u(pa)in(raskimmas). daččuvap. irči39kki. apis. (I)ni. ur. tarnampi. appi. u. inni. Fardij. kka. Kuras. čagri. iak. kkari. ački. 40Gomatta. Magus. thubaka. inni. lulavak. kus. u. sinnigat. vačni. u. Oramazda. atij41vaiji. Oramazda. pikti. u. das. zomin. Oramazdana. X. nan. (XXX.) Bagaijdisna. 42pilga. na. zitu. kisi. arigifa. idaka. u. Gomatta. kka. Magu(s-ir) -apij. kutta,43kisi. appi. atar(riva.) nitavi. upifapi. idaka. uvanis. Čiktukvatis. nači. Niččaij. 44nači. daijus. Madapakki. avi. ir-apij. Čavasmas. u. evidu(va. zomin.) Oramazdana. 45u. Čavasmas. utta. O(ra)mazda. Čavasmas. u. dunis.

Kisirranna is the gen(itive) PI., a rather irregular shape; the name of the genitive is just as foul here as it stands at the beginning of the sentence, that is, the word which requires the genitive is certainly inferior.

Ullik is a participle of the verb. subst. ul [ ازك ?]  (azk ?)

Parčarra is a Persian, as irča-rra a great, kisi-rra is a man (kiši er ~ Parč er); this ending is something very specifically Türkic [ أر ] ('ar), the man, or, if you like, something prophetic, with regard to our German word, to the German (and even Germanic) ending (-ar/-er) marks masculine.

The gap at the end of Z. 37 and in the beginning of Z. 38 must have contained the words which correspond to the Persian (kara)sim. hacä. darsaina? atarga "(the people) feared him very much".

Kkapa is the regular plural of kka, qui (who) (kim, with b/m alternantion, kim/kib).

Čačča (aga, aga, ɣaɣɣata "age") stands here, just like the Persian parana, old, in a singular meaning, "the old Smerdis" instead of "the former (real) Smerdis".

Tarnasti is Plusquainperf. from tarna, know; tarnampi must have a causative form of the same Ztw. be, for ini ur tarnampi can not mean anything other than: ne me notum faciant; ur is Accus, from u, which has other places for this case.

Kkari means "everyone".

Ački is a peculiarity of the Susi language, and is called "movement," and this meaning is frequently used in the military sense, and one therefore seeks in this word the root of the Arabic [ ءسكم ] ('askum) "Army", with the Susius flexion syllabus (see above at the beginning of this section). The Arabic dictionaries give in theirs pedantic way [ عسكم ] (easkam)  castra posuit (staged camp), as a root.

Thubaka corresponds to the meaning after the Türkic [ أزررو ] ('azrru), üzere (above, on high, upon, over, on).

Lulavak must be called ausus est, but I know no analogy in other languages.

Sinnigat, 1 Persian Imperf. from sinni, come.

Atijvaiji is adoravi. All these meanings are derived from the comparison with the Persian original, and the large number of peculiar words that can not be determined a priori either by deduction of known roots or by comparison of similar words in related Spracbstaminen prove how difficult it is to understand a sweet text without the help of a translation.

Atarriva. nitavi. upifapi, an often occurring compilation, literally asseclarum suorum duces (followers leading fathers). Atarriva is reasonably comparable to the Hungarian comrade, companion. Upifapi on the other hand is comparable with the Finnish pä, head, Nenets (without derisional moniker) aipä, ungar. fo, and with s as final with the Turko-Tatar [ باض ] (bad), jakut. (Saha) bač. (baš “head”)

ldaka is "with".

Uvanis means "village", and stands here by mistake for the Persian Word dida, instead of the usual avarris, fort.

The remaining words are easy, and the translation means:

"King Darius says: No man, neither a Persian or a Median, nor one of our family was there, who had seized power from the Magician, the people (feared him); he killed many people who had known old Smerdis; because of this, he killed so many people, "lest they make known that I am not Smerdis, Cyrus' son," (as he said). No one dared to do anything against Gomata the magician until I came. Then I prayed to Oromazes; Oromazes helped me; By the grace of Oromazes, in the company of devout men, on the tenth day of the month Bagayad Gomata, I killed the magician and the heads of his followers in the castle of Siktovates in Nisea, a province of the Media. I gained dominion; by grace of Oromazes I became king; Oromazes gave me the kingdom".

I, 14. Iak. Dar (ijvos.) Čavas. nanri. Čavas46mas. appi. nima. nikavik(ki) var. kutkaturrakki. upa. u. vogaij. u. (katava.) paggita. thap. appi. 47anga. appukata. na. Zitu,... u. zijan. nappatna. utta. appi. (Gomatta.) Kka. Magus. 48tharista. iak. u. daččuvapna. fodas. iak. ag. iak. Kartas. iak. lana (pa),... ziva. appi. lu____49ij. appi. Gomatta. k (ka). Magus. evapdusta. iak. u. dačču(vap,.... katava.) paggita. kut50ta.Parčij. kutta. Madapa. iak. kutta. daijus. appi. da (ie),.. ta.nä. zitu. thap. 51appi. anga. appukata. u. appi. kutkaturrakki. upa. vogaij. zomin. o(ra) mazdana. na. u. ut52ta. u. balukvasza,... kus. lanae. nikavi. katava. paggita. na. anga. appukata. i53ak. u. balukvasza,.. (z) omin. Oramazdana. appi. Gomatta. kka. (Magus.) Lana. nikavi. 54inni. kutkatur,...

 The beginning of this paragraph is pretty clear. Kutkaturrakki means, as the Persian text indicates, here as well as after "it was taken away, robbed".

The Ztw. Otherwise, "yoga" means "send"; here it obviously means "to bring back".

Katava is a locat. from kata, place, place, Persian gätha ^, thus an Aryan word.

Pačgita is a compound; pač means after the Persian [ و وأن وباز ] (w wa'ana wabaz) retro, gita compares to the Türkic [ ىمهممائ ] (amuhimimay/zmanmmai) (köti-/kötür-/göti-/götür- "get") bring, just as we have compared kuti with the Türkic [ مذرممح ] (madhrmamih) (köti-/kötür-/göti-/götür- "get"). However, curiously enough, the use of language is the reverse 1); kuti means bring, gita gives bring (they are dialectal allophones); however [  مذرمها ] (mudharimuha) götürmek brings up [ ر ] (r (t)), and [ كترياث؛ا ] (kataryath;a) brings here (köti-/kötür-/göti-/götür- carries complimentary notions of "lift" and "carry", and differ in form solely by conjugation).

1) Here, as everywhere else, where I lead Türkic words, I protect myself all serious against any teachings from Bianchi's dictionary. I have learned my Turkish from Turks, and not from this deficient dictionary, which knows nothing else to say under the word [ كوترم.ق ] (kutarma.q)  than voyez [ مكننوؤم،ق ] (makninuwuma,q)

This phenomenon is so common in other languages ​​that it can not mislead us in our comparison; one can see Skt. devas and Persian [ ولدر ] (waladur), Persian [ م'غ ] (m'gh) and Lat. magus, French visage and Span. visage, Latin populus and German mob, German flesh and Danish flesk, and especially in the use of the verbs middle and French inettre, stare and span, estar, Arab. [ ;انغ*خم ] (aingh*kham) and Türkic [ ٧٠ ائغ*ل امح'ن*مك ] (aygh*l amh.n*mi) u. s. w. (and so on)

The words thap appi anga appukata are called "torments quod-cunque antea" (third deciding earlier), and nä zitu "tale".

But now follows one of the most difficult passages of the whole inscription, partly because it is sketchy, but chiefly because the Persian text is not yet sufficiently clear, and because little is contributed from the rubble of the Babylonian text for explanation.

For the Persian Words: ayadana. tya. Gomata. hya. Magus. viya-ka. Adain. niyaparayam is written in the susi text u. zijan. nappatna. utta. appi. Gomatta. kka. Magus, tharista. Rawlinson translates: "The houses of the Gods which Gomates the Magian destroyed, I rebuilt." Oppert: "Les autels que Gomates le Mage avait renver-ses, je les ai restaures (The altars that Gomates the Magi overturned, I restored)." The Persian text is thus properly reproduced, deun if even the word niyaparayam is etymologically still obscure, yet the meaning is quite casual. Oppert has translated ayadana through autel, no doubt because the Zoroastrian religion did not require actual temples but only fire altars. But this very inscription proves to us that magism was by no means in harmony with the state and court religion of the Achaemenidu. Of course, we have very beautiful documents about magic, but we certainly can not determine their age; With a few exceptions they may not go further than in the times of the Sassanids. But we do not know much more about the Achaineidian (Achaemenid) state religion than what we see from the inscriptions, especially from this passage. During the Parthian period, or perhaps in the beginning of the Sassanid period, the two sects may have come to an agreement by mutually concessioning, so that we really only know the product of the agreement, but not the individual elements before their connection. The meaning of the Persian word ayadana is confirmed by the Babylonian, which literally means "places of worship"; our suspenseful text seems to use the same word but probably as a foreign word; first, the determinative of divine things; then follow two groups of nap, which are called "god," then patna, of which the genitive is called, therefore, only pat; If we read nab-bat instead of nap-pat, the word bat is quite appropriate for the Semitic m2 not unlike; soust is called the house lanä. The genitive will be

governed by the word [  ] zijan, which is most likely to be derived from the verb zij "see". Whether the group [  ] before the word zijan is determinative or the syllable, I dare not decide; but the latter is more probable to me, and then anzijan would be a compound; from the prefix we shall see an example later; in view of the derivation I was at first inclined to Anzijan nabbatna by "visitationem templorum", but visitatio can not be destroyed but merely forbidden or abolished; nevertheless, I believe that the derivation can be upheld, perhaps by the meaning of the current Türkic [ داقمف ] (daqmf) usage being appropriate. It does not just mean "to look, eye", for that one usually has a different word; [ جامعىدماشا اببمق ] (jamaeuadmasha abbimq) means "to look at the mosque" (camiye bakmak); [ جامعاة داقمهف ] (jamueat daqimihif) means "mending the mosque" (camiyi tamir etmek); the landlord complains about untidy tenants with the words: [ اوبم,ح داقممازلم ] (awbm,h daqimmazilim) "they do not keep my house in habitable condition"; if a repair is necessary in my house, I will let the mason come [ باق'م امحاكدون ] (baq'm amhakdwn) and if he has finished his repair, he will contact me with the word [ باف’دم ] (baf'dm) (?). Thus, anzijan would mean "repair, rehabilitation" (ula:-, sap-, satma:, sayıl-, etin- (edin-) beküt-/pekit- “repair, rehabilitation”, does not fit, but anu:- “prepare, ready”, anun- “prepared, ready”. Mordtmann was close. Alternative hazır “prepared, ready”, hazırlıklı “prepare, ready”) meeting Persian and Babylon meaning. The texts are just fine.

Tharista is plus quamperf. to destroy from thari; the root of this widespread tribe is probably the Skt. tri; in Persian is of it "desert", devastation; in Lat. tero, in Deut

In the Persian text follows: karahyä abicaris gaithäinca ma-niyamca vithabisca, tyadis Gomäta hya magus adinä. Rawlinson translates: 1 again entrusted the sacred rites, the chanting, and the sacrifice to the parties whom Goinates the Magian had deprived of their holy offices. That is his last translation; His first is: I reinstituted for the state the sacred chaunts and (sacrificial) worship, and confounded them to the families which Goinates the Magian had deprived of those offices, with just a few exceptions, but explains in his analysis (Journ. of R. As. Soc. X, 3 p. 208) his translation is worthy of little or no confidence. - Oppert translates: "en sauveur du peuple (j'ai retabli) le monde et le ciel? (les chants et le saint office?) Et (j'ai restitue) aux palais ce que Goinates le Mage avait enleve ", but also explains (p. 79)" passage n'est pas du tout clair, et apres tant de travail, il nous est permis de dire que nous ne le comprenons guere".The Babylonian text is damaged at this point; So let's see what can be puzzled out of the Susic text. It says there: u.da ^ gu-vapna. fodas. iak. ag. iak. kartas. iak. lanapa,... ziva. appi. lu,.. ij.

appi *. Gomatta 0 kka. Magus 0 evapdusta. - u is called "me"; then follows daççuvapna itn genitive, just like kâralıyâ; then there are 4 Y-words, each time connected by iak "and ,, which I meanwhile pass through A. ة. c. D. wants to signify after the last word D a gap, then a word ziva, probably from the verb, but this is not certain, since we do not know the preceding one; then the Relativuin appi follows in the accusative, l, ier;, probably a time-word و which starts with lu and of which nocl, the ending زأ, thus the first Pers. Sing, on-go, is left; since the translators agree on the meaning of the word, so translate this half-existing verb by restitui, which will hardly offend anyone. furthermore appi) Rela; iv; Goinmatta kka Magus و Gomata the Magician; finally evapdustaj which is composed of eva-ap-dusta, ab-iis-rapuit. Now I translate: ego populi A. et B. et al. 0 et 0 00. ilia restitu; quae Goinates Magus iis abstulerat. It can be seen here that without regard to the lexical value of the algebraic groups A.B. c. I), the Susi text neither with Raw-linso ^ nor III. Oppert's translation agrees. First of all, D is called HauSj lana, a meaning which is completely secured; here it is 81, plural, so "Hauser". The words fodas, aç, kartas, the Rawlinson resp. translated by sacred rites, chanting and sacrifice. The first word fodas possesses in its first half a group which is expressed only by vague conjectures, so we must put aside this word; the second word aç defies its brevity, any etymological operation; the third word kartas has a well-known appearance in almost all Semitic and Indo-European languages, and one would either fall for a castle or a city or a garden or some aelinlielies, if not the vertical wedge in front of it, which points to something living. What is the living being, or what are the living beings that can be robbed of the people? For our text clearly mentions four things as possessions of the people, which Gomata had taken from them. Kartas can therefore mean only servants (slaves) or cattle, and if the pers. Ztw. Compare ردن (we have repeatedly seen that the Susian, as often as it allows a comparison with the Aryan, closer to the New Persian than to the Old Persian ansel, reads), the meaning "servant," little against to have each other. But if one insists on Rawlinson's translation, then one says in place of "servant ministri," which also gives a hierarchical meaning. There are still fodas left

1) The translation is later confirmed by the Artaxerxes inscription, where; 17? to also add the word

and, moreover, where, for the time being, in the greater sense of security, I am substituting for the somewhat more precise words "good and good" the formulas A and B.

All this is similar to the Persian text, or at least to the recent translations, but not in the least remote. There is talk of songs and sacrifices, of world renegades and wizards, of house and farm, servants, and vieb: how does that sound? Should the porter of the court at the royal court of Susa and Ekbatana have understood the Persian so إ Why did he not cope with it and simply transcribe the words, if the nomadic language of the tongue for such sublime ideas can not utter words? Words something different? According to the statements of Rawlinson and Oppert, the explanation of their translations does not look very bright, and then one may well allow a more prosaic translation to be presented. Gaitha derives Rawlinson from gai "singings" "and thus translates by" singing "; Oppert compares gaitha with the Pers. كهار.ا وكإب; نى with the Pehlewi تآأم ;; ءآ and with the Zendwort gaetha, and translates it وو; the world,., icl, compare it with your pers. م 5 مم 1 ه and'Iiberate it "Willow" (pascua). Māniya does not know how to prove Rawlinson أ Oppert compares it to mi, تبم \ تتا س.و and translates it to "heaven"; icl, compare it to Pehlewi د 7 \ اآ and to pers. م 1 ذض and translate it, Apartment ", and the ˆ rux interpretum omnium و abicaris
scl, e; nt tnir with the neupers. abicira, usually used by اب
and wrote this derivation to Love أب حرا,
to be closely related; abicira means وساعا 1 فم food, food ". Of course, with these somewhat bold explanations we always come back to the old, a Feliler must have been committed in the Persian text. (Construction does not quite fold up.) All my predecessors have already noticed this; It is no easy task to do the same, but to do the same is not to make emendations to the Persian texts, but only to treat them as susi In order to purify all inadmissible interpretations, I content myself with this digression from my rrhema, and I believe I have demonstrated by my simple and natural etymologies that the Persian 'lext of food (for man) [ ر ] willows (for Livestock), dwellings and household members speak, in the Susisch 'exte we have already recognized j, Ge-sinde and Hauser ", and the two still unknown quantities up to A and B, good and good, are transformed, transform themselves

suddenly to our surprise in old dear acquaintances, fodas and ag are "feed and fodder".

Now in the Persian Texts the words follow: Adam karam gäthavä avä ^ täyam. Pargamcä Madamca uta aniyä dahyäva. Raw-linson translates: "I established the state in its place (or, 1 put it in order), 1 made as they were before, Persia, Media and the other provinces." - Oppert: "J'ai retabli l'ordre dans le peuple, en Perse et en Medie, et dans les autres provinces". With the omission of the conclusion, which is self-evident, we have for the first half in the Susi text the words: udačču(vap.,,katava. ) paggita ", which does not start much. I am called, daččuvap the people, katava, Locat".At (his) places", paggita is reportavi, reposui. On the whole, therefore, the Susic text is true to the Persian.

This is followed in the Persian Text: Yatha puruvamaciy avathä adam tya parabartam patiyabarain. Rawlinson: "Like my predecessor (Cyrus?) Thus 1 restored that which had been taken away." - Oppert: "Comme c'etait avant moi, ainsi j'ai (restaure) ce qui etait renverse." The debris of the Susi text confirm more Oppert's translation. First comes a gap; the rest is easy, and literally means; eo modo quo quaecunque antea, ego quae direpta erant, ea restitui or reposui.

The conclusion of the Susic text is almost incurable, but again confirms in its ruins the translation of Oppert's. Balukvas is probably a participle and means laborare, with which I can only compare Hungarian hunger, fatigue, effort, Finnish puuja.

After these detailed explanations I give the following translation as the most probable.

"King Darius says: I have restored the rule which was wrested from our race; I have brought it back to its (right or former) place. I have everything again (furnished) as it used to be. I repaired the places of worship which Gomata the Mage had devastated; the food, the fodder, the servants, the apartments which Gomata the magician had stolen from the people I have (returned); I restored (the order in) the people, both among the Persians and Medes, as among the other peoples, all that was robbed had (just returned) just as it was before; By Oromazes' grace I have done this, and by working,.. until I restored our house to what it was before; I worked and restored everything through Oromazes' grace (at the time) where Gomata the magician had not (yet) robbed our sex".

I, 15. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. na. appi. u (kivivar). uttak. tba65p. appi. anga. appuka.  Avasmas. marrij.

"King Darius says: This is what was done by me before I came to rule."

I, 16. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. thap. Goinat56ta. kka. Magus, u. apij. vačni. Aggina. nači. Afartarra. Ukpadarranma. čagri. 57ufar-ri. Afardikki. ivaka. nanri. Čavasmas. Afardipa. u. utla. vara. vačni. Afartifa. u58kkivar. pafati (faba.) Aggina. ufarrikka. piris. vačni, Čavasmas. ufarri. Afartifa59na. uttas. iak. (kut) ta. rup. gir. Nidit-bala. nači. Babilurra. Ainaira. ga60gri. (U) Farri. (Babilu.) Ivaka. dag-guvappa. na. zitu. appir. tiragka. na (nri.) u. Nabukutarru61gar. tar. Nabuni (tana. Vara.vag)ni. daččuvap. appi. Babilufa. varrita. Nidit-(bala.) Ufarrikki. 62(pi)ris. vačni. Ba(bijlufa. (Pa)fatifa. Čavasimis. appi. Babilufapa. Ufarri. Varris.

The Persian name Athrina has quite regularly become Aggina; in the Babylon, the name of Father Upadarma has been changed to Ukpadarranma without my being able to understand why. Text both names have been lost.

Afardikki in the Susi text confirms Oppert's view that in the Persian text Uvajey stands in the locative and refers to the previous sentence. The name of the father of Naditabel is in Persian text partially lost; you only see Aina,..; in the Susi text the first a is indistinct, the rest sure.

Appir is for the simple ap.

The word tar between the names Nebuchadnezzar and Na-bonnidus indisputably means "son"; but I do not know how different it is from gagri; grammatically it is used somewhat differently; gagri stands like Türkic [ اوغل-و ] (awghl-w) (oɣul “son”) (ɣaɣri, with a prosthetic alnaut ɣ-) , always according to the father's name, in which the genitive is not expressed, while tar, as in the Indo-European and Semitic languages, always stands before the father's name, in which the genitive is expressed. I have therefore changed the Norris addition to the name of Nabonnidus at this point by forgetting the genitive character, the syllable na. So roughly both words, like the Türkic [ اوغل-و ] (awghl-w) (oɣul “son”), and the Arab. loanword [  ]. However, I do not mean to say that tar is a loanword, much less that it comes from the Semitic [  ], because apart from the fact that the meaning arouses all sorts of scruples, it is by no means clear. In this case, the Susians could have made the sibilant into a dental, while otherwise turning the dentals regularly into čč with the following r. If it is to be a loanword, then the Pers. putra lies much nearer, in which case the tr, after the first syllable has been abandoned, was turned into tar (Türkic töl/döl “son”), like Baktarris from Bakhtris.

The translation is thus:

"King Darius says: When I had killed Gomata the magician, a son of Upadarma, a Susian, revolted in Susiana Athrina and said: I am king in Susiana. Then all the Susians left me and went over to this Athrina, who ruled the Susians. In Babylon a Babylonian named Naditabel, a son of Ainaira, who told the people that he was Nebuchadnezzar, the son of Nabonnidus, also revolted. The whole Babylonian people now went over to this Naditabel and fell off (from me), and that seized the rule over the Babylonia".

I, 17. Iak. 63Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. nagni. u. uttap. Afardikki. vogaij..Aččina. ufar64ri. varrika. rabbaka. ukki. vogaik. vačni. u. ir-apij.

Rabbaka is Passivuin of rabba, which binds with the Arab. with sound similarity.

Uttap translates Norris by "messenger," but the derivation of utta, which is quite analogous to the derivation of kära, as the whole context proves to mean "army." It is striking that just here the Persian text has the usual käram weggelasseu. In the Babylon. Text has lost the whole paragraph. The translation is:

"King Darius says: Then I sent an army to Susiana; Athrina was seized, tied up and sent to me. Then I killed him".

I, 18. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. na65nri. vačni. u. Babilu. pirij. Niditbala. ufarrikki. kka. nanri. u. Nabukatarručar. 66daččuvap. appi. Niditbala. ufarrina. i. Tigra. nači. avi. pathafati. Tigra. urri67t. varris. kutta____taup. gamina. vačni. u. daččuvap. maskam,.. nika. appi. pixe. i68appava. appin. patu,.. pi. pixe. karra. ir-pafalufaba. Oramaz(da pi)kti. u. das, z69omin. Oramazdana. Tigra. antuga. utta. avi. daččuvap. appi. Nidit(bala). ufarrina. ap70ij. XXVI. nan. XXX. Aččijtijsna. pilga. na. zitu. čaparrakmmas. uttau71t. ir,... avi. api.

i is an ideograph for "river", and probably an abbreviation. The Ugrian languages ​​offer only insufficient analogies; in Türkic we have the word [ أرمنى ] ('armanaa) yrmak "river", which, however, is unlikely represented by the ideograph.

Pathafati stands for the Persian Aistatä, meaning "they had set themselves up". Everything is fine up to this word; but now begin the difficulties; All three texts are mutilated beyond recognition, and it is therefore doubtful whether ever from the rubble of the three texts a bearable whole can be patched together.

In the Persian Text is first: uha abis naviya aha "and were in ships". The Babylon text seems to precede this sentence

and let the previous one follow; approximately: "they boarded the ships and lined up at the Tigris." The Susi text seems to have contained something more, because after the words: "They stood on the Tigris", follows: Tigra urrit varris kutta,... taup , Gamina. Urrit is provided with a horizontal wedge, but means - probably not "ship", but the 3 words Tigra. urrit. varris, which "Tigridis. , , , tenuerunt "mean a different meaning. Norris had already suggested "shore," and I know nothing better. The "ships" would therefore still be found in the following section; In Abth. I No. 100 I've probably already made that the word we read gamina calls the same because it also has a horizontal wedge in front of it. Since the word gamina iin is genitive, the preceding word, of which we still recognize the incomplete conclusion, must be,.. taup, a noun; otherwise taup is called "I send", but we can not do anything here. In this embarrassment, where all resources are in vain, one must use the slightest hint; the Babylon. Text does not seem to know anything about ships, but has a word here, which means "wall" in the Assyrian inscriptions; we are therefore in the same situation as the Greeks, when the Delphic oracle gave them a similar nut to crack; Themistocles Itfitte found the right solution; but since we have no Themistocles to our disposition, we must take the matter more prosaic. I think the Susi text spoke in front of a ship bridge,. , , Thus taup gamina would be pons * naviuin, and thus at the same time would be the genitive of the word gamina and the enigmatic word iin Babylon. Text explained. But I attach no value to this interpretation. Now the verb remains to be explained, to know what the Babylonians did with their ship's bridge, but the verb is completely absent; the Babylon. Text has huzuzzu, or as Rawlinson reads hvasuzzu, which he derives from Tin to take refuge, a meaning that fits very well; "They relied on the ship's bridge," or "leaned on," something alike.

It continues in the PersianText: Pagäva adam käram m..käuva avakanam aniyam dasbäriin akunavam aniyahyä agin,... anayäin. Rawlinson translates these scraps into his analysis: "Then I placed a detachment on rafts (?) (?) (1) brought the enemy into difficulty (?) the enemy".) (?) His last translation (in the Analysis of the Babylonian text, which, however, does not have this passage) reads:" Then 1 a detachment pushed across in rafts, I "Oppert (in Les Inscriptions of Achemenides):" Apres cela, je,... l'armee

sur des,... Je (Is tine autre maneuver, je tnc touinai contre l'ennemi?) and the last part of this phrase in the German version of DM G. X, 804 (translating back from our susisclien texts): "One I have partly borne camels, having given to a horse "- Tigram yiyataräma" we crossed the Tigris ".-- The Susi text begins: vačni, u.ddgngnap" postea ego exercitum ", then follows for the Pers.  kauva (according to Rawlin-son's revision only one letter is missing) in the Susisch maskam,.. probably a transcript, in which case the Persian word would be slightly supplemented, it would have to be called maskauvä, and its meaning can not be unclear for a moment if we know that in Neupers 'a hose is called'; in Arabic it is called U ^ and in Greek aoxog, neugriech. arrx /; it is probable that all these words come from a common source, namely, from the regions which form the scene of the events reported in our paragraphs. It is known that the Tigris inhabitants use the hoses for their journeys on your river, and it is just as probable that the expression which they had for something so peculiar to them also passed into the languages ​​of the neighboring nation. Darius had to have his troops translated, but most likely he did not bring any ships, so he used the resources available. Now follows again a gap, * then nika, probably the rest of a verb, which stands for aväkanam, and means imposui or something similar similar means.

For the following Persian words "aniyam dasbarim akunavam auiyahyä agin,... änayain" we have: appi. pixie. iappava. appi ». patu,.. pi. pixe. karra. ir pafalufapa. The question marks which Rawlinson attached to his translations do not allow us to judge with him his view of the Steep; he himself has declared her from the beginning to be mere conjectures; the same applies to the first translation of Oppert's; but since then until the publication of the letter in the X. volume of Ztschr. d. DMG, "Oppert made a trip to Babylon and Baghdad, and so he knows the Tigris from his own point of view, and I might ask what Darius intended when he provided his soldiers with Katrieelctr and Pferdeu, which he probably did not have in his pocket either had like ships. I do not think Oppert ever tried to ride over the Tigris other than on the Baghdad Bridge, otherwise I would probably never have had the pleasure of my learned Lands-inan here in Constantinople to greet. What it means to ride through a river, of which I can say a lot of things; I have had enough opportunity this chapter at Skamander, at the Granicus; to study Rhyndacus, Sangarius, Halys, and Iris.

Now let's take a look at our two texts, if they might have some of that. That in the Persian Texts aniyam and aniyabya, that is both singular in the singular, must make us something of concern; Admittedly, the Susi text evidently has the plural; dasbärim or dasabarim because of me does not mean "riding on camels"; a camel is called Persian, jiX in Zend usfra; just as little 'can be made from half a word agm,.. a horse, which is called ačpa. Also while I do not explain the genitive aniyabya when it is said to have given "another horse". Our Susi text has for aniyam and aniyabya, appi pixe, of which the second word in its last half is phonetically unknown; Oppert says, on the obelisk of Sulmanassar ill. it is determinative for animals, which I certainly do not want to deny, but here we can do little or nothing with this note. Lappava is an ideograph in the locative and stands for dasaharim; Karra is also an ideograph and stands for agm,.. Patu means posui, imposui, a meaning that has been proven by other passages; Appin is Accus. plur,; ir-pafalufapa is a compound; ir is the sign of the accusative Sing., and refers to karra, which therefore stands in the battery; pafa is a prefix which gives the verb the meaning of our German in compositions; lufo means "to withdraw, to flee", so pafalufo might mean something like "to storm, to go against something"; ba or pa ain inferences is the ending of the gerund; If we substitute pixe for the moment with Oppert = A, and the two words iappa and karra B and C, we have: alios A. B. imposui, alii A. petentees. If the words mean what they want, then at least so much is certain that the operations which are indicated by them took place during the Tigris transition, for it is said before: exercituin utri-bus imposui and afterwards Tigridem transiviinus; it is evident, therefore, that the intervening phrases refer to operations which either facilitate the passage or neutralize the resistance of the enemies; the enemies were on the shore, probably on the right bank of the Tigris, near the ship's bridge, perhaps on the same. Suppose now that iappa here designates the word which we have previously taup read, perhaps another ideographic expression of the same, and we compare karra with all the Indo-European and other words meaning "mountain," as with the Arabic. so we should not be very wrong if we include a hill or entrenchment, which the Babylonians had raised, and the word pixe would still be "enemies"; Our sentence would read: "I put some (or on, the particles va lets it indefinitely) the

Ship's bridge of enemies; others made an attack on the entrenchments of the enemies". All these are, of course, only conjectures, and still do not want to agree with the Persian text; this might perhaps permit the following translation:

"Then I put the army on hoses and led them close to the enemy, and attacked their entrenchment."

This is certainly not the literal translation, but at least it contains no obvious improprieties; There is nothing to be done with camels and horses; the lyrics evidently have no word of it, and in addition the Tigris can not pass by with horses and camels.

The rest is easy. Antuga utta means after the Persian Text transitum feci; The Burhani-Kati says by the word it means in Zend and Pazend, d. h. ( i.e.) in Huzvaresch as much as, pass; if that's true, so our word would be very good with it.

Čaparrakinmas means "meeting, battle", and is probably identical to the Persian Hainarana, Skt. Samara, with the sus- pious ending kimas, cf. titkimas, raskimas u. s. w. (and so on)

Ütta ut is 1. Persian Plur. Praet. (past)

At the end is still a small addition that is missing in the Persian Text.

With all reservations, I therefore translate this paragraph:

"King Darius says: Then I moved to Babylon against Naditabel, who claimed to be Nebuchadnezzar. Naditabel's troops lined up at a river named Tigris and occupied the shore by covering themselves by the bridge of the ship. I led the army on hoses close to the enemy and stormed their entrenchment, Oromazes helped me; by the grace of Oromazes I set over the Tigris, and delivered battle to the army of Naditabah on the 26th day of the month of Atriyata; I defeated him".

I, 19. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. vačni. (u.) Babilu. pirij. 72batar. Babilu. in-haluva. pugatta. a. Zatzan. nači. Ufarata. čatava-dak. a73vi. Niditbala. ufarri. kka. nanri. u. Nabukutarrugar. dačču-vap. idaka. u. rudas. si74nnik. ča(par)rakmmas. uttivara. vačgni. čaparrakmmas. utta-üt. Oramazda. pikti. u. da75s. zomin. (O)ramazdana, daččuvap, ​​appi, Niditbala, ufarrina, avi. (ap)ij, II, nan, XXX, 76A(nama)kkasna, pil(ga.) na. zitu, čaparrakmmas, utta-ut. dačču-vap. appi. niditbalana. u. api irčik77ki, iak apin, iva, puttana, inava. čathak.

Batar (batur/bator/batır “hero, fighter”) stands for the Persian athiy and must mean what thap stands for. (The "Persian" athiy is a Türkic loanword ateï, atlïɣ and means cavalryman, which for the mounted army is largely synonymous with batur, ar/er warrior, and the abstract noun derivative Aryan. Thap is a sibilated and palatalized form of the Türkic tap meaning to strike, a strike, used for "beating, battle" and the like, Cf. English tap "strike lightly", Clauson 1972 p. 434)

in - baluva. pugatta is a peculiarly peculiar construction of the Susian language, which Norris in the analysis of the text

and in the dictionary still misunderstood, but in the last written grammar has quite correctly explained. Namely, the Susi has a number of intransitive verbs, which the Greek Mediis, z. B. (Cf.) [  ] the Lat. depositor, thereby, the French. and Span. correspond reciprocal verbs (verbes reflexifs), z. B. (Cf.) promener, se rendre, reirse, (walk, surrender, restore) etc.; These time-words are now construed in such a way that the accusative of the pronoun is not placed next to the nominative, but separated from it, and only half the accusative is set; un z. B. (Cf.) means me, but one does not say un in this case, but decomposes the word into its elements u-n, omits the u * (or rather it already precedes) and keeps only n or in; also in the third person, where in this case r (ir) is needed; z. In pirij, profectus sum, ir-piris, profectus est. So here we have in-pugatta, perveni. Pugatta stands for a Persian Ztw., of which we only see the rest.,.ayam. Balu (baru) finally is a particle, which spatially means the same as turi in time determinations, and like the Türkic [ ؤرى ] (waraa) , the German since and this side in both cases.

A is an ideograph for the word "city" and is probably a abbreviation for avarris, which we will get to know later.

Čatavadak stands for the Persian Anuva longitudinally, to the side; Norris has already compared it with the susan word gatanika, which means "wide, great," and gatavadak is recognized as a participle. But I think I can give a better explanation; I think it is a compound, namely gata-va-dak; I compare gata with the arab".Ufer", also known as ver agreed Tigris and Euphrates, so that not gata, but sata would be written; va. is locative, and dak partic of the verb. noun, thus literally like the Türkic [ شاطئ الشط-العرب ] (shati alsht-alerb) "am shore of the Schatt-ül-Arab". There we would have to search the city of Zazana, if this conjecture is correct.

Rudas stands for the Persian Patis "against" (utra, utru, utrun "against" is near perfect Türkic original).

Uttinara or uttivara is a particip Futuri, facturus, Türkic [ ا,بتملو ] (a,bitamilu).

Puttana has to be called "I drifted". (Of all applicable synonyms, drift is most unlikely, since the notion "drift" is expressed by numerous generic verbs denoting various movements, like move, float, run, swim, etc.)

Čathak, a passive form, is likely "drowned" (čom-/čöm-/čüm- “sink, dive, drown”, boğul- “strangled, choked, drowned”). The Susi text, which completely reproduces the content of the Persian text, deviates somewhat from the original in the arrangement of the sentences. The translation is:

"King Darius says: Then I moved to Babylon. When I arrived on this side of Babylon, Naditabel, impersonating Nebuchadnezzar, approached me at the city of Zazaua, on the banks of the Euphrates, with his army to supply a ravine.

Then we delivered the battle. Oromazes helped me; by the grace of Oromazes I defeated the army of Naditabel on the second day of the month Anamakka; I killed many people of the army of Naditabel, and drove it into the river where it drowned".

II, 1. (The Persian text begins the second column.)

Iak. Darijos. Čavas. nanri. vačni. 78Niditbala. ufarri. talanifa, arigifa. iditka. putraska,... Babilu. lufaba. vačni. u. 79ßa(bi)lu(kki). pugatta. zomin. Oromazdana. kutta. Babilu. varrij. kutta. Niditbala. u80farri. pinti. vačni. Niditbala. ufarri. u. Babilu. ir-ap(ij.)

In this group the Darius name is absent.

Talanifa, corridor, of talani, rider, a word associated with the Hungarian lo and ostjak. tau is nothing to do, and still less with the Russian loschad. Also, with the word karra, which Oppert translates to "horses," do not compare it well. If you want to compare something, the Türkic [ أتممو ] ('atammu) (name, father, throw, pulsate, danger, calamity, and numerous other of the ata type fit that phonetic bill) is offering the easiest.

Putraska is the second past tense of an intransitive time word, of which we became acquainted with puttana as a transitivum (transitive) ("drift" ?) in the previous section.

For the double agarbayam of the Persian Text we have here once varrij, which we already know, and once pinti, which I can not explain; but the place is very damaged. The rest is easy. The translation is thus:

"King Darius says: Then Naditabel set out with faithful horsemen and retired to Babylon. I also moved to Btbylon; by Oromazes' grace I conquered Babylon and captured Naditabel. Then I killed the Naditabel in Babylon".

Second column.

II, 2. Iak. 1Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. kus. u. Babilu. ulligat. appi. daijo2s. ur. pafatifa. Parčij. iak. Afardi. iak. Madapa. iak. Aččura. iak. Mu3tzarijfa. iak. Parthuvafa. iak. Marguspa. iak. Thattagus. iak. Čak4kapa.

In this exceedingly easy paragraph, there is nothing more to be said than that, by an apparent oversight, Egypt is set up, rather than Armenia. The translation is:

"King Darius says: While I was in Babylon, these peoples rose against me: the Persians, the Susians, the Medes, the Assyrians, the Egyptians, the Parthians, the Margians, the Sadatyads, and the Sakas".

II, 3. iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. rup. gir. Martij. načd. Sčin5zakris. čagri. a. Kuggannakan. nači. Parčijkki. avi. artak. ufarri. A6fardikki. ivaka. daččuvappa. na. zitu. ap-tiris. nanri. u. Iminanis. Čavas. Afardina. va7ra.

Artak, an intra-verbal verb, which means "to live", and is perhaps related to the Türkic [ امد،ورمى ] (amd,waramaa) (dur-/tur- "live").

The paragraph reads in the translation:
"King Darius says: A man named Martiya, a son of Sisikres, who lived in the city of Kuganaka in Persia, revolted in Susiana, and said to the people: I am Omanes, king of the Susians".

II, 4. Iak. u. avačir. Afarti. in-kanna. ulnigat. vačni. Afartifa. ukkivar. fanifa. Mar8tij. ufarri. kka. irčarra. appini. tiristi. ir-var-risča. ir-apis.

Avačir stands here and elsewhere for the Persian Adakey, which Rawlinson doubtfully translates as "only, a little," and compares it to the Persian and the Türkic [ انمحى ] (anmahaa). At any rate, a Susi word is a conjunct, which can best be translated as "da" (there) or "because". (anča, anda, anta "there"; -ča/-da/-ta is a directional locative suffix, Cf. German da "there", an uncoupled Türkic suffix -ča/-da/-ta of "there", )

In-kanna is a reflexive verb; kanna means "to love, to be friends, to feel benevolence". a meaning which will be confirmed by the following texts. (köŋül "heart", köŋültak "cordial", accordingly . in-kanna. ulnigat. should be read . in. kannaultag. ni.)

Ulnigat is the 1st Pers. Sing. Imperf. of the verb. (ol 3rd pers. sing. pronoun "he, she")

The translations of Rawlinson and Oppert are by no means confirmed by the Susian text; first Norris has hit the right target. There could be no talk of a march of Darius to Susiana, for the following Paragraphs tell us of the Phraortes' revolt in Media and that of the Armenians, to fight which he sent his generals and satraps, and since these, it seems, were not too successful, the twelfth paragraph says that he finally set out from Babylon to Media. So for the whole time he remained in Babylon. On the other hand, the other translation fits very well, since Darius had his regular residence in Susa.

The word fanifa looks very suspicious, but the Persian and Babylonian texts give us no help; Norris says that it means "influenced, moved," I also think of being "prompted" or suggesting a similar word, but the whole language of the monument resists such an interpretation; After all, I just want to assume that it means "loyal, devoted, affectionate". The rest is easy. The whole sentence reads (the usual input phrase is missing):

"As I was friendly with Susians, Susians remained faithful to me; they seized the Martiya, who called themselves their chief, and killed him".

II, 5. Iak. Da9rijvos. Čavas. nanri. rup. gir. Farruvartis. nači. ufarri. Madapakki. ivaka. 10daččuvappa. na. zitu. ap-tirisča. nanri. u.  Čattarrita. nima. Vakstarrana. nima11ngi. vara. vačni. daččuvap.

Madapa. appi. u. immani. upipa. ukkivar. pafatifa. u12farrikki. piris. Madapakki. Čavasmas. ufarri. uttas.

Nimangi, oriundus, is undoubtedly a derivative of nima.

The words appi.u. immani stand for the Persian words hya vithäpatij aha. Rawlinson translates: "which were at home" 4, Oppert: "qui etait au pays". The suspenseful words can not confirm these translations at all, but seem to mean something else; appi is hya "which"; then follows u "I", but strikingly with a horizontal wedge; in the parallel passage Col. Ill., Z. 5, of course, is correct 'the vertical wedge; In any case, the translator has expressed the pronoun ego or a case of the same. Immani I can not translate other than "stayed"; the idea of ​​a postposition which Norris had come up with is inadmissible, because then the verb would be missing; I imagine that this refers to the troops who remained in Medieu during the campaign against Babylon. If this is correct, then the word immani is at least belonging to the Indo-European class, and related to / ntvw, maneo.

The translation is thus:

"King Darius says: A man, named Phraortes, revolted in the Media, and said to the people: I am Xathrites, of the lineage of the Cyaxares. Then the fashionable troops who had stayed with me dropped from me and went over to him. He ruled in Media".

II, 6. Iak. Daččuvap. Parčij. iak. Madapa. u. da13s. arikki. ul1i. vačni. u. daččuvap. Madapakki. tifapa. taup. Vidarna. nači. Parčar. gir. u. 14lubaruri. ufarri. irčarra. appini. ir-utta. na. zitu. ap-tirij. vitas. daččuvap. Ma15dapa. kkapa. unina. inni. tirivapi. upipa. apis. vaka. vačni. Vidarnn. daččuvap. idaka. Madapa16kki. thak, thap. Madapakki, ir-pirik, a. Marus. nači, Madapakki, avi, čaparrak17mmas, uttas, kka, Madapana, irčarra. avačir. inni. arir. Oramazda. pikti. u. da18s. Oramazdana, daččuvap, ​​appi, unina, daččuvap, ​​appi, patifaua, irčikki, apis, XX19VII, nan, XXX, Anama-kasna, pilga, na, zitu, čaparrakinmas, uttas, daččuvap, appi. u20nina. ački. inni. uttas. daijus, Kampattas. nači. Madapakki. avi. zatis, 21kus, u, sinnigat. Madapakki.

Tifapa taup stands for the Persian käram fraisayam, and actually means expeditionem expedivi (expedite campaign). Norris translates tifapa by messenger, which is quite inadmissible in substance; Rebels are defeated only by soldiers, and the monarch can not negotiate with rebels by envoys or messengers.

Lubaruri means, as mentioned earlier, "loyal, devoted, obedient".

Vitas, 2nd Pers. Plur. Imperate. from vit, go, Türkic [  ] gitmek (go (in pursuit)) a word which in the Indo-European and Tatar languages

is common; the root is the Skt. i; vit becomes like Vistačpa [  ]; also Lat. vado, ito, and slav. idit. (Mordtmann lists the IE allophones of the Türkic Ogur form gi- of the verb i-, ij-, ïj- "go (after, in search of or for, chase, in pursuit, track, travel, and the like)". Thus, the origin of the notion "go, move" evolved as the hunting term. The verb has at least a total of 24 synonyms and synonymic variations (artïz-, bolu ber-, er-, i-, ij-, ir-, izdä-, izlä-, ïj-, kel-, kil-, qadaɣla-, qataɣla-, soŋda-, terkäš-, tirgäs-, ud-, udïz, uduz, uδ-, uδula-, us-, ut-, uz-), of which 15 are reflexes of the base i- (er-, i-, ij-, ir-, izdä-, izlä-, ïj-, ud-, udïz, uduz, uδ-, uδula-, us-, ut-, uz-). Phonetic and morphological dispersion attest to a hoary antiquity of a Stone Age, extensively hunting populations, and linguistically diverse groups that came to share this particular hunting terminology. Mordtmann refers to the sources of the term as biblical Japhetic, a half-century later the same biblical concept was rechristened Nostratic, but the historical reality suggests the processes of first amalgamation of the diverse groups, and then of dialectal dispersion, the processes that practically ended with the rise of the universal literacy, broadcasting, and codification of the last few centuries).

Tirivapi, Medial form, "to call oneself". Vaka is dixi, first Persian Sing to vara, inquit (says).

Thak, Pract. of the intransitive Ztw. tha, come.

Avagir inni arir stand for the Persian Adakey ney,.. da; the latter word supplements Oppert adäraya and translates "ne tint pas longtemps". But I doubt whether the Persian words give this meaning; the suspenseful arir could compare it to artak, which means "to live"; I am inclined to accept the interpretation, but not in the military sense, but in comparison with arigi "faithful, affectionate", and would therefore translate: quia in fide non remanserunt.

Zatis means "wait" and "expect", a fairly certain meaning that could serve to restore the mutilated Persian text; the word is probably related to gad, sedeo, e% o (.iai, litth, sedmi.

So I translate the whole paragraph (the usual input is missing):

"The Persian and Median troops remained loyal to me. Thereupon I sent an army against the Medes, and made a devoted Persian, named Hydarnes, the leader of it. I addressed the troops: Go, fight the people of Media, which does not call mine mine. Then Hydarnes went with the army to Media; when he arrived in the Media, he delivered a battle to a city called Marus, in Media; since the leader of the Medes was outraged, Oromazes helped me; by the grace of Oromazes my army killed many of the armies of the Medes on the 27th day of the month of Anainaka. Then my army behaved calmly and waited in Media in the province of Kambadene until I came to the Media".

II, 7. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. Dadarsis. 22nači. Arminijr. gir. u. lubaruri. ufarri. u. Arminijfakka. ir-uttu. na. zitu. 23nartirij. vita. daččuvap. appi. unina. inni. tirivapi. upipa. apis. vaka. vačni. Dadarsis. 24thak. thap. Arminijfakki. ir-pirikka. patifa. farrurčarrafapa. Dadarsis. irva. 25sinrifa. čaparrakmmas. uttiniunuba. vačni. Dadarsis. čaparrakmmas. apva. das. uvanis. Zutza. 26nači. Arminijfakki. avi. Oramazda. pikti. u. das. zomin. Oramazdana. daččuvap. 27appi. unina. daččuvap. appi. patifana. irčikki. apis. VIII. nan. XXX. Thurvarna. pilga. 28na. zitu. čaparrakmmas. uttas.

Uttu stands for the Persian Fräisayam, and is thus another time-word than ut; from the former, uttu, Norris derives the word uttap, which he translates as "messenger"; but uttap comes from ut, and is exactly the Persian kära. Uttu, on the other hand, is probably related to the Türkic [ ا'ذهى ] (a'dhahaa) atmak (toss), while ut compares to [ اي*عمممح ] (ay*emmmh).

Vita is the 2nd Pers. Sing Iinperat. In the previous paragraphs we batten the plural; but this is no difference in the rank of the general, for in the preceding paragraph it was expressly stated that Darius had sent Hydra with an army, and in the march ap-tiris, "he said to him," d. h. ( i.e.) to Hydarnes and to the army. Here, on the other hand, Darius speaks only of the delegation of Dadarses, and na-tirij "I said to this", d. h. ( i.e.) to Dadarses. Thus, the artificial distinction that Holtzmann makes between a simple general, a satrap and a king, "go," "go," "go," coincides with it.

Farrurgarrafaba is already declared very happy by Norris; fa is Plurals and Ba Gerundiums ending; the word itself is thus farrurčarra, again composed of farru, Persian fra, german ver, and irčarra "gross"; it actually means "to increase", to multiply "d. H. to assemble, thus confirming the translation which Rawlinson gave of the corresponding Persian words hagmata. Oppert compares the latter word with the New Persian, which in itself is quite possible, especially when one compares Hagmatana with; but of the many words which in Susi mean "come," not a single one stands for hagmata, although it occurs several times in the sequence.

Irva is composed of ir-va, so that ir seems as a carrier of the postposition; ap-va is just like that; that is called in eum, this in eos.

Uttiniunuba is a Particip. Futuri, for which we previously had utti-vara.

Norris translates that into made, because he thinks that esse (be) and facere (do) in Susi are one and the same word; that is merely fuit (was), and the whole phrase is called "Dadarsi proelium cum illis fuit (Dadarsi was to them the war)," which is not Ciceronian, but understandable.

Uvanis stands here for the Persian Avahanam, and is probably a mere transcript, in which the aspiration naturally fell away. The name of the place Zutza, which has been lost in the Persian texts, is confirmed by the Babylonian text, where he is called Zuzu. The rest is easy.

The translation is thus:

"King Darius says," I sent a devoted Armenian, named Dadarses, to Armenia, and said to him, 'Go, fight the people who do not call mine mine.' Then Dadarses went. When he arrived in Armenia, the rebels gathered around Dadarses to fight him; then Dadarses insisted on meeting them at a village in Armenia named Zutza. Oromazes helped me; by

Oromazes 'mercy killed my army many of the rebels' army on the eighth day of the month Thuravahara".

II, 8. Iak. čarak. Ilmmasva. patifa. farrurčarrappa. Dadarsis. 29ir-va. sinnifa. čaparrakmmas. uttiniunupa. vačni. avarris. Tigra. nači. Arminijfak30ki. avi. čaparrakmmas. uttas. Oramazda. pikti. u. das. zomin. Oramazdana. dačču31vap. appi. unina. daččuvap. appi. patifana. irčikki. apis. XVIII. nan. XXX. Tburvarna. 32pilga. na. zitu. čaparrakmmas. uttas.

Čarak means "times", Hungarian szer, perhaps also related to the Türkic [ (unclear) ], although the latter does not have quite the same meaning ( [د.سشم أاكذم وأمدكسم ] (da.sishm 'aakidhum wa'amdiksim) is called bini, seni, septeni (two, six, seven); ends the numerical word with a consonant, the sibilant is discarded, singuli, quaterni (particular, always four)).

Farrurčarrappa is already explained in the previous paragraph; this time it is ap instead of fa, a proof that the plural formation is by no means quite regular.

Avarris means "castle", "fortress", and since in the Orient almost all cities are fortresses, the meaning "city" is also to be assumed, so that in this word we can search for the original of the ideograph. Avarris is the same word like Türkic [ مازوش / ووازوش ] (?/mazuz) (balik, balïq ), Hungarian varos city, before the fortress. (Mordtmann must have referred to one of the 20 ways to say "city, castle, fortress": balïq, eb, ef, ergü, ev, hisar, jurt, kand, kanz, kent, mänzil, otaɣ, palïq, qalïma, qïšliq, qonɣu, turada, turuɣ, üj, üv)

"The second time the rebels gathered and went against Dadarses to meet him. Then the meeting took place at a fortress in Armenia, named Tigra. Oromazes helped me: by the grace of Oromazes, my army killed many of the armies of the rebels on the 18th day of the month of Thuravahara".

The Babylonian text adds that the rebels in the battle had 546 dead and that 520 prisoners of war were executed.

II, 9. Iak. čarak. Illmmasva. patifa. farrurčarrafapa. Da33darsis. ir-va. sinuifa. čaparrakmmas. uttiniunupa. avarris. Uijma. nači. Arminijfa34kki. avi. čaparrakmmas. uttas. Oramazda. pikti. u. das. zomin. Oramazdana. dačču35vap. appi. unina. daččuvap. appi. patifana. irčikki. apis. IX. nan. XXX. Thaigarrizisna. 36pilga. na. zitu. čaparrakmmas. uttas. iak. vačni. Dadarsis. ački. inni. uttas. un. zatis. 37kus. u. Madapakki. sinnigat.

"For the third time, the rebels gathered and went to meet Dadarses to meet him. The meeting took place at a castle in Armenia called Uiyama. Oromazes helped me; By the grace of Oromazes, my army killed many of the rebels' armies on the ninth day of the month Tbaigartschisch. Dadarses responded quietly and awaited me until I came to the Media".

II, 10. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. Vomič38ča. nači. Parčar. gir. u. lubaruri. ufarri. u. tifapa. Arminijfakki. taup. na. 39zitu. na-tiri. vita. daččuvap. appi. patifa. unina. inni. tirivapi. upipa. apis. vaka. vačni. 40Vomičča. thac. thap. Arminijfakki. ir-porikka. patifa. farrurčarrafapa. V41omigga. ir-va. sinnifa. čaparrakmmas. uttiniunu-pa. vačni. Tzitu. nači. Aččuran. avi. čapar42rakmmas. uttas. Oramazda. pikti. u. das. zomin. Oramazdana. daččuvap. appi. u43nina. daččuvap. appi. patifana. irčikki,apis. XV. nan. XXX. Anamakkasna. pilga. na. 44zitu. čaparrakmmas. uttas.

Tifapa could possibly mean "messenger" here, but the assignment given by Darius to the Voinises is not the order of a messenger, but of a general. In the sixth paragraph, the army which Darius sends to the Media is called tifapa, "exercitum contra medos" tifapa "misi;" on the other hand Voinises is designated as tifapa, but the task is always the same, namely, to overcome the uprising; the expression corresponds approximately to the German "on execution".

The translation is:

"King Darius says: I sent a devout Persian, named Voinises, to Armenia and said to him: Geb, fight the army of the rebels, which is not called the united. Vomises went. When he came to Armenia, the rebels gathered and fought against Vomises to give him a battle; then they fought at (a place) in Assyria, named Tzitu. Oromazes helped me; by the grace of Oromazes my army killed many of the rebels' armies on the fifteenth day of the month of Anamaka".

The Babylonian text adds that the rebels in the battle had 2024 dead.

II, 11. Iak. čarak. Ilmmasva. patifa. farrurčarrafapa. Vomič45ča. ir-va. sinuifa. čaparrakmmas. uttiniunupa. vačni. batin. Otijrus. nači. avi. čaparrakm46mas. uttas. Oramazda. pikti. u. das. zomin. Oramazdana. daččuvap. appi. unina. dačču47vap. appi. patifa. irčikki. apis. XXX. Thurvar. pungitava. na. zitu. čaparrakmmas. utta48s. vačni. Vomičča. Arminijfakki. zatis. kus. u. Madapakki. sinnigat.

Batin here stands for the Persian Dahyaus, which is otherwise trans-scribed; it seems that batin is needed by the smaller departments, ie "provinces", while the main components of the Persian empire are called "daijos".

Pungitava, Locat. from pungita the end, Lat. finis, ungar. veg, Votyak pun, syrian. poin.

For the second time, the rebels gathered and went to meet Vomises to meet him. Then the battle took place in the province of Otiara. Oromazes helped me; By the grace of Oromazes, my army killed many of the rebels' army at the end of the month of Thuravahara. This left Vomises in Armenia until I came to the Media".

The Babylonian text adds that the rebels in the battle in 2045 had Todtc and that 1559 were killed by the prisoners.

II, 12. Iak. 49Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. vačni. u. Babilu-var. lufogatta. Madapakki. pirij. thap. Ma50dapakki. in-pirugat. a. Kundarrus. nači. Madapakki. avi. Farruvartis. ufarri. sin51nik. kka. nanri. u. Čavasmas. Madapana. utta. varu. čaparrakmmas. uttivara. vačni. čaparrakmmas. u52ttaut. Oramazda. pikti. u. das. zomin. Oramazdana. avi. daččuvap. appi. Farruvartisna. 53u. api. irčikki. XXV. nan. XXX. Adukannnsna. pilga. na. zitu. čaparrakmmas. uttiüt.

"King Darius says: Then I went away from Babylon and moved to Media. When I got to Media, Phraortes, who had thrown himself to the king of the Medes, moved to the city of Kundrus in the Media to deliver a battle. Then we delivered the battle. Oromazes helped me; By grace of Oromazes5 I killed many of the armies of Phraothes on the 25th day of the month of Adukannas".

II, 13 Vačni. 54Farruvartis. ufarri. talanifa. arikkifa. idaka. putračka. Ragan. thak.. vačni. u. daččuvapmas55mi. taup. avivar. varrica. ukki. vogag. u. nasimmas. iak. titmas. iak. palli. matzij. imta. 56gituva. zifa. uninava. rabbaka. varric. daččuvap. varpafaha. ir-zijs. iak. vačni. Akinatana. tr57urva. ir-patu. iak. kutta. kisi. appi. atarriva. nitavi. upifapi. upipa. Akmatana. avarri58sva. varxa. appini. čarakappika. appin. parra.

Daččuvapinasmi has a double affix, nias, which makes the meaning a bit more general, and mi, my; Holtznutnu concluded the Aryan character of the language from this possessivism with "mine"; however, in the Persian the father, my father, and almost all Asian languages have a similar education, z. B. (Cf.) for example, Türkic [ اذا ] ('iidha) (ata) the father, [ اذام ] (adhan) (atam) my father (just like all other Tartar dialects); Hungarian atya, the father, atyam my father; Lapp. attje the father, attjam my father; Nenets (without derisional moniker) iso the father, isomen my dad. So it is far more a Japhetic form than a specially Aryan one. (Mordtmann notes the transition of my from a suffix to a preposition in Germanic languages, i.e. mein Vater, my father, that illustrates a process of parsing compounded sememes into their semantic constituents to adapt semantical grains to an alien syntactic structure. That is a technique of amalgamation. The ubiquitous presence of the mounted nomads spread this and other similar terms across nearly entire Eurasia. The particular segment of the “IE” languages is but an appendage on the palm of the distribution.)

Nasimmas and titmas are formations, such as raskimas, titki-mas, čaparrakmuias, and thus, as the actual trunks of these words, one has nasi, the nose and tit the tongue; I ask, however, not to regard this word nasi as the nose as a proof of the Aryan derivation of the Susi language, for this would make a circular conclusion; Rather, I must remember that the group can not be determined from the existing material, and that I have Abth. In O. It was only with regard to this word that I accepted the phonetic value at the discretion of the instrument, without any proof, and that in avoiding unjustified inferences and etymologies, as often as this group occurs, this memento is repeated, not by my saying, but rather by writing.

The same is true of Palli's ear; see. Abth. No. 104.

Matzij, praecidi, cf. Knife, butcher, stonemason, meissein u. s. w. (and so on)

Imta gituva (gituina) stands for the Persian Atäsiya,... in. Avajam. Avajam means "I led", "I brought"; but in the Persian text the word has been lost, which the object for this Ztw. forms. In the following paragraph the same phrase appears, but just as mutilated, and in the Babylon. Text lacks both phrases altogether. I compare Gituma (gituva) with Pasgita, Col. IZ 46. 49. 52 and with dalduka, Col. I Z. 17. 18. Just as Dal, to be full, to fill daldu, so gita is "brought," gituva "I let bring". Imta, however, I can not explain; I suspect that it is merely a conjunction or a prefix of verb gituva; if it were a noun, there would be some determinative in front of it.

Zifa means according to the Persian text "gate", "court", "palace", but I have no similar word bekanut.

Zijs of zij, see, a word which is related to the Germanic language stem.

Trurva locomotive of Trur, which must mean "cross".

The conclusion is again very unclear, with various uncertain characters, while the parallel passages provide virtually no help. For the Susian words varxa.ap-pini. čarakappika. In the Babylonian texts we have nothing at all in appiu. parra, and in the pers, texts only the word frahajan, whose meaning is unknown; only presumably Rawlinson translates it "I erected it". Our 5 words will probably mean something more; Let's see what else can be found out.

There is talk of the accomplices of the Phraorles; before that there are the words upipa. Akmatana. avarrisva d. h. ( i.e.) "Illos in Ecbatanorum castello", then comes varxa an ideograph with an unknown final syllable; on this appini, Gen. PI. from appi, so illorum; Thus, varxa must be a noun whose meaning is provisionally A. The following word garakappika is evidently a verb time-word, a compound; kappikä we already have Abth. in No. 93, identical with the Türkic [ قادامف ] (qadamf) (relatives in handcuffs ?) (Türkic qadaš “relative”, “relatives” in handcuffs, chains, fits the contents); it is called clausus (closed); gara, perhaps garak, is called vice, iterum (in turn, again), and in compounds it probably has the meaning of Lat. re, garakappika is thus reclusus (irons, handcuffs, fetters). The following word appin means illos; parra finally lets assume that it replaces the Persian frähajam, that is suspendi. Accordingly, the closing words are: asseclarum suorum duces illos, Ecbatanorum in castello A. eorum incluso (inclusis) illos suspendi (The followers of their fathers, their dukes, including their Ecbatana, were in the village of A. (to be hanged with others).

We still have to figure out what is the unknown A. Varxa probably is connected with var "from", varri "take" "hold"

"avarris" fort, varpita "all together", and can therefore mean "possession" "goods" "wealth"; perhaps "children" would also be "relatives" or the like, but the vertical wedge is missing, and so it must mean something lifeless, and instead of reading varxa, malxa, it would be reminiscent of JLa, but of course a Semitic word. So be it with "Have" stay. Nothing is gained for the determination of the phonetic value of the last syllable.

So I translate this paragraph (the usual input formula is missing):

"Then Phraortes set out with faithful riders and came to Raga. I sent my people, and he was taken from there and sent to me; I cut off his nose, tongue and ears, and let him bring,... Handcuffed at my court, imprisoned, all the people saw him. Then I crucified him in Ekbatana; besides, I had the most distinguished of his followers hanged, and brought all their property to the castle of Ekbatana".

II, 14. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. ru59p. gir. Ziččantakma. nači. Aččagartijra. ufarri. ukkivar. pafaračka. daččuvappa. na. zitu. ap60tiris. nanri.  Čavasmas. u. utta. nima. Vakstarrana. niman. vara. vačni. u. daččuvap. Parčij. iak. 61Madapa. tifapa. taup. Takmačpada. nači. Mada. u. lubaruri. ufarri. irčarra. appini. ir-utta. 62nä. zitu. ap-tirij. vitas. daččuvap. appi. patifa. unina. inni. tirivapi. upipa. apis.vaka. vačni. Tak63mačpada. daččuvap. idaka. thak. čaparrakmmas. Ziččantakma. na. das. Oramazda. pikti. u. das. 64zomin. Oramazdana. daččuvap. appi. unina. daččuvap. appi. patifapa. irčikki. apis. kutta. 65Ziččantakma. ir-varris. ukki. ir-vogas. u. nusimmus. iak. palli. matzi. imta. gituva. zi66fa. uninava. rabbaka. varrik. daččuvap. varripafata. ir-zijs. vačni. Arbala. nači. avi. u. tru67rva. ir-patu.

Pafaragka, second preterite, of Pafa, revolt.

The name Takmačpada in the Persian text is Khamagpäda, probably a mutilated form, the oppert, who did not know the Susi text and yet felt the unusual of form, read Khmačpada. Takmačpada, now called strong riders. Everything else is easy. The translation is:

"King Darius says: A Sagartian, named Chitra-tachina, rose up against me and said to the people: I am king, born of the race of Cyaxares. - Then I sent the Persian and Median troops, and set over them a devoted Medes, named Tachmaspada, as leaders over them, and said unto them, Go, fight the people that have rebelled and do not call mine mine. Thereupon Tachmaspada continued with his army and held a meeting with Chitra-tachma. Oromazes helped me; by Oromazes' grace

my army killed many of the armies of the rebels; they also captured the chitratahma and sent him to me. I cut off his nose and ears and let him,.. bring. At my court, bound and captive all the people saw him; then I crucified him in Arbela".

II, 15. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. na. u. Madapakki. utta.

"King Darius speaks: I did that in Media".

II, 16. l68ak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. Parthuvaspa. iak. Virkanijfa. ukkivar. pafatifapa. Farru69vartisna. tirijs. Vistačpa. u,ttata. Parthuvas. ulli. ir-ufarri. daččuvap. ir mat70tavačča. pafatifa. iak. vačni. Vistačpa. daččuvap. appi. tavini. idaka. thak. a. Vispozatis. 71nači. Parthuvas. avi. čaparrakmmas. patifa. ap-va. das. Oramazda. pikti. u. das. zomin. Oramazdana. Vi72stačpa. daččuvap. appi. patifa. apis, irčikki. XXII. nan. XXX. Vijkannasna. pilga. na. zitu. čapar73rakmmas. uttas.

Mattavagga (vattavagga) is the participle of a verb of time, as we see in the inscription NR. Z. 48 have the form mttainti (vattainti); in both passages, the meaning "deviate", "leave", "leave something" fits very well.

Tavini obviously means "to be", which we otherwise have nitavi for.

This paragraph, which is garbled in the Persian text to the point of no further recognition, is thus in the translation:

"King Darius says: The Parthians and Hyrcanians revolted against me and went to Phraortes. My father Hystaspes was in Parthia. The people fell away from him and revolted. Thereupon Hystaspes went out with his army and held a meeting with the rebels at a city in Parthia, named Hy-spozatis; Oromazes helped me; Through Oromazes's mercy, Hystaspes killed many rebels on the 22nd day of the month of Viyakhua".

III, 1.

(The third column of the Persian text begins here.)

Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. vačni. u. daččuvap. Parčij. Raggan-var. Vista74čpakkr. vogaij. thap. daččuvap. upipa. Vistačpakki. ir-porifa. vačni. Vistačpa. daččuvap. 75upipa. idaka. thak. a. Patigrabbana. nači. Parthuvas. avi. čaparrakmmas. attas. Oramazda. pikti. u. 76das. zomin. Oramazdana. Vistačpa. daččuvap. appi. patifa. apis. irčikki. I. nan. XXX. Gar77mapadas. pilga. na. čaparrakmmas. uttas.

"King Darius says: Then I sent Persian troops from Rhages to Hystaspes; When these troops came to Hystaspes, Hystaspes went out with them and delivered a battle at a town in Partbieu, named Patigrabana. Oromazes helped me; Through Oromazes's grace, Hystaspes killed many rebellious people on the first day of the month of Garmapada".

The Babylonian text adds that the rebels

There were 6560 dead and 4182 prisoners were killed by the prisoners of war.

III, 2. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. vačni. daiju78s. unina. auttafa. na. u. Parthuvas. utta.

Auttafa is evidently a Passive of utta, factus est; but I can not explain the form.

"King Darius speaks: 'Then the province was made united. I did that in Parthia".

III. 3. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. daij79us. Margus. nači. ukkivar. pafatifaba. rup. gir. Farrada. nači. Margusirra. ufarri. 80Čavas. appini. ir-uttas. iak. vačni. u. Dadarsis. nači. Parčar. gir. u. lubaruri. Čakčabävanamas. Ba81ksis. uttas. uttap. ufarrikki. vogaij. nanga. vitgini. daččuvap. appi. patifa. unina. inni. tirivapi. 82upipa. apisni. vaka. vačni. Dadarsis. daččuvap. idaka. thak. čaparrakmmas. Marguspa. ap-va. das. Oramazda. pikti. 83u. das. zomin. Oramazdana. daččuvap. appi. unina. daččuvap. appi. patifana. apis. irčikki. XXIII. nan. 84XXX. Aččijtijsna. pilga. na. čaparrakmmas. uttas.

Čakčabavanamas stands for the Persian khsathrapävä satrap, and has a very strange appearance at first sight; on closer examination, however, one will find that the Persian word could not be expressed otherwise in the Susi language. First mas is cut off, which indicates the office; in the Susi text there is not "he was satrap of Baktriana", but "he did satrapship in Baktriana"; Further, we have already seen that the Susi language was foreign to the throng, and that it replaced it with a sibilant, as even in this paragraph the name of the month is a second example. After these remarks the Reconstruction of ^ Čakčabavana would lead to Čakthrapavana. The fact that instead of khs the sounds were reversed and čak said, nothing is particularly striking; the Italian makes coccodrillo from crocodilus, the Türkic pafor, pamfor, pampor u. s. w. (and so on) from vapor, a steamboat. (bu “steam”, bur- “evaporate”, etc., Cf. Lat. vapor) "exhalation, steam", supposedly of unknown origin)

Rawlinson had quite rightly understood the following in his first edition of the Persian Text, in X. Vol. 1 of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, while Oppert declared violence to the Persian text and Norris declared that he could not cope with the Susic text. Although both are Persian and Susi, they are extremely easy and understandable. The word uttap again has no representative in the Persian text; it is "Lord," kära, and not "messenger," as Norris means; Dadarses could not have done much with the messenger; But he would not have had too many troops, since the uprisings in the central provinces, especially in Babylon, the Media and Persia, required many troops. He had to send soldiers to him, if necessary. The Persian words fraisayam

Dadarsis Oppert translates: "je deleguai le nomme Dadarsis" (I delegated the name Dadarsis). Fräisayam may be "je deleguai"; but Dädarsis? can the Dadarsis be named? It would have to be there Dädarsis; on the other hand, it means a few words further abiy avam, ad illum (for him); This abiy is surely not too overburdened.

Nanga, vitgini and apisni are 3 interesting verbal forms; Norris says: I can not explain nanga nor vitkini,... nor does it appear any meaning in the syllable ni after "afpis". Nanga is simply the participle of the well-known time-word nanri, [ و نإبررمى ] (w na'iibirramaa) (and Nebremi) (time-word) (command) and if we denote the speech of Darius with A, so the words nanga A. vaka mean exactly in Türkic: [ د.محذام ] (da.muhadham) A [ لي وردب ] (li waradab) or better [ دم بسلم ] (da.mahdham) A [ ب*وروب ] (ba*wrub) or  [دءو ام وهممش ] (dam muhamun radam) A [ ماه'نذام ] (mah'ndham) ().

Nanga stands for the Persian Avathasey athaham, where the first word "ita ei" is not translated. The translator may have had good reasons for doing so, for Darius was in Ekbatana and Dadarses in Baktra, and at such distances it is not easy to talk to each other; so Darius will have said these words to the leader of the troop corps, not "go, leader," or "go, you soldiers", but "he (Dadarses) go, fight", s. w. (and so on); we see that Holtzmann's view of this imperative is not tenable. Darius gave the troop commander (or the my messenger) orders for Dadarses, and so it is quite natural in vitgini (go?) to seek apisni (fight?), the third person sing. imperative, and that is really it, as we shall see later in many examples, z. B. nisgasni, protegate, kannasni, diligate u. s. w. (and so on). Holtzmann, according to Spiegel's grammar of the Parsi language, probably tried to make that these forms apisni, nisgasni u. s. w. (and so on) are the primitive types of the verbal forms in esn, and the examples cited by Spiegel, p. 93, especially the first, confirm this conjecture very well. So I do not doubt for a moment that this form is identical to the Susic form. But how is it that neither Old Persian nor New Persian has this form? Why does it find herself only in the Susian, in the Huzvaresch (see mirror, grammar of the Huzva speech § 120) and in the Parsi? Semitic is certainly not the form: who looks for Semitic verb forms in Aryan words?

So it makes sense to look around in the Türkic-Tatar tribe language, and there we still find it to this day; vitkini [ إكا،نسعون ] ('iikaa, naseun), apisni [ ارسرسون ] (arsirisun), kannasni [ سوسون ] (susson). That is such an age-old form as is the Susi, which Huzvaresch and Parsi have preserved with such purity and importance in modern Türkic [ سون ] (sun) (čun), is further evidence that these elements foreign to the Aryan languages ​​are innate in the Türkic-Tatar languages.

The rest gives no further cause for remarks, and the paragraph reads in the translation:

"King Darius says: The province of Margiana revolted against me and made a Margian name Frada her king. Then I sent troops to a devoted Persian named Dadarses, who was satrap of Bactria, and let him say that he should go out and fight the people of the rebels, which is not mine. Dadarses moved out with the troops and had a meeting with the Margies. Oromazes helped me; By Oromazes9 Gnajle, my army killed many of the rebels' army on the 23rd day of the month of Athriyadiya".

The Babylonian text adds that the Margians had 4203 dead in the battle and that 6562 prisoners were executed,

III, 4. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. na85nri. vačni. daijus. unina. auttafa. nà. u. Baksis. utta.

"King Darius says: Then the province was subjected to me. That's what I did in Bactria".

Third column.

III, 5. (1Darijvos. Čàvas. nanri. rup. gir.) Visdatta. nači. a. Tarrauva. nači. lutijs. nači. 2(Parčijkki avi. Artak.ufarri. čarak. llm) masva. Parčijkki. (i)vaka. (dačču) vappa. ap-tiris,nanri. u. Fard3(ij. tar., Kurasna, vačni, daččuvap, ​​Parčij, appi. u.) immani. anza,... in,.. pika. upipa. ukkivar. pafati4(fa. ufarrikki, piris, parčijkki, Čavasmas.) ufarri. uttas.

Čarak. llmmasva. ivaka, partly according to the Persian duvitiyam udapatata "he revolted for the second time," added; there was no mention of a first indignation of the Vahyazdates; So this remark probably refers to the second pseudosmerdis.

The words appi. u. immani.anza,... in,.. pika stand for the Persian hya. vithdpatiy,hacä,yadayd. fratartam. Rawlinson translates this: ("Then the Persian forces) which were at home, being removed from connexion (with me?)" - Oppert: ("Le peuple perse) qui dans son pays £ tait detour de la piete." First goes out the comparison with the parallel point II, 5 shows that the words appi. u. immani the words hya. vithäpatiy, and that they are again to be translated in the same way, namely: "which remained in the province for me", d. h. ( i.e.) those troops who were not used to put down the rebellions in the other provinces. The following 3 words haca.yadaya.fratartam are harder to understand; hacd is "from" jt, fratartam is "removed" "separated" "separated"; but yada? Rawlinson says it's connexion, Oppert

against piete; Rawlinson promises to justify his translation in the dictionary; Oppert attracts the Sskrit root yaj. On the other hand, our gay court interpreter seems to have understood a locality under yada, for his word, whatever its name may be, has a horizontal wedge in front of it; In addition to this determinative, it also contains 3 or 4 groups, of which only the first two are safe, namely an. za; then follow individual confuse wedges that Norris, who had the imprint of the original in front of him, reads ti; then in; the rest is indistinct to the syllables pika, evidently remainder of the word, which means fratartam "separated" "isolated". So we have come to the same conclusion,.. I have already stated in the explanation of the word anzijan Col. 1, Z 47 the presumption that there is a prefix, and anzijau is explained by "repairing"; Here we have a second example, and I do not think I am wrong in comparing this prefix with the Greek dva, to which it is most closely related to the lute and meaning; Anzijan would therefore be revisio, and since zati means "wait" means, and we already with sedere u. s. w. (and so on) anzatin would be about as much as "residence", a meaning that fits very well here; the only question is whether yadd can have this meaning, in comparison with the zendwort zantu; but there are too many phonetic difficulties against this comparison which I can not all eliminate; on the other hand, our Susian word might be quite well connected with zantu.

So I translate this paragraph without standing for the correctness of all the parts:::

"King Darius speaks: A man named Vahyazdates, who lived in Tarava in the province of Jutia in Persia, revolted for the second time in Persia and said to the people: I am Smerdis, the son of Cyrus. After that, the troops left behind in Persia, who were away from the residence, rebelled against me and went over to him. He was king in Persia".,

III, 6. (l) ak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. 5....u. imma,.. u. (ukkivar.) inni. pafatifa. upipa. iak. dačču6 (vap. Parčij, iak, Madapa, appi, u. das. upipa. ti)fapa. taup. Ar(tavardij. nä)či. Parčar. gir. u. lubaruri. 7(ufarri. irčarra. appini. ir-utta. iak. kutta.) daččuvap. Parčij. (daie.,. piri)k. Madapakki. ugik. iak. 8(vačni, Artavardij. daččuvap. ​​idaka. Parčijkki.) Thak. thap. (Parčij)kki. ir-pirik. a. Raggan. 9(nači Parčijkki,.... avi. Visda)tta. ufarri. (kka. na)nri. u. Fardij. daččuvap. idaka. 10(Artavardij. ir-va. sinnik. čaparrak)mmas. utti(vara. iak. vač)ni. čaparrakmmas. uttas. Oramazda. 11(pikti, u. das. zomin, Oramazdana, dač(čuvap. ​​appi. unina. daččuvap. ​​appi. Visdattana. apis. ir12(čikki, XII, nan, XXX, Thurvarna. pil)ga., na. zitu. (čaparrakmmas. u) ttas.

In the Persian and Babylon. texts, the beginning of this paragraph is missing; What is left states, "I had stayed and which had not fallen away from me." So it is obviously the speech of those troops who were in Persia, but had not taken part in the uproar of the Vahyazdates. Accordingly, I would fill in the gap at the beginning of the 5th line: vačni. u. daččuvap. Parčijkki. appi, which words pretty much fill the space on the lithographed panel of Norris.

Ugik or ukik stands for the Persian paed rnana "after" or "behind me" d. h. ( i.e.))) under my orders.

The translation is thus:

"King Darius says: Then I sent out the troops in Persia that stood there and had not revolted against me, as well as the Persian and Median troops who were with me. I appointed a devoted Persian, named Artavardes, as their leader. Furthermore, another Persian army moved under my orders to the Media. Artavardes moved with his troops to Persia. When he arrived in Persia, Vahyazdates, who claimed to be Smerdis, marched towards the city of Racha with his army to deliver a battle. Then the meeting took place. Oromazes helped me. By the grace of Oromazes, my army killed many of the armies of the Vahyazdates on the 12th day of Thuravahara".

III, 7. Iak. vačni. Visdat13(ta. ufarri. talanifa, arigifa. idaka. Pisijovada.) putračka.... ir-va. (pi)ris, avivar. čarak. daččuvap. u14(farri. Artavardij. ir-va. sinnifa. čaparrakmmas.) uttimara, a. Par(ra)ga, nači. avi,čaparrakmmas. utta15(s. Oramazda. pikti. u. das, zomin. 0)ramazdana. daččuvap, appi. unina. iak. daččuvap. appi. Vis16(dattana. irčikki. apis, VI. nan, XXX.) Garmapadasna. pilga. na. zitu, čaparrakmmas. uttas, iak. kut17(ta. Visda)tta. (ufarri. varris, iak.) kisi. appi. atarriva. nitavi. upifapi. varris.

Nothing is to be noted in this paragraph.

In this paragraph, nothing is to be noted except that the word iak in the fifteenth line is evidently a stonemason's mistake.  (Illiterate stonemasons and their spellcheckers are natural scapegoats for our own ignorant presumptions. #5)

The translation is:

"Then Vahyazdates, with faithful riders Pissiyovada,.... came back to him. From there he moved again his army against Artavardes to deliver him a battle. The battle took place at a town called Paraga. Oromazes helped me. By the grace of Oromazes, my army killed many of the armies of the Vahyazdates on the sixth day of the month of Garmapada and captured the Vahyazdates and its principal followers".

III, 8. II18(ak. Da)rijvos. (Čavas. nanri,vačni. Visdat)ta. ufarri. iak. kisi. appi. atarriva. nitavi. upofapi. i19(daka,.. ) tu. tazis,...

For the Persian Words: Uvadedaya. nama. vardanam. Pargey. avadasis. uzatayapatiy. akunavam we have in the 19th line nothing more than two small shreds i,... tutazis, and although

there is enough room, it seems, at least from the drawing and from Norris' comments to judge that this room was far from filled, at most half. Something must have fallen away, and it goes without saying that can be only the words: Uvadedaya näma vardanam Pärgey avada. If they had stood there, they would have said: a.Vadadaijnagi.Parčij.avi, which is certainly not true with the legible remains; We must therefore look no further than the translation of the words sis uzataya-patiy akunavam "eos cruci affixi"; but these words, according to the parallel passage, would be trurva ap-patu, and these really seem to have stood at the beginning, at least the last syllable tu implies. I do not know what to do with the rest of tazis. The place is thus in the translation:

"King Darius says: Then I (crucified) the Vahyaz-dates with his most distinguished followers (in the city Uvadedia in Persia?)"

III. 8 b. Iak. Darijvos, Čavas, nanri. na, u. Parčijkki. u20(tta).

King Darius says: I have done that in Persia."

This paragraph is missing in the Persian text; in the Babylon text is the conclusion. In order not to confuse the numerical order introduced once, I have designated the paragraph III, 8b.

III, 9. Iak. (Darijvos. Čavas. nan)ri, Visdatta. ufarri. kka. nanri. u, Fardij, ufar21(ri.) daččuvap. Arr(ovatis, tifapa. taup,) kisi. gir. irčarra. appini. ir-uttas. Vivana. nači. Parčar22ra. u. lubaruri. (Čakčabavanamas. Arrovati)s. uttas. ufarrikki. na. zitu. ap-tiris. vitas. Vivana. 23(a)pis, kutta. (daččuvap, upipa. kka. Da)rijvos. Čavasna. tirivapi. vara, vačni. daččuvap, upipa. 24(Ar)rovatis, Vi(vanakki. piris. kka. Vis)datta. tifa(pa, taup,) avarris, Kappiččakanis, 25nači. Arrovati(skki. avi. čaparrakmmas, ut)tas, Oramazda. pikti. u. das. zomin, Oramaz26(da)na, daččuvap, appi, (unina. daččuvap. appi. patifa)na. apis. irčikki. XIII. nan. XXX. Anamakkasna. pi27(l)ga. na. zitu. čaparrak(mmas, uttas.)

The Susi text reverses the order of the sentences a little and brings some confusion into the understanding; moreover, Norris had misjudged the words appini, uttas, and vara, and thus obscured the other, which was otherwise clear. Otherwise, the text is exactly the same as the Persian original, adding, moreover, that the fort of Kapigkanis is in Arachosia. I translate this paragraph as follows:

King Darius says: That Vahyazdates, who had gone out for Smerdis, had sent an army to Arachosia and made a man leader of it. Vivana, a Persian devoted to me, was Satrap of Arachosia. He said to them, Go, fight the Vivana and the army of King Darius. Then the army, which Vahyazdates had sent to Arachosia, drew against Vivana and delivered a battle

at a fortress in Arachosia, named Kapiskanis. Oromazes helped me; by the grace of Oromazes my army killed many people of the rebel on the 13th day of the month Anamaka".

III, 10. (Iak. Čarak. lIm)masva. patifa. farrurčarrafaba. čaparrakmmas. Vivana. i(da28ka.) batin, Ganduva(ta, nači, avi. uttas.) Oramazda. pikti. u. das. zomin. Oramazdana. daččuvap. 29appi. unina. dačču(vap. appi. patifana. apis. irči)kki. VII. nan. XXX. Vijkannasna. pilga. na. zitu. čapar30rakmmas, uttas.

The Susi text is more incomplete; it lacks the usual input formula, and the the banal words farrurčarrafaba. čaparrakmmas. uttimara, of the Persian texts.

I translate the paragraph:

"The insurgents gathered for the second time and had a meeting with Vivana in the province of Ganduvada. Oromazes helped me; By the grace of Oromazes, my army killed many of your armies of the rebels on the seventh day of the month of Vijachna. "

III, 11. (lak. vaçni. rup. kka.) (Čir-uttasti. ufar31ri. talanifa. a(rigifa. idaka. putraçka .ر thak. avarris. Arsada, naçi. Arrovatis. irmany. 32Vivanana. avi. lufa(ba. vaçni. Vivana. daççuvap.) idaka. ulli. ir-(pirik. i)ak. avi. rup. ufarri. kka. daç33çuvapna. irçarra. (appini. uttasti. iak. kisi.) kka. atarriya. nitavi. upifapi. voriçça. appin. api34s.

The introduction of this paragraph reads: Postea vir quem copiarum ducem Visdates fecerat, cum equitibus fidelibus profectus abiit, castellum Arsada dictum Arachosiae, ... (After this, the governor of Visdates of his forces, the man of whom he had made, he set out with the cavalry of the faithful, he went away, the village has been said of the Arachosii Arsad,...) until then everything is clear and corresponds exactly to the Persian text; then follows in Persian text: avaparä. atiyaisa. pacava. Vivana. hadä. kara. nipadiyam (s) ey. asiyava.

Rawlinson translates these words: "He went beyond that place (or perhaps "that he took refuge"). Then Vibanus with his troops marched in pursuit (?) "(Or" marched to Nipadia ".) - Oppert:" II le prit par force; ensuite Vivana marcha contre son s6jour".That does not look very comforting; each of the two halves of this phrase is translated in threefold ways, which do not match. In the Susi text we have: irmany. Vivanana. avi. lufaba. vačni. Vivana. daččuvap. idaka. ulli. ir-piric. The words avapara. atiyaisa, may it now mean what they want, are represented by avi lufaba, and the words irmany vivanana are interposed, and from the position of the word avi it ​​follows that these two interposed words belong to the preceding as a more precise definition; Vivanana stands in the genitive; consequently, the preceding word must also be a noun, the meaning of which we want to designate for the moment; lufaba means "he withdrew", * as appears from the parallel passage Col. I Z. 78; Until then, this is

the further translation. , , , "A. Vivanae, ibi se recepit ". This confirms Rawlinson's second translation: "in tbat lie took refuge".

The following words are not clear in the Susic texts; I would not have ulli to attach; Incidentally, Norris has given only ubiquitous doubt in the lithographed text and subsequently convinced himself that vagri is better suited to the imprint; ' In any case, vagri is related to vačni, and a verbal form such as uanri, ulli; it would therefore mean "to follow," and so we would translate the post-sentence: "posteaVivana cum copiis secutus profectus," exactly like the first translation of Rawlinson's.

Now only the slip, which we "A. Visanae, and for which the Persian text gives no equivalent. The vertical wedge in front of the word suggests a special meaning; Norris, based on Ugric analogies, translates as "dwelling place"; in the Aryan language area, however, there are closer hints z. Eg, * which all "live", "apartment" u. s. w. (and so on) and which caused us to give the phonetic value of the last group ny.

Towards the end, the word vorigca should be noted; it is, as the form shows, a participle; but the first syllable vorigga instead of varrigga seems to indicate a kind of umlaut »

I now translate the whole paragraph as follows:

Then the man, who had made Vahyazdates the leader of the army, withdrew with faithful horsemen to a castle in Aracbosia, named Assada, Vivana's abode. Vivana persecuted him with his army, and took the man whom he (Vahyazdates) had made the leader of the army as the most distinguished of his followers captured and killed them".

III. 12. (Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri.) vačni. daijus. unina. äuttafa. na. u. Arro35vatis, utta.

"Darius says," Then the province was subjected to me. That's what I did in Arachosia".

III, 13. (Iak,)Da(rijvos.) Čavas. nanri. kus.u. Parčijkki. iak. Madapakki, ulni36gat. čarak. Hmmasva. (Babilufa.pafatifa. rup.)gir. Arakka. nači. Arminijr. gir. Adita. gagri. 37ufarri. a. Duban(na. nači. Babilu. ivaka. avivar. ufarri.) nä.zitu. tiragka.daččuvap. ap-tiris. nanri. u. Nabu38kutarrugar, tar. Na(bunidana. vara. iak. vacni. dac-guvap.) Babilufa. ukkivar. pafatifa. Arakka. ufarrik39ki. piris. iak. Ba(bilu, ufarri. varris. Čavas)mas, Babilu, ufarri. (u)ttas.

"King Darius speaks: While I was in Persia and the Media, the Babylonians revolted for the second time. A man, named Àracha, an Armenian, son of Handita, rose in a city of Babylon, named Dubana; he spread from there

lies and said to the people: I am Nebuchadnezzar, the son of Nabonnidus. Then the people of Babylon fell away from me and went over to the Aracha. This occupied Babylon. He was King of Babylon".

III, 14. Iak, vačni. u. daččuvap, Babi40lufapa, taup. Vi(ntapar-na. nači.) Mada. (u. luba)ruri. u(farri. u,) irčarra. appini. ir-utta, na. 41zitu, ap-tirij, (vitas, daččuvap]. Babilufa, k)kapa. unina. inni. tiri-vapi. upipa. apis, vaka, iak, vačni. (Vi42n)taparna. dačču(vap, idaka, Babilu. piris. 0)ratnazda. pikti. u, das. zomin, Oramazdana, Vin43taparna, Babilu, (varris, u)kki. (daččuvap,) appin, farpis, XXII. nan.XXX. Markazanasna. (pilga. na.44zitu. Arakka. ufarri. kka. nanri. u. (Nabukutar)rugar. vara. varrik. iak. kisi. appi. atarriva. nitavi. 45apifapi. idaka. (varrika.) rabbuka. (trurva,) u, gira. Arakka, ufarri. iak, kisi. kkapa, atarri46va, nitavi. upifapi. (idaka,) Babilu. (ukki)var. pafalufa.

The words ukki. daččuvap. appin. farpis have all sorts of alien features in their construction, and I believe that the text is partly incorrectly read, and partly not quite correctly completed. Instead of ukki irčikki and instead of farpis apis be set, so every difficulty is lifted. Norris himself says that conue is just as good, and therefore well; Of course, apis means something other than the Babylonian vazzabbit, as Rawlinson reads; mazzabit is obviously, captus, captivus; but in Susi the usual expression is varris, and apis, as we have repeatedly seen, does not always mean "kill." I can not explain Farpis.

Čira "posui", a meaning that will be confirmed later.

The translation is thus:

"Then I sent an army to Babylon, and made a devoted Meder, named Intaphres, to be its leader, and said unto them, Go, fight the host of the Babylonians, which is not called mine. Intaphres then went with the army to Babylon. Oromazes helped me. By Oromazes5 mercy Intaphres took Babylon, and killed many people,

"Then I sent an army to Babylon, and made a devoted Meder, named Intaphres, to be its leader, and said unto them, Go, fight the host of the Babylonians, which is not called mine. Intaphres then went with the army to Babylon. Oromazes helped me. Through Oromazes's grace, Intaphres captured Babylon, and killed many people, on the 22nd day of the month Markazana. So this Arachah, who claimed to be Nebuchadnezzar, was caught; even the most distinguished of his followers were caught and bound, and I crucified them. Aracha and the foremost of his followers were killed by me in Babylon (?)".

IV, 1.
(The fourth column of the Persian Text begins here.)

Iak. Darijvos, Čavas, nan47ri. na. u, Babi(lu, u)tta.

"King Darius speaks: That's what I've aligned in Babylon".

IV, 2. Darijvos. Čavas, nanri. nä, appi. u. utta. palagi48va. zomin, Ora(mazdana.) u, (utta. na. zitu, u.) utta. XIX. pat. utta.

zomin. Oramazdana. u. appin. 49apij, iak. IX. (Čavasfa. u,) vo(rij.) gir. Gomatta. nači. Magus, tiragka, nanri. u, Fard50ij, tar. Kurasna. u(farri. Parčij, pa)fa(tas.) iak. (A)ggina.nači. Afartira. ufarri. Afartifa. appin, pafatas51ga. nanri. Čavasinas, (Afartifapa, u,utta. vara. iak.) Niditpala.nači. Babilur. gir. tiragka. nanri. u. Nabuku52tarrugar. tar. Nabunida(na. ufarri. Babilujfa. pafatis, iak. Martij, nači, Parčar. gir. tiragka, na53nri. u, Immafnis.) Čavas, (Afartifana, vara. ufarjri, Afartifa. pafatas. iak. Farruvartis. nači.Mada. ti54ragka. nanri. u. (£a)ttarri(tta. tiima,) Vakstarrana, vara. ufarri. Madnpa. apin, pafatas, iak. (Zi)55ggantakma. nači. (Aččagart)ijra, (tiragka,) na(n)ri. Čavasinas, u. utta. nima. Vakstarrana. vara. ufarri. 56Aččagartijfa, (pafatas. iak,) Far(rada. nä)gi. Margusirra. tiragka. nanri. (^avasinas. Marguspana. (u.) 57utta, ufarri,(Marguspa, pa)fa(tas, iak, Vi)sdatta. nači. Par<;arra. tiragka. nanri. u, Fard58ijtar. Kurasna.u(farri. Par)-gij. appin. (pafa)tas. iak. Arakka. nači. Arininijra. tiragka. nanri. 59u. Nabukutar(rugar, tar, Na)buni(dana. va)ra, ufarri, Babilufa. apin. pafatas.

The word palagiva stands for the Persian Hamahyäya. tharda. Here, as well as in the other passages, the translation is "always" perfect; but the explanation of the word is just as difficult as that of the Persian. Oppert compares tharda with the neuPersian JL * "Jahr", which is not objectionable to the phonetic side, and consequently also attaches the meaning to the word pilga. Pilga stands for the Persian Thaka tä, and the meaning of the latter inag, which it would like, pilga certainly does not mean "year." Apart from the fact that in this case the determinative should not be missing, which always before the words which signify "day," "night," "month", one does not quite understand what it is meant to mean, "on the nth day of month NN. of the year, "as if everything Darius had told happened in a single year. So much is certain, that pilga is an adverb which indicates a time, and since our word palagi (because especially only affix) has the same consonants, it is probably also a word expressing a concept of time; Moreover, it has a horizontal wedge in front of it, so is probably a noun, which means about "lifetime", and with the locative particles va "lifetime" "always".

Pat in this paragraph stands for hamarana, which is otherwise translated by čaparakmmas; This leads to interesting comparisons. Herod. IV, 110 says: “Scythians call Oior-pata or “man-slayers,“as it may be rendered, Oior being Scythic for “man,“ and pata for “to slay”. The pata would compare very nicely with our pat, and if we take the Ital. battere, the French battre, then this pat, bat, may be surrendered as a japhetic word. (Türkic bad(ar) (v., n.) “beat, strike”, Sumerian badd “beat, strike”; Türkic er “man”, Germanic Her. Herr. Nothing Japhetic or Nostratic in this word, it first showed up in Sumerian, who brought their subclade of R1b from the N. Pontic to Mesopotamia, and from the N. Pontic it was absorbed in the Corded Ware/Battle Ax populations and then migrated to the western Europe.)

Tiračka is the second preterite of ti, lies, but appears in this form so similar to the Persian Duruj, that one may well assume a closer relationship between them.

The whole paragraph reads in the translation:

"King Darius says: I have always done what I have done by the grace of Oromazes; that's what I did. I struck 19 battles; by the grace of Oromazes I have won them, and captured 9 kings; one is Gomata the magician, who said lying, saying: I am Sinerdis the son of Cyrus; - this has stirred up Persia. Athrines, a Susiauer, roused the Susians and said: I am king of Susiana. Naditabel, a Babylonian, lied and said: I am Nebuchadnezzar the son of Nabonnidus; - this has stirred up the Babylonians. Martiya, a Persian, lied and said: I am Omanes, king of the Susians; - this has stirred up the Susians. Phraortes the Meder lied and said: I am Xa-thrites of the family of the Kyaxares; - this has stirred up the Medes. Chitratachmes, the Sagartian, lied and said: I am king, of the family of Cyaxares; - this has stirred up the Sagartians. Frada, a Margian, lied and said: I am king of Margiana; - this has stirred up the Margians. Vahyazdates, a Persian, lied and said: I am Smerdis, the son of Cyrus; - this has stirred up the Persians. Aracha, an Armenian, lied and said: I am Nebuchadnezzar, son of Nabonnidu; - this one has flattered the Babylonians".

IV, 3. Iak. Darijvos. (Čavas, nanri, appin, na, IX.) Čavasfa. appi. u. pat. na. ativa. vorij.

"King Darius says: These are the nine kings I captured in these battles".

IV, 4. 61Darijv(os.) Čavas, (nanri.) daijos, na. appi. pafatifapi. appi. titkimas, appin, pa62fatas, appi. appi.... (pajfatifa, iak,vačni. Oramazda, karpi, uninava. appin. 63uttas, thap. (anira. zitu.) nä. zitu. (appi)u. utta.

The missing word, which Norris did not dare to supplement, is daččuvap, ​​for the Persian Käram, which otherwise would be missing in this paragraph.

Appi titkimas translates Norris, "the god of lies"; this is grammatically incorrect, because it should at least be called appi titkimasna. But appi does not mean "God," but nap is called God; appi plural of appi and is therefore probably appi to write to the difference of this appi; it is called "these," "those," as seen in Col. 11, Z. 1 Col. Ill., Z. 92. If it meant "God," then the determinative would have to stand in front of it.

Karpi, the hand, is reminiscent of the Greek χυρνος.

Anira Zitu is supplemented by another inscription, the explanation of which will explain this expression; it means, "the way I wished".

I translate this paragraph as follows:

"King Darius says: These people, who revolted, the lie has roused them, so that the army also revolted. Then Oromazes gave them into my hand; as I wanted, so I did with them".

IV, 5. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. ni. 64Čavas. kka. vassi(nnik)ti... dalduka. tu-in-nisgas. kisirra. titainra. ufarri. dal65duka. vilalu____ti. daijusmi. dalva. ačtu.

Ni, second person pronoun sing.

I suspect that vassinnikti is a compound, and so I have written it together; if that is not so, I do not know how to explain the accumulation of sibilants, nor how to divide the two words, because one has vas.s.si,... By the way, the meaning is clear; vač, apparently root word for the well-known vačni, means "after" (ančïp "after" ); vassinnikti So "you come later".

There now follows a gap; in the Persian texts stands: haca. daroga. darsama. patipayovä. Rawlinson translates: "Exert thyself to put down lying". Oppert: "Garde-toi avec audace de te rendre coupable de l'iinposture." We can leave this difference of the two translations to ourselves, because for our purpose it is sufficient to have recognized that the missing word titkimasvur is "a mendacio" , For darsama which Oppert translates "avec audace", we have dalduka "wholly, wholly".

Tu-in-nisgas is a compound such as ev-ap-dusta Col. I, 49. Nisga means "to protect," "to guard;" tunisga must give this verb a privative meaning (see evi-du or evi-tu, take, rob), so it means "abstinere" (refrain, abstain); in finit is half the accusative of ni, you; the complete accusative is nin (see below, Z. 75. 76. 88 of this column); it means "beware". Holtzmann (Journal of Laws, VIII, p. 340) summarizes tuin and explains it for the accusative of the pronoun of the second Persian Sing, which gives it a quite Aryan reputation, but the accusative to ni is, as we shall see, nin, and that this "you" "vous", perhaps even the Portuguese Vossa Merced means, first contradicts the Persian Original, then at all the occidental and in original antiquity. That the Persian now uses in the courtesy [ ] () , as today's Türkic [ وسر ] (wasara) proves so little for the old custom of the East, as the modern Greek oug or the Italian Ella or Vostra Signoria for the custom of the Laconians or Romans. That finally Darius in the first address to his successor says "you, vous" and

subsequently used in the course of the speech "you, you" completely contradicts the rigid consequence in the speech of the whole document.

The following part is again mutilated; the verb is missing, which in the Pers. text it is paraga; Rawlinson translates it "destroy", Oppert "juge", and makes a very good remark already in paragraph I, 8, page 36, which I can not but write off here. "Le verbe pare est simplement le moderne [  ], zend. perec pereč. On a tort de neglige le persan modern dans l'explication de l'idiomc ancien; surtout dans des cas comme celui-ci ou l'on n'a pas besoin de recourir au sanscrit". (The word pare is simply the modern Persian [], zend. perec/pereč. It is wrong to neglect the modern Persian in the explanation of the old idiom; especially in cases like this where we do not need to resort to Sanskrit) What the New Persian achieves for cuneiform writing of the first kind, Türkicc does for cuneiform writing of the second kind, and I have often had occasion to prove the exact conformity of the vernacular usage with today's Türkic. Unfortunately, I can not do it here, since here as well as in the parallel passage just quoted, the verb is no longer legible; but in relation to the Persian text, I can supplement Oppert's remark that the New Persian juger does not means what he translates it, but "to confront, to accountability, to account", just like the Türkic [ صورمف ] (sawarmif) and the Arab-Türkic [سأل أد'نممممح ] (sa'ala 'ad'nmmmmh) both literally "ask", but in the sense just given us here in Constantinople very common. So often a government ordinance contains "responsible", as it says each time [ صورمازسم ] (Sormazsm) (sorma- “not ask”) and if one speaks with a Turk about this or that abuse, he says, that is not [ صورمازسم ] "no one asks" (unquestionable), but "no authority or no official is there who demands an account" (unquestionable).

The gap still extends to the beginning of the last period. The Persian text says: yadiya. avatha. maniyahy. dahyos-mey. durura. ahatiy, where the meaning of the word maniyahy is not fully understood; Rawlinson translates: "If it shall be so kept up"; - Oppert: "Si tu regnes ainsi (If you rule well)". A close examination would only lead to the result that we are not able to complete the missing word, because we lack parallel passages, and the Susi words can not be a priori or gleaned by inspiration. The meaning, however, is quite clear; However, I do not want the Skt. man, "think, mean", nor the New Persian [  ] accept as the root of the word maniyahy, but rather [  ] stay; so like "if you stay that way" or "if you continue like this". (Here the Türkic many (mahny) (n.) “meaning, sense, essence, idea” produced the Skt. man, "think, mean", New Persian maniyahy, Gmn. mein(en) "denken/think", and Eng. mean, all obviously carried by different paths, at different times, and independently from each other, with one fuzzily perceived common focus in the Corded Ware/Battle Ax dispersed communities of the 3rd mill. BC, the melting pot of the "IE"  or "Aryan"  linguistic commonality. The meaning of the expression is "If you mean this", and not necessarily in a conditional clause)

Dalva ačtu is very helpful to me. Dal means full, fullness, that is dalva "in fullness" that is, integrity (Türkic tol “full”. Apparently unwittingly, and following the Persian text, Mordtmann is reading using a Türkic lexeme); so far it is clear; but ačtu is completely dark to me; Holtzmann quite simply finds the verb subst. in it, but what we know about this verb does not look very much like this ačtu; the only arikka. as. is obviously a transcript, and as yet is not ačtu; The easiest thing to do would be to accept it as a transcript for ačtiy, but here we have ahatiy, and yet I have no other way out.

The translation is:

"King Darius speaks: You, King, who will come after me, contain you entirely of lies (liar) earnestly and emphatically (for responsibility, if you keep it that way), my country will be (deemed) uninjured stay (“deemed” instead of “stay”). (In this instance, the Elamite Türkic word helps with the translation of the Persian text.)

"King Darius says: You, King, who will come to me, are wholly in the lies; The liar (pulling) seriously and emphatically (to the responsibility, if you think so) my country will remain uninjured.

IV, 6. Iak, Darijvos, 66Čavas, nanri. na. appi. (u, utta, zomin, O)ramazdana, palagiva, utta. iak, ni. kka, vassin, di67pi. na. pauran,....dipi. näva, riluik, uppa. oris, ini. titkimmas, imma68ti.

The first half is easy. The second half has again a gap, which can not be supplemented, however, because the parallel passages are just as mutilated.

Vassin is again the particle vas with the ending in.

Dipi is just a transcript of the Persian Dipis, the blackboard.

Pauran,.... corresponds to the Persian Patipargätiy and looks almost like a transcript, but I dare not decide..

Riluik is the passivum of the verb rilu "writing".

Oris, Imperat. from the verb ori, stands for the Persian varna-vatäm thuväm, which Rawlinson translates: notum sit tibi, because varnanvatäin is the third person of the imperative; Oppert: "ne crois pas"; Benfey seems to translate it that way, but I do not mind his work

Oris, Imperat. from the verb ori, stands for the Persian varna-vatäm thuväm, which Rawlinson translates: notum sit tibi, because varnanvatäin is the third person of the imperative; Oppert: "ne crois pas"; Benfey seems to translate it just like that, but I did not see his work. In any case, ori is nothing but the Zendwort varena, faith, Parsi varoisni, belief, Persian Believe; ossetically urnin, faith.

Ini is the Lat. ne, Greek. μη, Persian mä. (Türkic ne, ne:ŋ “negative, negation (emphasis)”, but also Türkic -ma-, French pa)

Immati, second Persian Sing. Of imma, mean, hold for something.

The translation, which does not quite agree with the Persian original (at least I can not find any trace of the words tyä mana kartam) is:

"King Darius says:" I have always done grace through Oromazes' for what I have done. You, who later ask this table, believe what is written on it, do not think it is a lie".

IV, 7. Iak. Da(rijvos. Čavas. nanri.) ankirini, Oramazdana. thap, appi. na. parri. inni. titki69mmas, u. palagi(va. utta.)

For the Susi word ankirini is in the Pers. text neyiy

or teyiy, as Rawlinson tore out in a later revision of the original, and which he and Oppert translate: "I call for witnesses." Ankirini can mean the same thing, and compare it to the Türkic [ طانص ] (tans) (tanïɣ/tanuɣ/tanuq “witness”, ditto bildür-, biltür-, tanuɣluq, tanuq, tanuqla-, tanuqluɣ, tanuqluq) of the "witness," but [ طاذف ] (tadhif) comes from  [ظاسم  ] (zasim) ((tanï- “know”) know, and thus corresponds etymologically to the English witness. On the other hand, our word has such a strange and exotic appearance that I almost consider it a transcription of the Zendwort hankärayemi "I praise, I praise". (but kör- “see”, köz “eye”)

Parri stands for the Persian Hasiyam, the meaning of which is not yet established, so that we have no clue to the phonetic definition of the group [  ]; it is striking, however, that the Susian word for "ear" (Türkic qulaq) is written exactly the same way.

Inni is to be connected with palagiva and translated by never. (ne, ne:ŋ “negative, negation (emphasis)”)

The translation of the paragraph is thus:

"King Darius says: I praise Oromazes for never making this report lie".

IV, 8. (Iak). Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. zomin. Oramazdana. daigita. 70unina. irčik(ki. uttak. ulli.) appi. dipi. näva. inni. riluik. upainrae. kimmas. ini. kka. dipi. na. vas71sin. paranra.... pivar. appi. unina. uttak. ufarri. inni. orinra. titkimas. imma72ri.

The conclusion of the Susi paragraph confirms Rawlinson's translation of the Persian text and does not agree with Oppert's view.

Daigita is evidently related to daie, ceteri; I do not know how to explain the form. If I may draw a conclusion from the indistinct pivar at the end of the void, I would like to assume that there was appi there, maybe dipi, but I dare not supplement the previous one; the words for the Persian paruva tha,... are missing, which is also sketchy.

Orinra is a subjunctive, 3rd pers. - I translate:

"King Darius says: Through Oromazes' grace other great deeds are performed by me, which are not written on this tablet, for this reason: the one who later consults this tablet; would not believe my (many) acts and consider them lying"
(The double negation I could not express otherwise, it is literally: ea ex causa ne is qui posthac hanc tabulain consultaret illas meas res gestas illegal non credat, mendacium putet.)

IV, 9. Iak. (Darijvos. Čavas. Nan)ri. kkapa. Čavasfa. irpifapi. kus. ulpafa. upipana. na. nifabak. inni. 73uttak. thap. (u. palagiva, zomin Ora)mazdana. utta.

The paragraph reads in the Persian Text:

Thätiy. Darayavos. klisayatliiya. tyey. paruvä. kbsäyatliiyä,.. a. Aha. avesam. ava. niya. agtiy. kartain. yatha. inanä. vasnä. Oramaz-dalia. hamahyayä. duvartam.

With slight change, Oppert proposes the following addition to the gap after the word klisayatliiya: ahantä. tya. avesam u. s. w. (and so on) Niya has been confirmed by a later revision of the original of Rawlinson, which is also confirmed by the Susi text, and eliminated Oppert's conjecture avamiy (instead of ava. niya.).

After these emendations, the Persian text is:

"King Darius says: The warriors' deeds before were not like mine, always executed by grace of Oromazes".

Thus, irpifapi (perhaps compounded) must mean "anterior," "priores," and nifabak, perhaps nänifabak, is evidently without a representative; for in the Persian text it is literally quae eorum, ea non erant gestic sicut mea, gratiä Oro-mazis semper gesta, while in the Susi text it means (I express nifabak by A): "eorum A non

Thus, irpifapi (perhaps compounded) must mean "anterior," "priores," and nifabak, perhaps nänifabak, is evidently without a representative; for in the Persian text it is literally called: quae eorum, ea non erant gesticic mea, gratiä Oro-mazis semper gesta, while in the Susic text it means (I express nifabak by A): "eorum A non gesta erant sicut ego semper gratia Oromazis gerebam ". We can therefore give the word nä nifabak no other meaning than res gestae; it has the form of a passive. Accordingly, the translation is:

"King Darius says," Those who were kings before, as long as they were (kings), their deeds were not carried out, as I always executed them by grace of Oromazes".

IV, 10. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. ut. ni. oris. 74appi. u. utta. na. (zitu. upainraskimas, inni.) tartinti. iak. anga. lulatan. n. inni. tartinti. daččuvap. apin. tirinti. Ora75mazda. nin. kanis(ni. iak. kitinti. nimajni. iak. kutta. vilaluk. takataktini.

We must once again take the whole Persian text to our assistance; this is: Thatiy. Darayavos. klisayatliiya,... nuram. thuvam. varnavatem. tya. mana. Cardamom. avatha,... avahyaradiy, mä. apagodaya. yadiy. imam. hadugam. niya. apagodiyahey. kärahyä. thähey. Oramazda. thuvam. dosta. biyä. utatey. vaciya. biya. uta. darägam. Jiva.

The words thuväm varnavatäin (tibi notum sit) correspond to ni oris, "tu crede"; So we would only have the only group ut for,.., and so it is not easy to ascertain an unknown from the unknown; I believe that the Susian word ut means about as much as on or ut, utinam; then we have up to the word avatha in the Persian, zitu in the Susic text: "utinam tu credas quod ego fe.ci hoc modo". Then there is a gap in both texts, which extends even further in the Babylonian text; only with the word avahyaradiy can we restore the Susi text, that is, with the word upainraskimas; this with the two following words mä apagodaya means: ideo ne celes; we only have tartinti, which is up

still proving to be a complete word in the same line; it is the 2nd person. sing., from tarti, which according to the Persian Original "hide", must conceal".

In the following, lulatan stands for hadugam, one as indistinct as the other".Scripture," as Norris thinks, can not mean it, since neither one nor the other gives a clue; "Edict," as Rawlinson translates, does not fit too well and is again just guessing and unfounded; but I confess my inability to explain these words; In any case, they refer to the inscriptions. The word hadugam is a feminine sing,; lulatan, on the other hand, seems to be a plural, since it is later designated by apin (illos or iilas); but apin might as well be drawn to darcuvap, ​​since the Ztw. tiri is construed with a double accusative. These words are called si scriptum (edictum) hoc non celas, populo id dicis.

The epithet means in Persian: Oromazes tibi amicus sit et tua proles numerosa sit, et diu vivas. Kanisni stands for dosta biya; it simply means diligate; nin is accusative to ni. For tua proles numerosa sit we have kitinti nimani; nimani is proles tua; but kitinti is not numerosa sit, but it is a second person sing. If we compare it with paggita and gituva (reduxi, adduci jussi), then I would like to quote the Ztw. kita (<rita) here the ordinary meaning ducere leave, and compare it with the Latin producere, thus producas prolem tuam, but I do not yet understand how vagiya is expressed. Vilaluk of vilalu "much" is a passive form, and thus means multiplicatus. Taka taktini, for instance, would be called lovlov totig, vitam vivas, that is, inultiplicatain vitam vivas.

So the whole paragraph is in the translation:

"King Darius says: May you believe what I have done in such a way; therefore do not hide it; If you do not conceal this Scripture, and if you say it to the people, may Oromazes love you, you may bring forth a multitude of progeny, and you may live long".

IV, 11. Iak. anga. čarak. lulatan. na. tartin76ta. darruvap. inni. (tirinta. Oramazda.) nin. apisni. iak. kutta. nimani. ini. gitinti.

"If you conceal the Scriptures (Proclamation) and do not tell the people, may Oromazes destroy you, and may you produce no progeny".

IV, 12. Iak. Darijvo77s. Čavas. nanri. na. (appi. u., utta. zomin.) Oramazdana. palagiva. utta. Oramazda. nap. Arrijnam. pik78ti. u. the. iak. (nap. appodaifa. ap)pi. ullipi.

Strange is the addition of Nap Arrijnam "the god of the Aryans," who neither in the Persian nor in the Babylon. (Interpretation “god of Aryans” is not the only one.  “God of erän (men, warriors, army, troops)” can also be conjectured, especially if ethnically and religiously the army was different from the locals and non-nomadic dependent populace) Text finds. Arrijnam is the Persian Genit. Plur.

The translation is:

"King Darius says," What I did, I always did through Oromazes' grace; Oromazes, the god of the Aryans, helped me and the other gods that exist".

IV, 13. Iak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. uppainračkimas. Oramaz79da. Nap. Arr (ijnam pikti iak kut) ta. Nap. appi. daifapa. thap. appi. u. inni. arikka. at the, iak. inni. tirač80karrayat. iak. inni,... (utta. iak. in) ni. u. iak. inni. nimaini. batar. ukku. upigat. iak. inni. fabakra. inni. is81rasra. appattukki (mmas,... kisi)rra. kka. lanae. unina. baluinparrusta. ufarri. dalduka. ir. kukti. 82iak. kka. afovar. u(farri. u. ir)apij. appattukkimmas. kkari. ukga. inni. utta.

The Persian words arika ahatn are evidently merely transcribed, and strangely, even the Verb. Noun was not translated; it had to be at least arikkagat heisscn. By the way, I notice that in the Ossetian tcarighad "sin" is called, which may perhaps serve to further clarify the not quite clear word arika.

Tiračkarra is liar.

For the words ney. zorakara. ah, we have only inni; the rest has been lost. Then in our text comes a passage which in the Persian Text reads as follows: imey. tomä. upariy. abastam. upariy. mäm. ney. sakorim,.... hovatam. zora. akunavam. what we mean the Susi text has.... (in)ni. u. iak. inni. nimaini. batar. ukku. upigat. iak. inni. fabakra. inni. isračra. appattukki(mmas,....).

Sakorim could be derived from sak, mighty, and hovatam is probably the same word, which in Zend is havanhai (in the Dat. Sing.) means and proles, progenies. Sakorim may stand for the suspenseful fabakra; on the other hand, we lack the original to isragra, which I compare with ircarra for lack of a better one. But all this is not suitable for opening the understanding of this proposition; in particular, I do not know how to connect the Persian text to the preceding one; "I was not a tyrant" is the last name; then follows immediately :: the gap: haec gens supra positionin supra me non potens (iin-potens erat? or non vim exercebat?). It is always a dubious explanation to refer tomae to sinners, liars, and tyrants, but I know nothing better, and according to Rawlinson's revision, the words imey tomä u. s. w. (and so on) immediately on zorakara aham. Danu follows in Persian again a big gap and finally progeniem violentiam facie-bam. The sweet text is: neque ego neque gens inea quum magnus princeps fierem, neque insolens (?) Neque superbus (?) Oinniuo (eram.) The word appattukkimmas is a noun; Norris translates it "wholly," "wholly," whatever suits, but neither the form nor the derivation justify this translation; it must be a nasty property whose avoidance

Darius also urgently recommends to his successor, and taking into account the tribe and taking into account the whole contents of the inscription, I would like to try to hold it for unlawful appropriation of foreign good, i.e. "robbery" or "theft". Thus it is separated from the preceding words fabakra and isragra, to which it may not belong without this, since these words are adjectives which are used as Persian nouns, "an over-weary," "a violent one".

It follows in the Persian Text: tyamiya. hya. hamatakhsata. mana. vithiya. avarn. ubartam. abaram".Hey who has been working for my family, him I have cherished and protected." That's what our text reads: kisirra. kka. lanae. unina. baluinparrusta. ufarri. dalduka. ir kukti. I) the word baluinparrusta is very unclear in the beginning; only,... inparrusta can be read with certainty; it's a plus-flop and corresponds to your Persian hamatakhsata, laboravit; the word for ubartam is missing, whereas ir-kukti is reinforced by dalduka..

In Persian Text it says: hya. -iyani,.. avam. ufractain. apargam".He who has been hostile to me (?) Him 1 have rooted out entirely (lit. More correct, however, according to the remarks given above about parca, the last one is: "I have held the same to the strictest". There seems to be something more in the Susic text; it's called: kka. afovar. u (farri and u) apij. appattukkimmas. kkari. ukga. inni. utta.

Afovar stands again for a word, which is only half-readable in the Persian text, and where is the meaning only

Afovar again stands for one word, which is only half-readable in the Persian text, and where the meaning can only be determined in general; Norris thinks it is a verb in the third person, but confesses that it is more in the form of the first person, pulling the last r to the next ufarri, or at least putting it alone. However, it looks quite like an adjective with personnel meaning, while the associated verb is missing the verb subst. The meaning is thus generally: qui inimicus (erat) euin ego destruxi.

The 5 words appattukkimmas. kkari. ukga. inni. utta finally are without representatives in the original; kkari means "everyone" and with the negation inni "nobody"; But what ukka or ugga means is completely unknown to me; every attempt to compare it with any ludicrous words leads to quite absurd results; at the most I would like to compare it with ukku "gross" and then search for an intensification of the negation in it, neutiquam instead of non, ne - point instead of ne - - pas, never and never for not.

According to these explanations, the following translation can not claim to be correct but, at the most, is an attempt to reproduce the approximate meaning of the paragraph.

"King Darius speaks: That's why Oromazes, the god of the Aryans, and the other gods, helped me because I was not a sinner, because I was not a liar and because I did not (force,..) neither I, nor my family, when I became a great ruler; neither was I insolent, not proud, (I did not do any) robbery (i). Whoever served my house, I vigorously protected; who was hostile, I destroyed. I did not do any robbery against anyone".

IV, 14. Iak. Dar83ijvos. Čavas. nanri. (ni. qavas. kka. vassin)nikti. kisirra. titragra. ufarri. ini. in-kanninti. iak. ini. kka. appat84tukkimmas. uttis.

Everything is clear, except for the last word. In the Persian Original is: aveya. ahifrastadiya. paraga, which Rawlinson translates: "Destroy them with the destruction of the sword." There is not a word in the Susian translation, and evidently here the court interpreter with his original has jumped over very strangely; In particular, the kka is quite inexplicable to me; the translation is:

"King Darius says: (You King, who will come after me), the liar does not love; do not commit robbery".

IV, 15. (Dar) ijvos. Čavas. nanri. ni. kka. Vassin. dipi. na. zijinti. appi. u. rilu85ra. na. innakkaniva. (inni. appin. tha)rinti. thap. innifapata. na. zitu. kuktas.

Innakkaniva stands for the pers, patikara, pictures, figures. The following means in the Persian Text: mätya. vicnähy. yva. jivahya. ava. aveya. parikara".Ne destruas; quamdiu viveres, taindiu eas conserva ". After that I filled in the gap.

Innifapata is difficult to explain, as in the following paragraph there is a very different representative in the original; at any rate, it is a conjunctiv, 2nd Persian Sing. And stands for jiva-hya "you live"; we have already recognized nifabak or nänifabak for res gestae.

The translation is:

"King Darius says: You, who later on see this tablet which I have written, and these figures, do not destroy them; as long as you live, keep it that way".

IV, 16. Iak. anga. dipi. na. zijin86ti. na. innakkaniva. (iak. appin. inni. tha) rinti. thap. innifapata. zitu. kuktainta. Oramazda. nin. kanisni. i87ak. kutta. nima (ni. kitinti. iak. vi) lalu. takaragtini. iak. kutta. appi. utirti. uppa. Oramazda. atzasui.

Persian: Yadiya. imam. dipim. venahy. imeva. patikara. neya-dis. vignahy. utämeya. yävä. toinä. aliatiya. parikarähadis. Oramazda. thuväm. dosta. biya. utä. tey. toma. vagiya. biya. uta. daragam. jivä. uta. tya. kanavähy. avatey. Oramazda. in... in. jadanotuva.

The Persian text up to the word vignahy corresponds to the Susi text up to the word tharinti, and is to be translated as in the previous paragraph. Then the Persian text

until dosta biya literally: "et mihi quamdiu proles sit (tibi) conserves illns, Oromazes tibi amicus sit;" - for mihi quamdiu (tibi) proles sit we have only thap innifapata, while the same phrase in the previous paragraph for yavä jivahya "quamdiu vives "Stands, and nifabaka or nänifabaka means "res gestae". Obviously, this word can not mean all three things at the same time, but something that gives the same meaning, and for comparison I would like to draw on a fourth passage, Col.III, Z. 81; for comparison we have the words there: kisirra. kka. lana, unina. baluinparrusta "those who draw for my house Col.III, Z. 81; we have the words there: kisirra. kka. lana, unina. baluinparrusta "the one who works for my house"; Baluinparrusta is supplemented according to Col. I, Z. 52. 53, for here, according to Norris, the word is very indistinct; So I would like to search for our place here instead of ►yyy, so ^ ^, y = m., s-TT; then it would not mean baluinparrusta, but thap, innifasta "as long as he worked (for my house)"; then nifabaka "laborata" would be a pretty understandable expression for "res gestae". Finally, in the last two passages, the two Persian phrases would be "as long as you live" and "as long as you have offspring" by "as much as you can".

For daragam. jiva, diu vivas this time is vilalu. takaragtini "may you have lived much".

Atzasni vom Ztw. atza, augere; Later we will get to know the word atzak, vastus, largus, whereby the meaning is assured.

The translation is thus::

"If you see this table and these pictures (and do not destroy them) and so much in your strength it receives, so may Oromazes love you, you may produce offspring and live long, and what you do, that may increase Oromazes".

IV, 17. 88ak. anga. dipi. tia. (innakkaniva, tha) rinti. inni. kukirti. Oramazda. nin. apisni. iak. kutta. Nimani. ini. 89gitinti. (iak. appi. attainti. ap)in. Oramazda. rifapisni.

The only word which needs an explanation is rifapisni for the Persian nikatuv, which latter is just as unclear; the sense, on the other hand, is clear, and the contrast with the previous paragraph seems to require the meaning "to destroy", "ravish", so that we can regard both words as composita, the Persian with ni, the Susi with api.

The translation is::

"If you destroy this tablet and these figures and do not receive them, may Oromazes destroy you; you may not produce offspring, and what you do, destroy Oromazes".

IV, 18. Iak, Darijvos. Čavas, nanri. Vinn90taparnä. nači. Vičpar(ra. čagri. Parčar)ra. iak, Uttana, nači. Tukkarra. čagri. Parčarra. iak, Goparva, nači. 91Mardunij, čagri. (Parčarra. iak, Vi)darna. nači. Bagabigna, čagri. Parčarra. iak. ßagabukča, nači. Dattuva92ij, čagri. Parčarra. (iak. Arduvanis. nači.) Voukka, čagri, Parčarra. appi. kisi. u. taufa. kus. u. Goma93tta. kka. Magus, (apij. kka. nan)ri. u, Fardij, tar. Kurasna. iak. avačir. kisi. appi. u. tauvalu94fa.... ni. Čavas, kka. (vassinnikti)____appi. kisi. appi-r. kuktas,

Taufa is probably of the same root as tauvalufa, the first indicative, latter subjunctive, to be compared with uttivaru (uttivalu); it is easiest to compare with the Türkic Tatar [ تامد.امف ] (tamd.amf) (tävfiq, anachronically late Arabic loanword from Quran, hence of the Babylonian Semitic lingo) "support". The rest is easy, and the paragraph reads in the translation:

"King Darius speaks: Intaphernes, the son of Vayaspara, a Persian; Otanes, the Sokres son, a Persian; Gobryas, the son of Mardonius, a Persian; Hydarnes, the son of Megabigna, a Persian; Megabyzus, the Daduhya son, a Persian, and Ardomanes, the son of Ochu, a Persian: these are the men who supported me when I killed Gomata the magician who gave himself for Smerdis the son of Cyrus; and as these men supported me: you, king, that you will come to me, remember that you protect these men".

(End of Elamite text)

First division.

The syllabary.

There are about 110 groups in the various inscriptions, for the deciphering of which the proper names and the transcripts of Persian words offer the surest help; 80 groups are won in this way; a few are determined by the fact that they change with other groups in words of the same sound and meaning. Then there are about two dozens remaining, which must be determined by induction, after from the already familiar phonetic phenomena we have recognized the phonetic system of language, and their affinity with other languages in sound, construction, and in writing. We therefore begin with the proper names, and indeed with those groups whose meaning can best be determined in order to ascertain the unknown from the known; but we can not avoid anti-populating sometimes a result, which only later, often only in the analysis of the texts, receives its justification; However, in each case, I will notice what is needed, not to cause any circling.

1. The names Darius, Xerxes, Hystaspes u. s. w. (and so on) , the names of nations, as well as words that designate human beings, all begin with an isolated vertical wedge, which therefore immediately results not as a particular sound, but as a determinative of this kind of words.

2. The name Darius is written [  ] the first group of this name after the determinative [  ] forms the last group in the name Media  [  ] and in the name Frada,  [  ], 

from which we conclude that the phonetic value of this group is there. But we also find the same group in the name Hystaspes [  ], in the name Gomata [  ], that the same group also reads. We shall see that the same phenomenon appears almost in all groups, and that even at times a third phonetic value is conceivable; however, we will also find ways to find out the real phonetic value in many cases.

3. Of the 3 groups which form the name Media we already know two, namely the determinative at the beginning, and the syllable at the end; the middle group must therefore be ma, and since the same group also occurs, as we have seen, in the name of Gomata, this value is to be taken for granted. But we find the same sign still in the name of Darius, where it occupies the third penultimate place; also in the name of [  ] Vivana, in the name of Vaomisa [  ], so that the group [  ] at the same time is va. We can not conclude from this that the language in which the inscriptions were written could not distinguish between m and v; this conclusion would be just as hasty as if one wanted to believe that the language in which the words for Citrus, Ceder, Konrad, citron, cedre, Conrade, and the like were used. s. w. (and so on) could not be distinguished between the sounds č and k.

4. The second group (I will no longer count the determinative from now on) in the name of Darius is [  ], which also appears in the name Ariaramnes [  ], Aracadian [  ], from which we find that they are the syllables between the sounds č and k.

5. We have already seen the group above that it forms the beginning of the names Hystaspes (Persian Vistačpa), Vivana, and it is therefore undoubtedly vi. But it follows it also means mi, as the name implies Armenia (Persian Armina) [  ], Chorasmia (Persian Uvarazmis), u. s. w. (and so on).

6. The group forms the conclusion of the names Vivana and Ariaramnes (Persian Ariyaramna), as shown in 3 and 4, and so it must be na.

7. If we again introduce the names Darius and Hystaspes, we already know several sounds of them, and we find another common sign, namely, Da.ri [  ] and Vi. [  ]. Since the latter is in Persian Vistagpä, we conclude that has the phonetic value, which from now on I will call s, while I do not aspire s to that by expressions Č. However, we find the same sign in the name [  ] - Pers  [  ] Pers. Vayač-pära, so at the same time introduces Č.

8. For the rest of the name Hystaspes, gpa, we have the groups - the former is still in the name • 1 ^ -., ^ 1. Assyria, Persian Athurä, T-.• Sagartius, Persian A ^ agarta, f. , Persian Agpacana. is therefore ac; whether it is as it is, is probable, but the existing material gives no evidence.

9. The last group in the name Hystaspes must that is, pa se, a value that is confirmed by the name just mentioned Agpacana. We also find it in the name of Pers-Bäbirus, f. Arabia, Persian Arabaya, f. Bactriana, Persian Bäkhtaris, from which we deduce that it is also ba.

10. In the inscription of Artaxerxes the word apadana appears in the Persian texts, which is not translated in our inscriptions, but rather  [  ] is written. The first sign  [  ] we have before the word Arakadris (sub 4), seen before the word Assyria (No. 8), and might lead to the conclusion that it denotes the vowel a. But there are still a lot of other names that certainly did not start with a, and yet have this beginning, eg. For example, the name for the Tigris River for the city of Raga, for the province of Nisaea (see No. 7) u. s. w. (and so on) We conclude that it is not a sound but is a determinative for localities, rivers, mountains and the like. s. w. (and so on).

11. Now let us read the above word x. pa.da. well, from which we take for the sign the value a, which is confirmed from the name Arakadris (No. 4). This group occurs only in the beginning of the words.

We also find this sign in the word [  ] Pers. Hakbämanisiya,  [  ], Persian Bariva, from which one might conclude that also is ha; but this conclusion is too hasty, because we take z. For example. ref. , vi. 9. da,x. ta, which in Vahyazdata is Persian, it is seen that the aspiration is completely absent, for one would not know which of the two adjacent signs should be the same. We shall find later other proof that the language of our inscriptions lacked aspiration. On the other hand, the comparison of this name with its original gives a group in a place where we really do not expect anything, namely. We already met the same sign in the name of Pseudosmerdis  [  ] x.ma.x.ta, Persian Gomata, in  [  ], x.x.pa.x.x. Persian Katpatuka, u. s. w. (and so on)) and close from this to the phonetic value l or al. Since one can not accept now, without falling into absurdities, that the stonemasons in the hard material chiseled out superfluous groups out of sheer boredom, such a sign must have its meaning, and that is also easily found, it should belong to the following group to save the pronunciation la, otherwise it will be read there. It is thus a kind of regulator of pronunciation, as we learn more in the course of deciphering.

13. The name Cappadocia, Persian Katpatuka, is, as we have just seen, x.t.pa.x.x, where we see that the first group is ka, a value denoted by the name -.-J. '/. Ka.x.x.s. x.ka.x.s, Persian Käpisakänis, is confirmed. Let us also compare the names [  ], ^ y. , x. x. na Persian Bagabigna,  [  ] R. Ba.  [  ] x.x.x. Persian Bagabukhsa, Greek Meydßv ^ og, we find the value ga for the same sign, and finally the names  [  ] x. x. x. x. Persian Hakhamanisiya, Greek Axai ^ eviog,  [  ] , A.x".^ Y. Persian Arakha,  [  ] - - STT-,-. ( [ ] X.x.x. -y. X.da Persian Tigrakhoda, we see that it also represents the Werth kha (#a).

14. We read the group in d. H. ^, s.x.x. Persian Nigaya,  [  ] Ka. X,x,s,x. ka. , s. Persian Kapisakänis, where in each case it corresponds to the syllable ni.

15. The name of the Tigris River is »-. -TYH-HYT-, from which we conclude that the first group is li, a value that stands out by the names x.ti.x. Persian Martiya, f. > J. ^ RJR. CrTf-. ^ T>.. x.x.x. ti.s. Persian Fravartis, Greek <Ztyao (m; £ confirmed. We also find the same group in f. -f>. x * Pers. Bardiya, Greek -Sftf'ptft?,  [  ] tr  [  ] x.Ba.ga,x. ^ f>,s. Persian Bagayadis, so that also German reads.

16. The Persian name Pätisuvaris, Greek TlanoxoQeTg is written in our inscriptions [  ] Pa.x.ti.s. x.ri,s the second character  [  ] or  [  ]  (not to be confused with  [  ] ka) is therefore superfluous, or rather it serves as a regulator of pronunciation, to secure the pronunciation ti in the third sign; So it has to be again to be a t; we see this further from the name  [  ] Ni.di.t.x.x. Persian Naditabira, [  ], [  ] Ka.t.x.x.ka (variant of the N. R. inscription for Katpatuka).

17. For the common character we have only one proper name  [  ] x.t.ta.na, Persian Utana, Greek 'Oidvrjg'y this is enough to recognize that it is the vowel u. Holtzmann has already found this value, but still gives the value for which I find no justification. That Norris, who as an Englishman reads the Persian name Yutana, for the sound Werthyu gives, explains itself more easily, and apparently finds its confirmation in the circumstance that the word, which means "lands," sometimes  [  ] ,. instead of  [  ]  is written, so  [  ] for kii. which two groups Norris ya. u explained, but we will see later that both values ​​are wrong.

18. The Euphrates is  [  ] x.x.x.ta, Persian Ufrätovä, so it is u to read; also in   [  ] U.x.x.ma Persian U.x.x.ama, with 2 indistinct signs. Also, it changes with the previously recognized in the word for "lands", and since this word is only a transcript of the Persian Dahyava, then Westergaard gives the value of the group  [  ] and Norris the value hu, both inadmissible, what we in beaware of the hu of Norris because of the aspiration already recognized. The pronoun of the 1st Persian Sing. is  [  ], so u, after Westergaard yo, after Norris hu. Holtzmann (Ztschr. D DMG V, 170) says about it: "A pronoun yo for ego would be incompatible with all our results, since in no Aryan language and probably also in no Semitic jo may and even less mean me." In the subsequent investigations, Holtzmann determines the value of the sign [  ] ma, a provision which he himself has not expressly withdrawn in his Fourth Article, after publication of the text by Bihistun, although the proper names given above only give u; but we must let u be for ego (and even for mihi, as we shall see later), without any consideration of which forms for this pronoun the Aryan linguistic stem dictates to its daughters. If this language is an Aryan, it is a disobedient and degenerate daughter; Incidentally, a word for ego is not so unheard of; In order to remain only in the Indo-European languages, I say that the Portuguese calls his dear Eu, and the Arnaute Oev, while the Italian uses the shaken (perhorrescirten) io and the Spaniard of the yo which is very similar to that. These are not Aryans, of course, but Indo-Europeans; but it seems to be a matter of school to cite only the Bramines, Magi, Greeks, Goths and Lithuanians, and at most the Romans too.

19. For the ancient Persian, d. h. ( i.e.) for the language in the cuneiform of the first kind, the school teaches that it only had 3 Vocals, a, i and u, a doctrine which from the outset outraged the common sense, which is in the most glaring contradiction with the Zend, Parssy and New Persian. With some attention one recognizes also that the cuneiform writing of the first kind clearly designates the vowels e and o, precisely where the later Persian languages ​​have e and o. But I'm afraid it will go with Old Persian as with ancient Greek, one will continue to turn ai and au, one will teach the Greeks and Persians that

they mispronounce their languages, and the algebraic formulas a -) - i = e and a-f-u = o will continue to be commented on with an obscure chew by Vriddhi and Guna. Unfortunately, anyone who lives in the Orient and is forced to speak and write Greek and Oriental languages ​​daily can not do much with all these glories, and so I have long thrown them aside as useless rubbish. I would not talk about it here, but since I use Old Persian as the key to understanding an unknown language, I can not escape the duty of careful examination of my key. So, when I read Arbera, Gomata, Oramazdä and not Arbaira, Gaumata, Auramazdä, it is not from teasing to say something new, but because I am convinced that it has been spoken unchanged for millennia, and with Vriddhi and Guna and Anusvara and Visarga and similar redwhale I will not summon myself, but prove to me that the Persians have said otherwise, prove that Herodotus, Xenophon, Ktesias u. s. w. (and so on) wrongly heard and misrepresented when they wrote [ ], [ ], [ ] instead of [ ], [ ], [ ],

To denote the o, the Persian uses the vowel u with a preceding a (latent in the consonant); of the two u, which we have just recognized for the inscriptions of the second kind, neither does this function, but for this we use a third sign, which alone or in combination with a group ending in a represents the vowel o. Also Holtzmann has recognized this correctly, and I give some evidence. x.o.x.x.da, Persian Oramazda, Greek. [ ] g; - [ ] -mi. s. x. Pers. Vomiča; [ ] Va.o.x.ka. Persian Vahoka, Greek [ ].

20. The father of Naditabel is called Babylon. Text Aniria, in the Persian Text is only aina,.. to read; in our inscriptions he is called [ ], A. x. na. x. x. The sign [ ] is therefore i; this value is confirmed by the name of the month Thaigareis, which [ ]. Em.tw x.x.i.x. ri.x.s is. The provinces or countries are called  [ ] da.i.x.o.s a transcript from dabyäva, from which Westergaard gave value to our mark and Norris the value hi, which is inadmissible, because the language lacks the h, and because one does not

understand why one aspirates z. B. in the name Ainairä, where neither the Babylonian nor the Persian original demand one.

21. In the Directory of the Provinces, the last one is called Persian Maka, in our texts stands [ ] Ma.x.ka, so is a sign [ ] where we expect no more; but we have already seen what that means; the group [ ] is a regulator to give the last character the sound ka and not ga; So k (or ak) is still like that further confirmed from the name [ ] A.k.ka.x.ni.s Persian Hakhämanis,  [ ] Ba.k.x.s, Persian Bakhtaris, Greek Βαχτρα.

22. The saks are called y. y. x.k.ka. Persian Čaka, and we conclude that y represents the syllable ga; the value confirms the name f. ^. r /. ^^ rTy. Ni. s (g). $ A.x. Persian Nigaya; however, it also means sa, z. Eg y.-ffy. y.y ^ y. x.sa.ma Persian Arsäma, -. , Tyr. g-ff. x.sa.da Persian Arsadä.23. The group * ~ yf ^ is given in the name [ ] Ti. ^ Yy ^. x. Persian Tigra, Greek TiyQtQ,  [ ]. Ba.ga.x. ^ yf ^,na, Persian Bagä-big [ ]. Ba.  [ ] Yyr.x.n.s. Persian Bakhtaris, Greek it has the value k (g) or ik (ig).

24. We recognize the group as r (ir) from the following name: [ ] vir-ka'ni-x 'Persian Varkana,  [ ] Greek cY () xaviam,  [ ] Pa.r.ga Pers.  Pär? a, Zend ^ ^ Greek Wqoi?  [ ], ar.sa.ma. Persian Arsäma, Greek Αρσαμνης.

24. We recognize the group as r (ir) from the following name:  [ ] vir-ka'ni-x 'Persian Varkana, [ ] Greek cY () xaviam,  [ ]. Pa.r.ga Pers.  Pär? a, Zend  [ ] Greek Wqoi? -, fcf R.sa.ma. Persian Arsäma, Greek 'd (> oä (xrlQ, - u-rr. r. sa.da Persian Arsada u. s. w. (and so on) Compare here the month name  [ ] y. x" x "r" va.r Persian Thurvahara, where the syllable ha has thus completely disappeared, as a further proof that the h-sound does not exist in our inscriptions.

25. Now take the name of Xerxes; he is written [ ] from which we get

si or či, surely conclude that si or či was a value that still by the name for India  [ ] Si (Či),x.x.s Persian  [ ].

26. The third group of the name just given of India, £ ^ <y, we obtain from the name = <T- = T. -T. d. h. ( i.e.) ~ <T. ba.x.na Persian Duliäna, so you (tu) a Werth, which is further confirmed by f. x.du.ni.x. Persian Marduniyä f. ►f. ^ * Ef. , ^ 5f. Ka.t. pa.tu.x. Persian Katpatuka.

27. So we've got the name for India £ i.x. du.s (^); the missing group, then, appears in comparison with Jwv, India, as n (in); also in the name y ff Vi.n.da.x.na Persian Vidafranä, Greek ^ vxaq ^ gvfjg.

28. The city -. , ^ <||. ET. <• Ir. ~ T>. Vi. s. p. o. x. ti. It is called in Persian Viqpozatis, it means Jj za; the same value arises. YY, * ^ y. Jf. za., za. x Persian zazana, y. * ~ y. JJ. - y y. - £ 1?. x. x. za. na. na. x, Persian paruzananam. We also meet this group in the name y.J ^ fy.y,. H _ ^ _. ^ Yyy ^, ^ <yy. S.sa.n.za.k.ri.s Persian Cicaikhres, _ "fc-yy. * ^ Y. Ta.t.za.x.x. Persian Tacaram; y.l ^. ^ y.J}. As. pa. za. na. Persian Aspacana, from which one would like to conclude that J | also the Lautwerth ca (cha) had, but the first of these 3 names evidently proves that one took to the representation of the sound ci to a whimsical combination his refuge, and t.za for ca would like to prove just so much that also ca was missing. Since we also miss the sound in the whole of the syllabary, we are justified in assuming that our language lacked the palatal altogether; Although we will find a group that seems to mean ya, there are also difficulties with it.

29. If we return to the name Darius, we see that we can read it down to a single sign, namely Da.ri.C-T. v.o.s, Persian Däryavos, so it corresponds to the sylbe ya the group as in so many other cases z. B.

x.ba.I ^ - ^ Persian Arabaya, y. , x.du.ni. ^^ - ^ Persian Marduniya, but the observation which we have in the no. 28, Misstraueo will break us in against this sound. This mistrust is compounded by the observation that the verbs of time, where the first Persian in act. ends on a, z. B. utta, feci, in Pas sivum k, z. Uttak, while those ending in i or aya transform the ya into k, e.g. For example, varriya, pass, varrik, while consistently it should be called varriyak, who would have the sound ya. We will do this According to the sequence, determine more precisely, and give him in the meantime under this reservation by ya again.

30. Now let's look at the names [  ].  A.ri.x.ya Persian Hariva, [  ] x.y.o. na, Persian Yona, Greek 7oW «, T x.u. ti.ya, Persian Yotiya, we find that the only unknown group in this name can mean nothing other than i. We have already recognized another i, viz; their combination gives just the sign, which we no. 29 ya have accepted for the time being; but since, for the reasons given above, the sound ya is questionable, there is nothing to prevent us from reading this group ii or as in Dutch ij, a sound definition which will be confirmed later in a quite unexpected way.

31. In the Artaxerxes inscription comes the word [ ] ni. ij. k. x. which means "grandfather"; shortly before is a compound of the same word [ ] x. pa. ni. ij. k. ka, which means abavus (grandfather); so the group [ ] stands for [ ], and so it must also be ka (ga), if it is correct in the very indistinct wedge of wedges. Otherwise they would not appear earlier.

32. “My father” or “mihi pater” is [ ] u. at. ta. ta (from Türkic atiem “my father”); his father is [ ] at.x.ri (from Türkic atase “his father”, Cf. Spanish su padre “his father”); in any case, the group [ ] stands  for [ ] and, like these, has the phonetic value ta (da). (atada “at father”)

33. Let us compare the group in the name -y>. ^ YyE-iy ^ * Ey - ^ - y, ti. k. x. ba. na Persian

tigrabana, Lat. Patigra, [ ]. Vi. s. [ ],  [ ] x., Persian Vayačpära, [ ] Ni.di.t. [ ] x.,  Persian Naditabera, thus we find that it means pa and ba.

34. Let's take the name of the Tigris, ► # # -TIE.-ÜTT- Ti. K. x. Persian Tigra, the phonetic value of the last group ra results; also in the name ^. Ryyy. Jtfff. , above sea level. x. ra. ta. Persian Ufratovä, Greek EvqjQajtjg, -. -. x. da.ra. Persian Ga-dara, f.? Ta.ka.x.ra, Persian Takabara. Further, X.ba.ra Persian Arberä, Greek 'AqßrjXa, Lat. Arbela, Arab. , Since Old Persian had no 1, it is extremely difficult to decide whether the language of our inscriptions did not have it; but since the conclusion from one language to the other is not yet fully justified, we do well to include value for the moment.

35. In the name | # * £ ►] f |, ^. Da.t. tu.x.ij, Persian Däduhyä, the group corresponds to the Persian h, but as we have already seen that this phonetic value is inadmissible, we must look elsewhere for his statement. We find the same group in the name A.ka.x.ni.s, Persian Hakhämanis, Y. >. , t ^ TT «x. ^ ni.s. Persian Umanis, and recognize from the fact that that was ma; but since this value too does not fit into the name of Daduhya, we must accept the value above, since we already know from the former that the sounds mm and v are designated by the same groups. (Sumerian m/b are interchangeable, Türkic m/b are interchangeable, this is a legacy of the Sumerian times)

36. From the names ►. | Za. t. za. , Persian Zäzana, -. , You. ba. , "A. Persian Dubana, we discovered that the group had the phonetic value an; just so in the name -".TTf. x.ra.an.ga Persian Zaraka, Greek dQayyiavr.

37. But we see the same sign at the beginning of all the names of the month, at the beginning of the name Oromazes, the words for "God," "Bimmel," "Day," "Month," and the like. s. w. and since these words by no means all begin with the syllable an, we conclude that it is a determinative of divine and celestial things, as well as for time determinations, by remembering us

that in the Persian religion the days and months were under the care of the Amphibian of the same name.

38. The phonetic value of the group is given by the Name f.. & £. £ f>. ^ T-.t ^ ff. There. x. , s, Persian Dadarsis, -. t. rr: n. x. {1- y. Pers-Kusiyä. -. <T ~. ~ TTE
(the rest of the name is indistinct) ^ f ^ k,,.. Persian Čiktovatis, namely si or či.

Now, after determining the most important sibilants, I must now call attention to a peculiarity which is manifest in the use of them in the transcription of the Persian names. For it always stands for the Persian Tri (thri) in our inscriptions. and for tra (thra) Jr5f f. y, as the following examples show: f. J f ^. 8. si.na, Persian Athrina,. J |>. S ^ ff. ^ f-. , A. s. si. ij. ti. s. Persian Athriyatiya; f. ^ fff. r <TT. V *. TfT. x. s. ga. n. x. ma. Persian citratakhma; -T. <~. = <TT. V Mi-S. ga, Persian Mithra, Greek Mt & ga. This observation will sometimes be useful in explanation; so z. For example, in the inscriptions does a name appear, which in the Persian text "~ f ^.. VJ.. ^ om *? A5 * u the second class MÜM ■ <==.. V. Vomičča is. Oppert (Les Inscriptions of Achemenides, Paris 1852) p. In the first syllable of the name, 120 correctly recognizes the Zendwort vuhu, but seeks in the last part of the name the root of the word mathigta; the above examples show that missa is simply the name Mithra, and that therefore the purely Persian form of the name would be Vohumitbra, Zend Humithra.

39. In the name of Cambyses y. -. Eleven ff. x. x. ^ yyy.ij represents the group ^ fff the Persian letters. yy ji while in change name the book characters. yj ci denotes, for. B. f. ■ ►fff. f. ^: f-. ^ 5 ff d- h- T! f * s * x's Pers * cispis, T ^ Tn. u.. x. i. x. r * - ^ TTT. 8 persons Tliigarcis, H ^. f "^ f d. h. ( i.e.) r: fff.s.ga.n.x.ma. Persian Citra takhma. But since, according to the preceding of the language of our inscriptions, the palatals are absent, it should not be permitted to add to the group ^ fff the value ci (chi),

as Rawlinson, Norris, and Holtzmann have done, but only to take them for the syllable. Of course, this value can not be proved directly, because the Pers. text does not give us a name init of the syllable ci; but indirectly it lets himself out of the Babylon text to prove where the penultimate syllable of the two names Kambyses and Smerdis is reproduced by the group, which Rawlinson has already determined on zi, ie Kan.bu.zi.ya and Bar.zi.ya.

. 40. The pers. month Bägayädisch means in our inscriptions ^ T.ET- ^ TT ^,E ^ n - ^ - E ^ HBa.x.ij.di.s. The unknown sign - yy,- ^ stands for the syllable ga, and since there is no other name to decipher it, we must leave it at that.

41. We see the group at the beginning of the words f. T ^ TTt - d <T-fTf.t.ta.xs, Pers. Tliatagus, ^. H. -. <• ~ TH <-EW - <TT <• T-TTf -ixri.zi.s Pers. Thäigarcis where it represents both times the syllable tha (Θa) it may just as well be a sibilant, as we find it difficult to prove the existence of aspirated consonants, but since I know nothing better, it has to to have his say.

42. A very common sign is y ^ yyy, which also serves for plural formation; but we have only one name for its designation, viz., yyyy. -fTT-. S ^ yy. ^ h * U.y ^ yyy.ra.ta Persian Ufrätova, Arab. Greek EvqfQUTtjg ', from which we derive the value, but which, according to various analogies, can also be ba and pa.

43. The Babylonian name Niditbel is in Persian Naditabera and in our inscriptions Ni. Tues. t. ba. ^^ y ^ ^ where the two last groups in the Babylonian represent, thus felt compelled Norris to resolve the sign ^^ y ^ el the value or 1; that I but for change marks it follows that the inscription of the second generic closer. Text stops the Pers.  and certainly is not a translation from the Babylonian text, likely ra or la Being real, which also fits better with the change words in which these Group occurs. So I call it la, to the difference of ra.

44. The Persian name Mudaräya (Egypt) is in our inscriptions [  ] x.t.za.ri.ij. The sign means muu (or vu). (Sumerian m/b are interchangeable, Türkic m/b are interchangeable, this is a legacy of the Sumerian times)

45. We read the group ^ y in the word ►. YFCT beginning 5 Pers.  Qugda, from which we scbliessen that they ^ u means (perhaps below). It stands for thu in the name -. A9.9u.ra Persian Athurä, Pehlewi * 5 2 t Hebr. , Chald".Nntt, Arab. jj'H, Greek 'AaovQia,! AivQia,' Atovgia.

46. ​​The group ^ results from the name y t ^ i. Gomata, Lat. Cometes, as go (ko), a value, the name Goyaruva, Grecaruva, Greek. it is evidently a compound of k (g) and o, which Norris recognized, but without being able to extricate himself from the magic circle of the Guna by giving the group the abnormal phonetic level.

47. The group "i ^^ y is thu (Θou), as we say from the names ^ * ^ y. ^. y ^ y. - Thu.r.va.r. Persian Thura-vähara, and -, "~ y." ^ - ^ y. X.thu.va. Persian Parthava, see Greek Ilag & vaia.

48. Again the sign ^ y- appears in only a few names, but they are sufficient to specify it; it is pi in y ^ yyy. t: <yy. £: y> -. Zi.s.pi.s Persian Cispis,
greek Tiianrjg,. > \ N>. , x. P * Pers dipis, and bi in the names B »• g». bi. g. na Pers. Bagabigna,}. ^. Z:] -. * ^ Y. Ba.bi.x. Persian Babirusch, Greek Baßvhwv, Heb.> Arabic.

49. The last group in the same name (Babylon) reads lu  ~ y, but we must remember that it can also be ru.

50. From the Names and Words y. »- ^. y. , y ^ f R.sa. ^ ff ^,ina, Persian Arsäma, f. d. H. , ma. ni. s Persian Umanis ff. - £ Tf. ^ TT ~ - ta. t. za. ra. = TP we see that the group ►Yy ^ m (or am)

and at the same time serves as a regulator of pronunciation, since v of this group can probably never was pronounced.

51. In our inscriptions Col. II, Z. 25 we read the name of a city ►. d. h. ( i.e.) x.t.za; the Persian text is incomplete at this point; but fortunately, the Babylonian text helps out where the same name is written jlfT -Zu.u. The Babylonian translation thus has in the first place the same group as our text: in Babylon its value is fairly certain; it is Z. B. the second syllable of the name "Persia the first syllable of the name Qugda u. s. w. (and so on) and therefore without second qu; as well as the group which we under No. If we have recognized 45 as £ U, and in the Babylonian syllabar there is no doubt that we have the same phonetic value, then we are justified in accepting it also for value; but to make a distinction, in consideration of the last syllable of the name, where in our text za stands for the Babylonian, we add to the value which we retain in transcription.

52. The group is ku in the name y, Ku.x. Persian Kurus, Greek Kvqoq, Ku.si.ij  Persian Kusiya, and gu in the name f. ? Ma.gu.s, Persian Magus, Greek Mdyog, fff-. x.gu.s, Persian Margus, Greek Magyiavt].

53. The group occurs only twice, viz in the name of Susiana, where we lack a Persian original (or rather the Persian name is not transcribed) and in the transcript of the Persian word dipisch (tabula), which in our inscriptions [  ] so di.pi is. So the group has the sound di (probably also li, which can not be proven).

54. The group comes in the following 4 names, each time with the Lautwerth bu, y. - x.bu.zi.ij Persian Rabujiya, Greek. Ku ^ bvar ^ g, y. ^^ J. , bu.x.ta, Persian Nabunita, Greek Nassovvidog, y.ry. ^ y. ^. ^. H Ba.g-a.bu.x.sa. Persian Baga buksa, Greek Mtydßv & g, ►. bu.mi.ij, Persian bumis, Skt. neuPersian It is also possible, Cs that it was pu, but this value can not be proven.

55. The group appears as ru in the name • ^ th.. Ku.x.x.ru.s Persian Kudrus, and in which j. J {• x. ru. za. na. m Persian paruzananäm.

56. In the inscription N. R. Z. 27,> J. , x. ra. x. pi. x, transcript of the Persian word paravadiin (both words are a bit flawed); the last group, however, appears as being in, a value, which thereby receives its confirmation that this group is otherwise almost only stands before such signs as sounded with m; It therefore also serves as a regulator of pronunciation.

57. From the name y #. »« Few. Nabanita, Greek NassovviSog, we see that the penultimate group means * ~ yy ni.

58. The first group of the same name should therefore be Na; but we see from the name of Nebuchadnezzar, d- h 'rrrf.ku.x.ru.x Persian Nabukudracara, Heb.. niZTO'DD that it is ideographically Nabu to read. Why it is not so used in the first name, I can not explain enough.

59. The group ^^ has in the name f. ^ f. > - ^ w. , y. Ba. ga. bu. x. sa Persian Bagabuksa certainly the provision to serve as a guttural; change name eg. B.
^ # ^ y #, ry y Ku. x.x.na.ka.an, Persian Kuganakä, y. ^ y.r ^,t ^,- tyy-. Tu.x.x.ra Persian Thukliara, y. y ^ y. Vo.x.ka Persian Vahoka, we realize that it started with u, ie w / c, and that it also served as the regulator of pronunciation.

60. In the inscription F. Lassen & Westergaard what in 0. Lass. & Westergaard ^ stands, so x. za. ka for a.t.za.k.ka. Otherwise the first group does not appear any further, so we give it the value at.

61. A very common group is ^: ^ y, whose very purpose is very important. Unfortunately, we have only one proper name for deciphering, namely -.- y.r ^ y.-y-.r ^ yy.y.-y. <-. t ^ yy. Ka.x.Pi.s.sa.ka. ni.s., Persian Kapisakänis, where nothing is missing,

but if we have repeatedly recognized there this phenomenon as a property of the phonetic system of this language, then we shall not be mistaken if we see in the group in question a regulator of pronunciation which sounds a in consideration of the preceding group, that is, ap or p.

62. Arabia means in our inscriptions |d. h. ( i.e.) x.ba.ij, Persian Arbaya. So the first group must be ar, a value that is confirmed by many other names, such as Eg y. Ar. mi.ni.ij, pers, Armina. This group occurs only at the beginning. The names are still y. T>. d. h. ( i.e.) Ar.r.o. va. ti. s. Harovatis, Zend haraqaiti, and y. , Ar.ri.va Persian Hariva, but as proof that the h - sound is not expressed in our inscriptions.

63. In the inscriptions copied by the late Tasker to Nakshi Rustem, the Maiaya are called in the second genus y. - y ^ r <|, ^ Yyy. d. h. ( i.e.) x.zi.ij.ra; also in the inscription NR, only with the plural form ^: ^ y ap, instead of the singular ra. After analogy of the transcriptions of Zazana, ta6a-ram u. s. w. (and so on) Let us therefore give the group the phonetic value (vat).

64. In the name f. J. ^. ; gf>. ff Nabu, ku,x.ru.x Persian Nabukudralara, Hebrew, the syllable cara is expressed by m; but since the language of our inscriptions is alien to the sound ts as well as to ch, we can only add to this group the sound-value sar, zar, or even which is given by the two names YTT. -gyy-".Hf. -y. Zar.ra.an.ga Persian Zaraka Greek Jgayyiav ?; and -, YYY Mu. Zar. ra. ij, Persian Mudaraya, heb. d'HS & ö, Arab. is confirmed.

65. In inscription NR, the Persian name is Karkä played. The last sign is the Pluralsendung in the inscriptions of Nakschi Rustem; the middle sign is ka, hence the group remains for the syllable kar. This value is confirmed by the names. f-fft. /,. , -TTT <. Tha. i. even. ri. zi. s, Persian Thäigarcis and y. ^ <y.Tu.uk.kar.ra Persian Thukbara, thus both at once gar and khar.

66. For the determination of the group we have 3 names, T. EWT. S ^ YY. y. , Y ^ Y Zi. S. Sat. n. x. ina Persian Citratakhma, Y. Y * "~. * ^ Y. * ^ * ~ YY x.x.pa.da Persian Khama <> päda, and Y.» ~ YfE:. 7. ^ * V Ar.x. k. S,as. Sa Persian Artakhsatra. The first and last of these nameti undoubtedly yield tak, takh, dak or dakh; in the middle one must assume that perhaps in the Persian original the letter * ^ YfY ta has failed at the beginning.

67. The demonstrative pronoun illud is soon called in our inscriptions ^ YY <. ^ <U'Pa * (Col. I. 46. 51. N.R. 16) soon -TT <.- £ -t,- <,. pa Col. 1, Z. 14. 67. without understanding a reason for a changed form. We therefore consider the group a regulator of pronunciation and give it the phonetic value in consideration of previous analogies.

68. From the name -. , Y ^ * ~ * ~ Y. A.x.ka.x. ri. s. Arakadris, ►. Y ^: "~ * ~ Y. ^ Y *" ~ * ~ Y. x * ^ a * to Persian Raga, Greek 'Payav, Y. , Y ^ '~ "~ Y. * ^ Y. A.x.ka, Persian Arakha, the meaning of the group Y ^ * ~ * ~ Y is given as ra, or rather as rak (rag, rakh), because it always stands before a guttural.

69. The group ^ Y * ^ is mar in the name ►. ~ Rr ~. Mar.gu.s Persian Margus, Greek Magyiavrj> 1st r: TT-. -T>. He /, Mar. ti. ij Persian Martiya, and var in the name Y. ^ J. ♦ * ^ Y ^. Y ^ YY. x. ru * var * ti.s Persian Fravartis, Y * £ Y * ^ Y - * ^ Y>. ^ YY ^ YY * ^. * ^ YYY ^. S ^ YY Pa.t.ti.s. var.ri. s. Persian Patisuvaris.

70. The group [ ] is in a set of words that contain only two groups, of which the first is either an ideograph or, most likely, an απαξ λεγομενον (dexterity or once called), and most likely an ideograph, z. B. (e.g.) [ ] "Human (Mensch)", [ ] "Month (Monat)", so we are with Oppert that this very sign implies that the previous groups are ideographic rather than phonetic. However, all sorts of things must be noted, namely: 1) In our inscriptions there are certainly ideographs which nevertheless do not carry this signature with them, z. B. (e.g.) the word for "king", [ ], the group [ ] Nabu; 2) in the Artaxerxes inscription

it stands in the middle of the name "Artaxerxes", [ ] Ar. tak. ča. x. ča, where it is most certainly [ ] and ač or č can be read. 3) The same value (, č) also gives very good and verifiable forms in some other words, z. B. (e.g.) an. go. č. "sea" cf. Türkic [ ب ي ز  ?  ءدم  ? ] (?) ((si “water, moisture”) or dingiz “sea”) . 4) If this word is nevertheless to be read differently, then we rightly conclude that a people of the Türkic - Tatar tribe invented these ideographs and this script, and since we find in the language of our inscriptions many other purely Türkic words, so nothing hinders us to read these words phonetically as soon as they can be proved in the Türkic - Tartar languages. I must give the further execution of these sentences in the analysis of the texts. (The heavy doze of Turkisms in Sumerian attests to Sumerian being an amalgamated language of very archaic Türkic with a local language, see attribution of Sumerian 577-word list with 296 words, or 51% displaying Türkic genetic connection, http://turkicworld.org/turkic/45TurkicAndHungarian/TothA_EDHTurkic-Hung2007En.htm, Table pages 604 - 685)

71. The group [  ] occurs only twice, viz in the name.[  ] x.ma.pa.x Persian Garmapada and [  ] Ag. x. ti. ij.ra (a Sagartian) Persian Agagarta, from which we conclude that it is gar or kar.

72. The group [ ] tar is in the name "TT. M.-IW- Va. k. s. tar. ra Persian Uvakhsatara (Kyaxares); it is dar in the name f. Vi.dar.na. Persian Vidarna, Greek 'Yddgvfjg, f. -WT <• »TT A. rak. ka. dar. ri. s. Persian Arakadris, and thar in the name f. y. # Sa.t.thar.ri-ta Persian Khsathrita.

73. The name Lydia is f. , "~ Y. ^" - YT £ xxda, Persian ^ Pardas, where the middle sign * y must contain the syllable par, and the same value results from the names T. ~ T. «<Par.x par., a, f., T, T, T, par.thu.va Persian Pärthava, Greek Tlagd-vaia, furthermore bar from the names T.-I - <. ~ V. | £ V Go,bar.va, Persian Gobarva, Greek Tzuqqvrig; ►Y «Ta.ka.bar.ra Persian Takabara; end far from the name Y. Vi. n. there. far. n. Persian Vidafrana, Greek 5Ivracpegv ^ g.

74. The group ^ Y * "~ comes only in the name ^ # ^, except for a single change of words Pa. ti. k,x. ha. na, Persian patigrabana, and the value would be sufficient., but since we already have another group ra and

even if we have a group with the phonetic value, we give the value rab to this group, which is confirmed by that other word, as well as by the Babylonian syllabary. (I can not find this group on Oppert's board, in volume X of the Ztschr. D. DMG.)

75. Oromazes means O.ra.x. there. Persian Oramazdä; the group f »- must be mas (maz, mag) mean what else by the name,ET.ü-rr Takh. like. pa. as Persian Khamagpäda is confirmed. The phonetic vag (vaz, vas) is also indisputably included in the same group..

76. The Persianl name Kudrus in our inscriptions is fjj j. T- <r [y, Ku. x. dar. ru. s. For determination the unknown name does not indicate the Persianl name halt, but in the Babylon. Text is the same name Ku.un. du.ra and we see from it that it means un, a phonetic, which is also the Babylon. Syllabar for the same group, and which in our inscriptions is confirmed by other words.

77. A "month (Monat)" gives [ ]. Norris reads the first character, the second mon, the third s, so anmons, which is almost like the English, a month. The first group is a determinative, that is, it can not be pronounced at all ♦, the second group is a composite ideograph, namely, the beginning of the word nan * 5> the day ", ideograph for the number 30, and | Signs of composition; It is therefore quite like the ideographs of our philosophers, but rather than September, October, November, December, whereby the reader, who is not fortunate enough to understand Latin, may wonder what this whistling should mean. The same goes for our ideographs, and the remark that Babylonian looks about the same, namely, <<< | is not suitable to enlighten us about it, and the announcement in the end that we are not phonetically, but ideographically z

77.  A "month (Monat)" gives [ ]. the first character, the second mon, the third s, so anmons, which is almost like the English, a month. The first group is a determinative, that is, it can not be pronounced at all ♦, the second group is a composite ideograph, namely, the beginning
of the word nan * 5> the day ", ideograph for the number 30, and | Signs of composition; It is therefore quite like the ideographs of our philosophers, but rather than September, October, November, December, whereby the reader, who is not fortunate enough to understand Latin, may wonder what this whistling should mean. The same goes for our ideographs, and the remark that Babylonian looks about the same, namely, <<< | is not suitable for enlightening us, and the announcement that we have to read it not phonetically but ideographically is very superfluous because we can not do anything phonetically or ideographically with the middle group. But since something has to be given in the transcription of the text, I translate the ideograph by XXX, which is known to mean 30, and in algebra indicates the unknown quantities. But this reflection will not be quite fruitless, for it will soon lead us to the determination of the value of another group, and otherwise teach us all sorts of things.

78. The group [ ] has the following 6 names: • EnA d 'h; X, I) U, zi ii 'Pers-Kabuj'yf,> Greek. ka ^ bvatjg,. } J>. , - TtTT * d- ^ A. you. x. na. Persian Adukanis; -. *  # Ku. uk. x. na. ka. to Persian Kuganakä; ^, Yyyy. x, you, especially from Persian Gadutava; f. ^ Tyjy. £ * -Tf. d. h. ( i.e.) x.da.ra Persian Gadara, ^ IS> Aa: 5? Greek ravdagliig, ♦ * ~ HTt. ^ ** x * nil * s Persian Viyaklma. If, therefore, one wanted to attach to it the value ka (ga), it would be completely sufficient for the person, texts; but since we already know two signs with this value, we probably have to add a final consonant, and the consideration of the Greek and New Persian equivival, as well as the fact that three times the ensuing group is followed by a n-initial syllable, leads by itself to attach the value kan (gan) to it. ,

79. The group means dar in the name * & Y Da.dar.si.s Persian Dädarsis; | FT "^. Nabu. ku. dar. ru. sar Persian Nabukudracara; and lar * in the name -. , TJT. Tar.ra.u. especially Persian Täravä, Greek Tagovdva and ^ Ba. k. tar. ri. Persian Bäkhtaris, Greek BuxTQa.

80. The meaning of the group is taken from the names f. d. h * x.di.ij, Persian Bardiya; Y. x. ru. var. ti. Persian Fravartis, Greek.
0QaoQTrjg and f. > J.. x * ra »there, Persian Fräda, So / ar, Jmr or par. The name Susiana is in our inscriptions - # so A.far.di, the inhabitants are called
A.far.ti. This is the only name that deviates from the Persian original in the list of countries, from which Norris already concluded that the author of this translation should not be very foreign to the nation, in other words, that the language of the second genus in Susiana home is. This conjecture, which is well applauded by Rawlinson, is further corroborated by the fact that the list of the peoples in the great inscription begins with the names Persis, Susiana, Babylon, while the Medes did not come much later

o ccurrence, s o there are the 3 Volker, in whose languages ​​the inscriptions are written, ahead, and exactly in the order of the inscriptions. Since Rawlinson also says that the inscriptions found in Susiana contain a language which seems to him to have many similarities with ours, I shall henceforth use the name "susisch" for the language of the second genus cuneiform. (Oppert writes Susian, but there is no longer a man like Olearius Persian, Indian, Baktrian u. s. w. (and so on) writes, but Persian, Indian, Bactrian u. s. w. (and so on) , so I choose "susisch".)

81. For the group yf ^: we have only 2 names f. y f ^ r. ypT Ku.x, Persian Kurus, Heb., and f. y f ^ first Va.x.mi.ij, Persian Uvärazmis, Greek XoyükjjLitu, from which It is not clear whether it is ras or rus. But since otherwise in the syllabary syllables with initial and final consonants seldom have a vowel other than a, we shall most certainly assume the value ras (rač , raz).

82. The group «<comes only in the name ~ M« Par.x. Persian Parga, and it is, therefore, nothing more natural than to readily admit to her the phonetic value, which would be perfectly sufficient to satisfy all requirements. Only one does not understand why a special group was invented exclusively for this word, since the group y is already ga, and one begins to question the correctness of the sound determination. Norris must have already felt such doubts, for he gives, of course, without any reason, the phonetic hymn. But we have the means to determine the phonetic value very precisely, and indeed with all the sharpness of the proof. The group is also still in the ideograph for "month" (see above No. 77) and means there evidently 30, as also sometimes and in our text means [  ] 10 and [ ] 20. If we can now find out, as 30 is called, then our task would be solved. But now the analysis of the texts will prove that mmas is the ending of ordinal numbers, and that two is expressed by a word which savak has as derivative, that is, by a word not too far removed from our German words. These two data justify our assumption that the numerical terms in the Susian Revenge are Aryan borrowings. Thirty is called in Sanskrit tringati; in Zend thrigag; I can not prove it in Old Persian, but it will probably have been about the same; in the Pehlewi, Parssy and

New Persian means č i. But the Susians would tringati or thrigag, because we know that they transform tr and thr into g, and thus the ideograph "gi" should be read. But I am able to reproduce the sound a little more accurately; the Susians made Armina from the Persianl name Armina in their language, and thus they are analogous to Parga, Parčij, and accordingly I determine here the phonetic value of the group "<gij, as an ideograph for ^ Y-. 0 (* he. this form
Parčij approaches the Greek IIIqgiq more than the original form Parga. But the contemplation of the ideograph for "month" is not yet exhausted in its fertility. The comparison with the neuPersian gi also proves that ya is not ya but what we have already found in a completely different way, and what is so beautifully confirmed here to our surprise. Yes, we learn more from it! If 4 ^ is an ideograph for gij, 30, then in all probability the group y ga is also an ideograph; just as the angle hook in our inscriptions indicates the number 10, so the vertical wedge is one, so y equals three. The number three is called Sanskrit tri, in the Old Persian well thri; in the Zend thris, in the Pehlewi, Parssy and New Persian č; e, from which we are entitled to scrounge on č a in the Susian .

83. The group rarely occurs, namely in the name f. ^. ► ¥. Ka. T.pa.tu.x, A.na.ma.k.x. Persian Anäinaka, and in the fragment,... n.x for Zaraka (jQuyyiuv /]). These three names would give the value ka; but since we already have this value two or three times, it is natural to assume the phonetic value kač , kas (gač , gas), analogously to most of the names of the month which sounded on s.

84. In Col. Ill Z. 74 the verb "celas, you hideaway" is written twice, but with different orthography, namely T ~ <. tar.x.ti and tar. ti.n.ti, from which it can be seen that the group represents the syllable tin.

85. The Susi relative is ap.x in the nominative 'different cases of it are £: £: Y. ap.pi.ni gene. PI. (Col. I, 10) - ►SlY. ap. pi. n. Acc. Pl .

(1.68), ,.. »PP» * Nom- Pl - (II, I ). All these f or Men, especially the latter, which is also just as common * with the sing *, quite the same, compel us to believe that pi is, and for the difference of pi I call that pi, that pi.

86. The group occurs only in 2 proper names, namely in a variant of the name Susiana, Y.. * ~ Y ^ instead of f. j, and in the name x.di.ta for the Persian Handita. In the former thus represents for a, it would also be possible for it to designate what value Norris has retained; but the second name resists, and gives han or rather; but we already know as, and with that also this value falls away; surely only the vowel a is certain, and since we have already found two signs for i and u, it is, of course, also to search for a two groups; the group in question does what is required and moreover can be found just as at the beginning of the words. So it's probably aa while is a.

87. The group <yt; H comes so often together with the group "~ YY ^ ~ k or ik that we may infer from the outset on a guttural, and since this sign can follow all other letter classes, we also conclude that it ends with a vowel ; but now we have already twice ka (ga), just so is ko (go) and gu (ku) occupied; ki (gi) is still missing, and since this value gives a satisfactory result in all cases, we set for ^ YY ^ ki (gi).

88. The name of the month Garmapada is in the English: Gar. Ina. pa. x, so it would be \ because, however, most of the month names end in s, and because in the verb utta the group yY ^ Y changes frequently So, we give her the sound of dač or d as (das/d ač ) with complete certainty.

89. The Persian name of Kapada is in our inscriptions, -Y. -YY-.. fY ^ Y Ka. m. x. that expressed; would mean pa; but since we already know 2 to 3 groups with this phonetic value, we give it the meaning pat (bat).

90. The group - & Y comes only doubtfully in proper names. It does not seem to stand in the names of India and Cappadocia; we have only left: Y.; ^ * ^ Y.. * ~ Y ^

A.x.far.ti in the inscription N. R. Z. 17 for the ordinary T. -T> Afarti, Susiana. Col. II, 41 for an area in Assyria, where the Persian and Babylonian texts are sketchy, and ►.Č i. k. x. uk. va. ti. s for the Persian Qikthovatis, where but only the first two groups of the suspenseful word are perfectly safe. And yet this is the only name that can do us any good; From this we deduce the value, the only one that fits the other words according to the Susi sound system. For Col. III, 81 we have the word rry twice. £ <r. Ap.pat.x.k.ki.m. mus,. whereby the initial sound is secured t. Holtzmann gives this group the sound m a (va), but this is not so very common here, as in the word ^ ^ ^ y-yy ^ au. x. ga fits.

91. Norris has identified the group [  ] with the vowel e, without, however, stating a reason, as the resemblance of it to the Babylonian group of the same name, which is indicated on Oppert's more cited panel i, which I do not quite understand; the above does not make things clearer. However, I can still reinforce Norris's assumption with some reasons; it usually happens at the beginning; furthermore, besides several words of unknown meaning or derivation in the verb evidu (oppert reads imidu), a compound of eva (ab, which particle appears in the window inscription as an isolated word), and you take Türk [  طوتهف ] (tutihif) (atık-/adık-) at last in one word which confirm the e in a surprising way, namely in the inscription D. Lass. & West, occurs the word [  ] Ap. pat x. k. ki, m. The second group is also unknown, but the word indisputably means porticus (portico, porticus, porch, arcade, archway), Halle (lobby, hall, foyer, vestibule), and since the text is unclear at this point, Norris believed that perhaps the last group would have to be split into two, ma.mas (va.vas) (undifferentiated m/b), or that they at least it is made up of it. Be that as it may, in this word we recognize an old acquaintance, viz (namely) (atık-/adık-).

92. [  ] is today's aivan, thus either van (inan) or vas (mas); but since the latter syllable is already designated by the simple y * -, I assume the former value, which more exactly agrees with the present-day representative. As it happens that an old e widened in ai, while otherwise the opposite happens to find, I could prove here with a dozen beautiful reasons

and show at the same time that I understand Sanskrit, Zend, Gothisch, Littlauisch, Greek and Latin, but I renounce all these glories, and content myself with the reference to the old Caesarea, now Kaissarie, Berytus, now Beirut, Hethuin, King from Armenia, in Europe called Haython u. s. w. (and so on)

93. The group [  ] comes only in the word [  ] x. pi. ka vor, which is both Col. II, 58 as in K Nieb. must mean "enclosed"; but in the former passage the Persian text is incomplete and incomprehensible, and so from the inscription K Nieb. There is no translation at all. Probably the group is a compound (at least the [  ] points to it at the end), and probably from the first half Norris already closed on a guttural, but he said in complete uncertainty about the final kwe, declaring that he had no reason to change “than the convenience of having some sound appropriated; any other syllables would have been defensible”. Regarding the guttural, I have to agree completely with Norris; but with some attention he could have better determined the final; the second half of the group [  ] (pa) and the [  ] pi following the group in question leads to the final ap, that is, kap as the complete sound of the group. If we have moved so carefully on the floor of the conjecture, then unexpectedly this provision gains a beautiful confirmation by the word itself: kappika is a passive form, the active thus kappi, which is close with the Türkic [ ءادامى ] ('adamaa) (adam “man, people”) , [ قابو ] (qabu) (qapïɣ “gate”) Thür (?), almost entirely in agreement (Cf. “gated community”, i.e. “enclosed community”).

94. In the inscription of Artaxerxes, the name of Anaitis is [  ] x.t.ta.na.ta. The same name is in the Persian text Anahata, in the Babylonian Anakhitu, Greek Tanais, Tanaidos, Avaitis, Phoniz. (Punic ?) [  ], which we do not win much for the determination of the first group. Norris took it for a part of the determinative, which is quite inadmissible, and added to it by comparison with the Babylonian [  ] and with the Türkic words [ دكم ,خانم ] (khanem, dukm) (hanum “lady”, ? ) the value at, by taking the [ م ] at the end of the mentioned words for a mark of the feminine ending. But every beginner in the Türkic language knows that it is genderless, that this is nothing more and nothing less than the possessive of the first person sing, and that these words mean both "my prince, my khan," and "mine Princess, my lady", and so for the determination of the group in question

they do not contribute anything. Its similarity with the Babylonian is unmistakable, but the determination of a Susi sound group by a similar Babylonian is permissible only if supported by other evidence, for a considerable number of groups in both typefaces are very similar in form and quite disparate in phonetic value.

The group appears in two other words, namely, alone, as a conjunction, and in a word, which means priscus (former), anterior (prior), but where the following group is, if possible, even more unknown, and where speculations can not spit us anything. This time Aelian helps us out of necessity; in the hist. Anim. XIII, c. 23 he says, 'Evr * Elv / iiaia yjoQu refjig oonv L4dwridog', I know nothing of a cult of Adonis in Persia, and I believe that the Greek to whom Aelian took his message heard the sus- pious name of anaitis and took him for the Hellenic Adonis, and so I conclude that the name started with a vowel and subsequent dental; the dental is confirmed by the following t, and since we already a * s at> know as it, so I give the Lautwerth u (, the further confirmation will be received later.

95. The group comes only in the word t.-t r <. > y.> n \ - u '*, x before> which means exercitus; the preceding group t points to a syllable beginning with t, and in view of the meaning we must not be greatly mistaken if we read them tap (dap), in that ap is the plural ending in the inscriptions of Nakshi Rüstern. The Babylonian group tip pretty much agrees with it.

96. The group [  ] occurs in 4 words, [  ] ga.x. for the Persian amätä mightig (?);. x.das, a word of unknown importance; * ^ y..> y # lu.x.gat.ta. I went away, and ^ ä.x.va.r. he sinned. The first word does not teach us anything; the second and fourth teach us that it must be a syllable ending with a vowel; the third at last, compared with lu.fa.ba, he retired, proving that it is a modification of fa; but since we have no clue for the vowel, I call the group fo.

97. The group [  ] occurs in 2 words, [  ] va. r. tar. x., omnino (altogether), and [  ] x. ga., send. The first word seems to be a compound, because [  ]

varrita [  ] means omnes (all), and tarva means penitus, omnino (thoroughly, completely); the meaning would be, as in German, "all in all", which fits very well in the place where it occurs, namely after the payment of the peoples belonging to the Persian kingdom, where it is concluded: "all in all 23 Countries". If the compound is correct, the phonetic value of the group in question would soon be found; it would have to be of anlaut syllable beginning with m (v); is ma (va), [  ] is ma (va), [  ] is o, [  ] mo (vo), a composition to which we have a well-founded analogy in the gutturals. (The allusion appear to be to the Türkic munča  “much”, bunča “bunch”, the total expression “munča bunča (send)”, Cf. English much, bunch)

98. The group [  ] occurs only once in a word to which the Persian original is missing, namely [  ] ir.va (ma),x. From the context however, the location can be deduced with very high probability; that it has "dwelling, residence" or a meaning closely related to it. Norris, based on the Ugrian-Finnish analogy, gives the group in question the phonetic value, especially because of its close resemblance to the group which he also reads l or el. In the Aryan language area, however find closer hints, z. B. (e.g.) [  ]  For example, all words meaning "dwell", "dwelling" u. s. w. (and so on), and from which we conclude the sound n; However, nothing can be determined about the vowel and final, and so as not to anticipate anything; I call the auslaut as y, so ny.

99. The word "human" is expressed by [  ]; the last sign indicates that the first is an ideograph, and since we have already seen that the ideographs are of Türkic-Tatar origin, we have to take them from this linguistic stem as far as possible. The group parses into [  ] and [  ]; the latter is si, and thus we automatically come to the Türkic Yakut (Saha) word ki, a man (or people), from the Türkic word [ وكشى ] (keshi) (kiši “man, human, wife”). We chose our words backwards, that the first half of the ideograph [  ] introduces a guttural, and thus comparable with [  ] ki and [  ] ku; so I read the ideograph kisi, without claiming that in English kisi means "human".

100. The group [  ] occurs only once in a very corrupted place, where the word is [  ] x. x. x. na. The deciphering of the word is uncertain, but various indicators give us untangling clues. There is talk of the troops of

Naditables, who posed on the Tigris and, according to the Persian texts, in some way drew "ships" into the sphere of their operations. The word "ships" must be either in this word or in its next circumvention; but for the following reasons it turns out that it is our very word: 1) of the horizontal wedges in the beginning, which one can not quite unravel, the first is probably the determinative; 2) the third (penultimate) group is the determinative for ideographs; 3) follows this determinative? na; so the word is in the genitive. The first group, after the local determinant, is either [  ] na or [  ] t; There is not much to do with the latter value, and therefore I am more likely to know that it is ka (ga); the ideograph thus begins with either na or ka (ga), and in both cases the phonetic value mi (vi) is given without difficulty for the group, so "the ship" is called either navi or gami; if we read the first group, the ideograph would be a transcript of the Persian word näviya, Skt. nau, Lat. navis, Greek ναυς, but if we read the first group ka (ga), then the ideograph is a transcript of the Türkic word [ كيمي ] gemi (kemi, kemä, kimi “ship, boat”), "ship".

101. The king's sign is [  ] and is without doubt an ideograph, though the determinative, with a single exception in Artaxerxes in-step, never stands. For the reading of the group we would have a myriad of words in Indo-Germanic, Türkic-Tatar, and Finnish-Ugric in all three of the language systems that can be used to explain Susian, since not just each linguistic stem, but almost every branch has a different word. So this source is too crowded for us to use it; in contrast, it is probable that even the Susi language has its own word for this term. Since the other means, such as proper names, mix-ups, and even the weak guidance of preceding or succeeding groups have been withdrawn from us, there is no means left at all to determine the phonetic value of this group to decipher the ideograph. The Artaxerxes inscriptions give some faint hints; for once it says [  ], from which we may conclude that it finishes with auslaut as or s, if [  ] does not stand for [  ]; then it is called [  ] but where possibly is the second group is unknown, it would be [  ], if one wanted to take the 3 horizontal wedges left again to the three vertical wedges, which would lead us back to the previous point of view.

Holtzman proposes to divide the group [  ], namely [  ] as an ideograph for two, and then [  ] would be pi. Even simpler, and without substantial difference of the result, we divide it into [  ], and [  ]; [  ] would be the third, then it would be ča, [  ] is va (ma) and we would have čava (čama). According to Holtzmann's suggestions, we would have čavapi or something similar. From all this it is clear that the beginning of the word is a sibilant; the final is either s or ma (va) or pi, and we may not place much value on it, as the whole reasoning is only patched up of straws, D. Lassen and Westergaard find inscription zunkuk or čunkuk for regnum, kingdom, but again we do not know how zunkuk or čunkuk (regnum) relates to (Rex), and can only close again on the sibilant as Anlaut. For once, I see no reason whatsoever to disdain the well-known khsayathyya for comparison, and if we tried to transcribe that word of trial, the sound of the one already found would not even deviate greatly; kh does not exist in Susi, Khsayarsa is given as Kčirča, khsatrapa becomes čakčabavana; we see that the Susians used all sorts of means to avoid this disparate accumulation of hard-to-pronounce sounds, and as we have already seen in the numbers that for the same reason they approach more Neo-Persian than Old Persian forms, we can neglec initial guttural; s becomes s or č; ya becomes ij; thi did not happen to me again, and will probably be expressed again by a sibilant; ya finally ij becomes again, thus saijsij or čaijčij; instead of this uncouth form čaijač or čavač would be more articulate, and all these different considerations cause me to prefer čavač (to associate it also with the u-sound in zunkuk). However, I am by no means inclined to impose this form as the correct one, but give it only as a suggestion to have a representative of the group in the transcription of the texts, taking all the elements which are probable constituents of the word from different tracks have indicated. (See also the dictionary under this word.)

Before we go to the determination of the remaining 10 groups, which give us almost no point of reference, it would be expedient to put together the syllabarium ascertained so far, in order to recognize the system of writing and its gaps through the missing groups, under as careful consideration as possible of all circumstances. But instead of the groups, I give here only the numbers under which they were found.

System of writing, ascertained syllabarium


a a e e e o u u u and ij
no. 11 86 91 30 20 19 17 18 29


ka ka ki ki ko ku ak ik uk kut kap kar kal kan kin kas
no. 13 31 40   87 46 52 21 23 59 93 65 71 78   83
ta ta ti ti tu tu at it ut tak tap tar tal tan tin tas
no. 2 32 15 53 26 90 12 60 16 94 66 95 72 79 84 88
pa pa pi pi po pu ap ip up pak pat par pal pan pin pas
no. 9 33 48 85   54 61   67   89 73        
ra la ri li ru lu ar ir ur rak rat rap ran rin ras    
no. 34 43 4   55 49 62 24   68   74     81    
ma va mi vi vo mu am im um mak vat map var man vin mas    
no 3 35 5 100 97 44 50 56     63   69 92   75    
na na ni ni nu nu an in un nak nah nap nar nas   ny    
no. 6   57 14     36 27 76             98    
ča sa či si ču su is sak čat sap čar san čin      
no. 22   25 38 45   8 7         64          
tha thu   fa fo far   za zi zu                
no 41 47   42 96 80   28 39 51                


Nabu XXX čij kisi čavač                          
no. 58 77 82 99 101                          


[  ] [  ] [  ] [  ]                            
no. 1 10 37 70                            

I assume that ko u. s. w. (and so on), the second ku u. s. w. (and so on) replaced; then we have to go to a complete Syllabarium for the following groups, where I depict the main sound by K:

Ka Ka Ki Ki Ku (or Ko) Ku aK iK uK Kak Kat Kap Kar Kal Kan Kin Kas  

however, it should be noted that groups such as KaK, hence kak. tat. pap. u. s. w. (and so on) do not occur. To complete the syllabary we still lack ki. kat. kin. - tan. - po (pu). ip. pak. pal. pan. pin. pas. - li (ri); ur (ul). rat (lat). ran (lan). rin (lin). - um. mak (vak). map (vap). vin (min). -

- na. nu. nak. nat. nap. nar. nas. - sa. su. us. sak. sat. sap. san. sin. However, it is likely that fo and far are also po and par, so that in the series of labials only ip, pak, pan, pin, pas are missing. In the same way, the syllable ny will either be na or nu, but it is not advisable to anticipate it, since we can not know which syllables from newly found inscriptions can be reliably determined. For our present purpose, it suffices to establish the gaps, and, if possible, to fill them occasionally with one of the remaining 10 groups.

102. The group [  ] occurs twice, namely in the words [  ] ut.x.ni and [  ] lu. la.x. The latter gives us no clue, but the first one implies the initial sound t, and since we only have to search tan in the series of dentals, this would be the desired one, which is also very good for the third group of the first word fits; so it would be [  ] tan, and the word is hiesse ut.tan.ni.

103. The root of the verb subst. is [  ], a group which otherwise appears only in a single word, namely [  ] x.ri.t, which probably means "bank" and from which we can only conclude that the first group with one vowel or final auslaut r (l); the rest we must gather from the verb subst. In the Susi language we easily notice two different forms of this verb, and these two forms are sharply differentiated in use; [  ]and its derivatives are always used when it means the absolute being, denoting existence, as in the Spanish estar (be), in the Türkic [ اوإف ] (aw'iif) (For the form erdi: or esdi: “was” of “to be” the [ عرضع / عسضع] (erdi/esdi) should be expected); the other verb. subst. merely serves as a so-called copula for the connection of the subject with the predicate, and for the formation of the forms of conjugation, that is, as the Spanish ser (was) and the Türkic verb, whose root is i (gi-/i-/ij-/ïj- "go (in pursuit)", gi- with prosthetic anlaut consonant), and of which come the forms [ ا.دكى ,لدهش ,أبدك ,ا.بمم ] (a.dakaa, ldahsh, abuduk, a.bimm), furthermore, the word (ens (ensemble?), thing), then the causative [ اق'تمائ ] (aq'itimay) (to make that something to be, i.e. to make). All these Türkic analogies are found exactly in the Susian language, partly with a striking phonetic similarity, in particular dasch (tasche “bag, pouch”), fuit (Lat. was), uttasch (?), fecit (done), as well as in Türkic [ ابدى ] (ada) idi, fuit (was), [ أد)مى) ] (ada(maa)) itti, fecit (done). This peculiarity of the Susi language, which, with the exception of Spanish, is found in no single Indo-European language, while in the Türkic-Tatar languages ​​expressed sharply and with all the consistency through

the entire linguistic construction more than anything else is capable of characterizing Susi as associated with the oldest Turkic-Tatar languages, and thereby we gain a very extraordinary security for more allies. - Returning back to our group [  ], we have already seen that it ends in either an auslaut vowel or an r (1). Of the syllables ending in r (1), our syllabary is missing only ur (ul) and nar (nal). Accepting the latter as a root of the verb. subst. (deverbal noun) probably will not occur to anyone; the ur (ul), however, it has an immediate appeal and ends in the most exact Turkic [ اولمق ] (awlmq) olmak (ready, ripe, mature). We therefore give the group [  ] the phonetic value of ul (ur) and we will later find that this provision also fits quite well otherwise. (See, however, this word in the dictionary.)

104. The group [  ] occurs only in 2 words, [  ] x.ri. 1) ear, 2) report and [  ] x.ra. I crucified. Since each one follows a group beginning with r (l), it is either a syllable ending with a vowel or with r (l). The limited number of words does not allow us to draw many elements for comparison, but even Norris has, it seems, done right comparing the Finno-Ugric words for "ear": Hungarian fül, Lappish pelje, Vogul. päll, Ostyak pelh, Perm pel, Votyak pjel, Cheremiss pillar, Mordwin pilä, Zyryän pely. All these words lead to the phonetic value pal (par), so that our syllabary has the complete syllables par, pal.

105. The group [  ] occurs within a word only once, in a passage [  ] where the Persian text is sketchy; both texts are fully in agreement * until the words in Ecbatanoruin castello eos,...; then follows in the Persian text fraha,... the rest is missing; but in the clear text our word and the following: eos denuo inclusos suspendi; the Babylon. Text is also missing, and we are therefore left to conjectures, which are also complicated by the fact that we have to deal here with an ideograph. In the analysis, the word likely means "property, possessions, wealth", and the first syllable var compares with varrita, cuncti (everyone), varri, capere (capture), with the Türkic [ وار ] (var) "existing" (ba:r/var-/war- “be, is, exist”, Cf. English was, were); but all this is not suitable for explaining the second syllable, and since I know nothing at all, I denote this group as xa, where x, as in algebra, indicates an unknown quantity.

106. The Persian word kara is usually given by [  ] das. su. x. which means people, folks, army u. s. w. (and so on). The third sign is nowhere to be found, and as the preceding group ends with a vowel, we have no means to determine its phonetic value. The word is probably a derivative of the verb. subst. (deverbal noun?) [  ] that we gain nothing from; at the most we may conclude that the word has a plural form, that is, it sounds like a labial; from the ones already belonging to it are the kap, tap, rap “busy, occupied”, pap is not allowed, and as was denoted, I choose vap (map), but only under a formal custody against all conclusions, and only as an emergency aid in transcription.

107. The group [  ] has quite a reputation of an ideograph or a composite. But we have at our disposal only one word [  ] x. gi. ta. meaning reinstated, to figure the phonetics out. The composition of the group leads us to the syllable pas (pač), and the meaning of the word fits perfectly against the Persian [  ] or the unconstrained Türkic [ وار ]  (var) "existing" (ba:r/var-/war- “be, is, exist”, Cf. English was, were).

108. The definition of the group [  ] is one of the most difficult problems of cuneiform scripture, since it does not appear in any single proper name or transcript, while appearing in several very important words. First, this includes the demonstrative pronoun [  ] hic, haec, hoc; furthermore the word [  ] x. či for a name, appellation (like süči “army man, trooper”, emči “physician, doctor”); - [  ] an ideograph for "house", "family", [  ] x. si. m. mas, the nose, and [  ] x. s., a word of unknown meaning. The group itself is so simple that there can be no question of deciphering; the monolingual pronoun is not in the least suitable for comparison; for the word "name", almost all three linguistic tribes (Indo-European, Türkic-Tataric and Ugrian-Finnish) have nothing to show how x. či would have some resemblance; the ideograph eludes any comparison, for in Türkic Tatar there is not a single word with r, and only one word [ زقودى ] (zwoudi) with l, and the Ugrian-Finnish and Aryan words for "house" even remotely are not suitable for our word; the same is true of the word for "nose". In this emergency, I would most likely choose x with any vowel, but the frequent occurrence of the group with so many x's would obscure transcription in a disgusting manner,

and give the [  ] the appearance of an algebraic formula; but since it is only erroneous, a bite-sized syllable would however give rise to unjustified comparisons, and yet I must move to this means of information. Considering that x.çi is a name and I suppose x.simmos a nose, especially since we have the syllable na in our syllabary, but in order to distinguish them from this justified and well-founded syllable na for [  ], I write them well (but see the analysis of the inscription No. § 4, where the phonetic value is found.)

109. The group [  ] comes in only one Word before [  ] pi. x. which Col. 1.67.68 stands for the twice aniya of the Persian text; Oppert (Ztschr., d. DMG, XI,. p.804), on the other hand, declares the word to be a determinative, which designates the subsequent word as an animal, and leads to the proof  at the obelisk of Salmanassar III. Of the two following words, let one be a camel, the other horse; I confess, however, that I have found no trace of camels and horses in either the Persian or the Susic text; dasabärim or usabärim would have to call camels invehentes in Persian (?); to my knowledge, in Persian a camel is very different; of course, the second word is only half-readable in the text, and what Oppert mentions as ..., can easily be expanded to ačpa, but on Rawlinson's only authentic copy of this monument lithographed plate of this monument in the Xth volume of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society that still stands in perfect sharpness and distinctness, can still be clearly read in the Oppert's work "Les Inscriptions des Achemenides", p. 87. Whether our word means alii, or hostes, or animal, means nothing for the deciphering of our group, and since the word itself by its grouping gives no hint, we must choose a meaningless sound, and therefore set xe.

110. [  ] and

111. [  ] come only in one word in the K. Nieb. inscription before [  ], its meaning is not easy to determine, because we lack a Persian text. The first group seems to point to n because it closes with [  ] and the next one starts with [  ], and since the word is plural, and the last group [  ] contains one, I express it as kin and py, which, however, are quite arbitrarily chosen sounds.

Now I am putting together all the syllabary and adding the phonetic values ​​given by Westergaard, Rawlinson, Norris, and Holtzmann.

I have taken Rawlinson's and Holtzmann's determinations from their essays published at various times, taking as much consideration as possible of their latest improvements; but since I knowingly did no one knowingly injustice, I notice that I have often determined their view only by induction, by not always adding the word in original characters, so that I may have been wrong now and then.

Click to enlarge
Syllabary p, 36
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Syllabary p, 37
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Syllabary p, 38
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Syllabary p, 39
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Syllabary p, 40


Separate inscriptions of Bihistun.
xNä. Gomatta. Magus. tiragka. nanri. u. 2Fardij. tar. Kurasna. u. Čavasmas. utta. vara.

"This Gomata, a magician, lied and said: I am Smerdis the son of Cyrus; I am king".

* Nä. Asina. 2tiragka. nan3ri. ^ Avasmas. A4fartifapa. u. 5utta. vara.
"This Athrines lied and said, I am king of the Susians".

xNä. Niditba2la. tiragka. nan3ri. u. Nabukutar4rugar. tar. Na-5bunidana. ^ Čavasmas. Ba6bilufapa. u. utta. vara.
"This Naditabel lied and said: I am Nebuchadnezzar the son of Nabonnidus; I am the king of Babylon".
xNä. Farruvartis. ti2ragka. nanri. u. Čat3tarritta. nima. Va4k-starrana. Čavas5mas. MadaGpana. u. 7utta. 8vara.
"This Phraortes lied and said: I am Xathrites of the family of Kyaxares, I am king of Media".
4Nä. Marty. ti2ragka. nanri. u. 3Iininanis. Čavasmas. A4fartifa-pu. u. utta. 5vara. *
"This martiah lied and said: I am Omanes, I am king of Susiana".

Anae. Ziččantakma. 2tiragka. nanri. 3u. nima. Vakstar4rana. Qa-yasmas. Agga5gartijfapa. u. 6utta. vara.
"This Tscliitrataclimes lied and said: I am of the sex of the Kyaxares; I am King of the Sagartians".
xNae. Vistap2ta. tiragka. nan3ri.u. Fardij. 4tar. Kurasna. u. Čavas5mas. utta. vara.
"This Vahyazdates lied and said: I am Smerdis the son of Cyrus, I am king".
xNä. Arakka. tiragka. 2nanri. u. Nabu3kutarruoar. tar. Na4buni-dana. Čavasmas. 5Babilufapa. u. 6utta. vara.
"This Aracha lied and said: I am Nebuchadnezzar, the Sobn Nabonnidus; I am King of Babylon".
xNae. Farrada. tiragka. na2nri. u. Marguspa3na. Čavasmas. utta. vara.
"This Frada lied and said: I am king of Margiane".

4Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. zo2inin. Oramazdana. u. dipimas. 3daiekki. utta. Arrijva. 4appi. gacra, inni. ulli. kutta. atu5t. ukku. kutta. too. ukku. kutta. ,: nas. kutta. EFAPI. utta. ku7tta. riluik. kutta. u. ti8fabapafaraka. YAGNI. dipi. ut9tanni. daijus. varrita. ati10va. u. vogaij,daččuvappa. thapis.

This inscription has neither a Persian original nor a Babylonian translation, and therefore we have no clue to the definition of the meaning of these sources of help; So we must seek to bring out of analogies and etymologies, as well as out of context, as much as possible.

Dipimas is an abstractum like Čavasmas, and it does not mean "blackboard," but "table-work," or as one might put it; a Frenchman would say: un systeme de tablettes; a Turk would apply [ طاقم ] (taqim). (all nouns related to the notion “table” are derivatives of the notion “root, foundation” tü:b/dü:b, which produced a variety of semantic derivatives, Cf.  tub, dip, table, down)

Daiekki apparently means "elsewhere". Arrijva means either "in Iran" or "in Aryan language"; The former is more likely, however.
In the following there are 4 words which we find nowhere else, and for the explanation of which we have next to nothing; In the meantime, by calling them A, B, C, D, we first try to explain the rest. Ukku is big, a meaning that is secured by other places. Tifabapa-faraka is insecure to part; since tifaba taup means "I sent an army", so tifabapafaraka would like to refer to the gathering of people, but I am by no means satisfied by it. The last word in the inscription, thapis or perhaps pathapis, is quite unknown to me; it is a verb in the 3rd person preterite.

According to these provisional provisions, the following sense would emerge:
Gratia Oromazis ego tabulas quasdam alibi feci in Aria quae antea non exstiteruntet A magnum et B inagnum et C et I) feci, et scripta sunt et ego homines colligambam; tune tabuias anteriores in provincias omnes ego misi, populi (legerunt?).
From this it follows that A, B, C, and D are objects in some way connected with the inscriptions, either locally (localities near the rock of Bihistun) or materials or writing. More than this we can not bring out of the context; let's see, oh the words themselves still give some information.
Here we encounter from the outset an unexpected difficulty which only Norris can solve. In the lithographed text the words are written differently than in the opposite transcript, and again in the dictionary at the end of Norris's essay, and these deviations are in part of the utmost importance.
In lithographed text. In transcript. In the dictionary.
The word A ^,Atut ^. H>. ^ <F. atut
B fTMf ^ ^,sus fMTf. * "7
In the word A, therefore, the middle group is interchanged with another, albeit identical, group; the word B has a horizontal wedge in the transcript, but it does not have it in the original text and in the dictionary; Finally, the word C is phonetically read after the original text, but after the dictionary it is an ideograph. By this method, which proves in any case a lack of attention, the uncertainty in the determination of the words is increased infinitely; Norris would at least have had to say somewhere, which is the right kind of writing, and where he was wrong. The fourth word D is efapi everywhere and is without determinative; it almost looks like a plural, but there is not much to be said for that.
At the word A, atut, the arab fell to me. one, but
As often as the inscriptions of writing or inscriptions speak, other words are used which have nothing in common with Semitic, and so I had to drop this idea. I am unable to ascertain anything else; by the horizontal wedge the word is called a locality.

The second word is an ideograph; gu, zu (or gus, zus) gives only a slight stop; maybe stec

The second word is an ideograph; gu, zu (or gus, zus) gives only a slight stop; maybe there is the famous or kiosk (which word comes from it), pavilion, garden house, which is not different in susi

can be expressed as zuga, and which is probably the origin of the name Susa, because Susa was the residence of the Acliäineniden. (The derivation of the "lily" is most silly.)
The third word is almost unintelligible because of the double writing in Norris' essay. If it can be read phonetically, then it would be possible to compare L * o or "shady place", ie an arbor or the like. But if it is an ideograph, then we have no means of doing anything with the word.
I do not know what efapi is at last; Is it perhaps related to the Türkic ev, ie "houses"? But the determinative is missing.
This all looks very bleak, but I know nothing, and so we have to be patient until a happy coincidence gives us new inscriptions. So z. For example, it is not impossible for one day in our immediate vicinity to come to light the inscriptions which Darius had made to commemorate his passage over the Bosphorus near the bridge which he had beaten, and which later on the Byzantines also helped to build the Temples of Diana Orthosia used, partly in the temple of Bacchus set up (Herod IV c 87). If these inscriptions still exist, they are to be found in the sea-walls of Constantinople from the Serai peak to the gate of Tchatlady Kapu, where a number of the most beautiful columns are walled in, and where I have copied various highly interesting inscriptions, all of which are our topographers of Constantinople I do not know.
In the absence of a better one, I therefore translate this inscription:

"King Darius says: Through Oromazes' grace I have had inscriptions made elsewhere in Iran, which earlier were not available. I also have a big ____ and make a big kiosk and a bower (?) and,..... to let. Also, I had the inscriptions copied off and (ordered messengers?) And then I sent them to all the provinces, and the peoples (did they read?).

II. The remaining inscriptions. Cyrus.

No. 1. Murghab.

U. Ku ras. (^ avas. Akkumani.
"I am King Cyrus, the Achamcnide".

Darius Hystaspis.
No. Second
Inscription from the mountains Elvend. 0 Lassen & Westergaard.
Xnap. ircarra. 20ramazda. kka. na. vu3run. pasta. kka. gi4kka. upu. pasta, kka. 5kisirra. ir pasta. 6kka. sijtis. pasta. 7kisirrana. kka. 8Darijvos. Čavas, ir-9uttasta. gir. irgi10gifana. Čavas. gir. ir ngigifana. farramata12ram. U. Darijv13os. Čavas. irčarra. Čavas. 14 Čavasfarra. avas. da15ijuspana. parruza16nanam. Čavas. vuru17n. na. ukkuva. atzak18ka. farcatanika. Vi19stačpa. gagri. 20ka-maniis.
Vurun "earth" cf. Ostyak. mu, Perm, mulans, Cherem. inulanda, wogul. ma, Tatar. Türkic
Pasta is unlikely to find itself in the Iranian or Turanian languages, and so it is a purely Susian word; Because uttas means "fecit", pasta probably has the meaning creavit.
Gikka, heaven, cf. Türkic. Of this word is probably the name of the Gigis, maid of the Parysatis (Plut in Artaxerxe c, XIX) ahzuleiten, so Uranie, Cölestine.
Sijtis is only a transcript of the Persian Siyatis, the meaning of which is still uncertain. Lassen and Westergaard translate it by fata; Rawlinson by "life"; Oppert and Benfey by "rule"; Norris through "earth, as the residence of man". Oppert and Benfey establish their opinion by referring to the root of khsi, si, which I still neuPersian Add a ^. In Babylonian stands for it (after Oppert in the Ztschr. D DMG. XI, 136. 137), which perhaps, there in the Babylonian
as in suzy m and v change to (med.
and can be traced back. All this seems to be the interpretation
to confirm, and yet I remain in doubt, z. For example, why in one and the same language, in the same document, the derivatives of the root khsi soon retain the aspirates (khsäyathiya) (siyätis), and then I would prefer, in view of gtaöuye, "I speak," the other proposed by Oppert Meaning "speech", "language" annehmeti.
Farramataram, parruzananam are only transcripts of the Persian Words framätäram, paruzanänäm.
For the Persian Vazarkäyä durey äpey (former in the genitive to bumiyä, the latter locative), that is, "the great earth in the distance and in the near," we have the words ukkuva. atzakka. farga-ta

For the Persian Vazarkäyä durey äpey (former in the genitive to bumiyä, the latter locative), that is, "the great earth in the distance and in the near," we have the words ukkuva. atzakka. farga-tanika. Conversely, ukkuva (from ukku) seems to be in the locative, while the other two words are participles. Atzakka is the participle of atza, augere, that is, auctus, astus, and in this form is reminiscent of the Türk , uzak,

, explanation of the Kvilinsvhr if ten of the second kind. 107
far, which is probably related to it. Farcatanika is a compound; Ratanika, also a participle, undoubtedly means "far"; far, as we have already seen, corresponds to the Persian fra, the German ver. in the Bihistun inscription Col. I. Z. 72, the word gatavadak occurs, which I there with the Arab. compared; it is mine, however
now more likely that it is related to our words gatanika, and that the root gat means "to stretch", ie gatavadak "longitudinal" and catanika "long", "extended".
The translation is thus:
"The great god Oromazes (is it) who created this earth, who created this heaven, who created man, who created the language of men, who made Darius king, one of the great kings, one of the great lawgivers. I (am) Darius, the great king, the king of kings, the king of the lands of many tongues, the king of this great wide expanse of earth, the son of Hystasp, the Achaemenid".
No. Thirdd
Persepolis. B Lassen & Westergaard.
1Darijvos. Čavas. irra2rra. Čavas. Čavasfainna. Čavas. 3daiu-spana. vigpazana4 <; pana. Vistacpa. eag5ri. Akkamanisij. kka. Gnä. tatzaram. uttasta.
Virpazanacpaua is only transcript of the Persian Word vic-pazana "of all languages", with the pa of the plural and the genitive. So while here a Persian word is endowed with suspenseful words, the other loanword tatzaram is unaltered by the form of the Persian Accusative. Incidentally, the Persian Original does not have the word virpazanänäm. The translation is:
"Darius, the great king, the king of kings, the king of the lands of all tongues, the son of Hystaspes, the Achaemenid, built this treasury".
No. 4th
Persepolis. K Niebuhr.
* U. Darijvos. Čavas. irgar2ra. Čavas. Oavasfainna. Čavas. 3daiuspaua. Čavas. vu4run. na. ukkurarra. Vi5stačpa. čagri. Ak6ka-Manisij. iak. Darij7vos. Čavas. nanri. atkat. nä8va. uktas. avarra. na. kusika. 9appuka. näva. avarra. inni. 10kusik. zomin. Oramazda-rina. na. Avarra. u. kus12ij. iak. Oramazda. na. zi13tu. ragvinina. Nap. varpafa14ta. idaka. appi. na. avarra. 15kusika. iak. u. kusij. kut1Gta. kusij. dalva. iak. sisni. 17kutta. dalduk. na. zitu. thap. 18u. ragvana. iak. Darij 19vos. Čavas. nanri. u. Ora20mazda. un. nisgasni. Nap. 21varpafata. idaka. iak. kutta. a22varras. na. kutta. čarak. atkat. na. kka. 23kappika. upa. iui. kinnipy. appi. kis24irra. arikka. immainara.

The Persian original is missing from this inscription, and the translator therefore has a hard time again. Holtzmann tried to translate this inscription before the publication of the great Bibistun inscription and analyzed it with much acuteness; but the two most essential words, which form the main content, are determined only by the great inscription, and so it is very easy to explain that he missed the main content.
Atkat is the "place" that Norris p. There is no doubt about this given compilation..
Uktas or ukdas is perhaps identical to ukku "gross", at least in this case composed, in which case, however, we lack the more precise meaning of the word.
Avarras is certainly the same word that is in the inscription of Bihistun avarris, namely, "castle, fortress, castle". Kusi means "build", because no other meaning fits.
Racvinina and ragvana are, as Holtzmann remarks, only graphically different forms of a verb, which means "want, want".
Sisni means "beautiful, glorious", as the following inscriptions surely say.
The conclusion of the inscription alone presents insurmountable difficulties, and has therefore been very poorly translated by Westergaard, Holtz-maun, and Norris; the main difficulty lies in the word kinnipy, where the uncertainty of sound destroys any effort, in that of the three groups that make up it, only the middle, ni, is known, while the other two are anaS, 'ktyoj.iwa. However, the meaning of the whole is clear, and he finds himself much easier than one thinks; the word kappika hei

However, the meaning of the whole is clear, and he finds himself much easier than one thinks; The word kappika means "enclosed," as we have seen before, and if we simply translate the word kinnipy by illi or ii, there will be a translation, which should not deviate greatly from the original.
"I (am) Darius, the great king, the king of kings, the king of the lands, the king of this great earth, the son of Hystasp, the Achaemenid. King Darius speaks: In this big place is built this castle, where before no castle was built. By Oromazes9 grace I have built this castle and Oromazes has wanted it with all the gods so that this castle was built. I built it, and I built it completely and magnificently, and it was completed as I wished. King Darius speaks: Oromazes with all the gods protect me and this castle and finally everything that is contained in this castle, so that those who are evil people do not exist".
I do not doubt that this inscription, which stands in the middle of the southern main wall of the palace of Persepolis,

referring to the construction * of this metropolis, or at least the royal palace and the castle, and thus is one of the most important documents we have from the Achaemenid period, the more important because we lack the Persian original, "while our text is not complete but at least in the main one translates with complete certainty.
No. 5th
Naksi Rustem. NR Lassen & Westergaard.
§. 1. xNap. irčarra. Oramazda. kka. vurun. 2tagta. gik.upa. day tu. kka. kisi. 3pafatusta. kka. sijtim. pafatus4ta. kisirrana. kka. Darijvos. £ 5 avas,ir-uttasta. gir. ircigifana. f avas. gi6r. irrigifainna. danimdattirafa.
Tagta considers Norris to be a form of the verb Subst., Which he assumes to be identical to the verb utta. But these same reasons are against the assumption, and it is therefore to be regarded either as a secondary form for pasta, or most likely a loanword, cf. Zend tästa made, tatasa fecit.
Pafatusta is the plus quamperf. In the dictionary, of which we have repeatedly come to know the form patu, in the dictionary I will treat these forms in greater detail and prove that the Susi language had the reduplication.
Instead of framataram this time stands danimdattirafa, evidently a compound of Persian elements, viz. Daena the law and dätär, the creator, the giver, with a sweet plural ending.
So I translate the first paragraph:
"The great god Oromazes (is it) who created the earth, created this heaven, who created men, who endowed man with the speech that made Darius king, one of the great kings, one of the great lawgivers".
§. 2. Da7rijvos. Čavas. irčarra. Čavas. Čavasfarra. 8 pounds avas. daiuspa. viggatanaspana. Čavas. vu9run. na. ukkurarra. irganna. gatanika. a10ta. Vistačpa. čagri. Akkamanisij. Parngar., (Par) did. čagri. Arrij. Arrij. zigga.
For vigpazanänäm this time is viggatanaspana, which is apparently just a transcript. Whether Westergaard's copy of the three predicates belonging to the word vurun is exact, I must leave it to one side.
Zigga is a transcript of citra. The translation is:
"Darius, the great king, the king of kings, the king of the lands of all tongues, the king of the great, vast and vast earth, son of the father Hystaspes, the Achaemenid, Persian, son of a Persian, Aryan, of Aryan race ".

110 murder man
§. 3. I12ak. Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. zomin. Ora13mazdana. na. daijos. appi. u. varrira. vaggavagraka. Parčijkkavar. ukki,.,irtanifa. mana15tmas. unina. kutis. appi. ukkimar. ap-tarrika. 16upa. uttas. datam. appi. unina. upa. apin. varri17s. Mada. Atufarti. Parthuva. Arriva. Baktar18ris. Ugda. Varazmis. Čarranga. 19Arruvatis. Tliat-tagus. Gandara. £ in20dus. Qakka. Oinuvargafa. Qakka. appi. Ti-gra21kotap. Babilu. Aččura. Arbaij. Mugar22raij. Arminiy. Katpar-duka. Qparda. 23Iyona. Qakka. appi. ango. vitavana. 24Skudra. ljo (na.) Takaparrapa. (P) ut25ijap. Kusij. matzijap. Karkap.
Vaggavagraka stands for the Persian Apataram, praeter; cs is a compound of vacca, postea, and vagraka, which follow from vagri, which is particip, so that word actually means "following".
For adam. sam. patiyakhsey "ego illis imperabam" is what it means
ukki,..... irtanifa, which Norris to ukki. va ^ ir. tanifa supplements;
I think more ukkivar. irtanifa supplement

I think more ukkivar. irtanifa, but in the one as in the other case I know tanifa, resp. irtanifa not to prove; According to the original, it would read: "they were dominated by me".
Manatmas is a transcript of the Babylon. Mandatta,
Tarrika is called tirika, dictum in the Bihistun inscriptions.
Datam is a Trausscript of the Persian Dätam, legem.
In this list of nations Syria lacks its dependencies without my knowing whether Assyria, Babylon or Arabia understands these lands among themselves.

^ akka,appi. ango. Vitavana stands for the Persian Qaka. tyey. paradaraya "Sacae qui transmarini"; it must therefore mean vitavana "beyond"; baru and turi are called "this side" and "since", which two words we have compared with the Türk , beri; just as informally vitavana compares with the Türkic, lio öte yana (beyond). In the dictionary I shall compile several examples where the Palatal y in Susi, where it lacks, was transformed into v. The order of enumeration leads naturally to Thracia, and the word Qgaxeg I would know in Suzi just as Qakka express; the Persians, to be sure, could be closer to the lute, but as good as Vomicca, so other proper names could pass through the Meljcim of the Susian pronunciation into Persian.
The Skudra soon declare themselves as "Scythians", so to speak. H. the Scythians above Thrace to southern Russia.
Then follow the Jones "Takabara", d. h. ( i.e.) the European Greeks "the Ionians, who wear lichens on their vertices," as Oppert (Ztschr., dG, XI, p. but they are not general "the Greeks of the

Continents "as Oppert thinks, for these are the" Ionians "too; the few islands of the archipelago are, in comparison to the size of the Persian Empire, too insignificant to be figured as peculiar peoples; they are the Thessalians and northern Hellenes as far as Macedonia and Tliracia, which are meant here. The other identifications Oppert's are probably not to challenge.
The translation of the paragraph is thus:
"King Darius says: These are the lands which I possess, besides Persia, by grace, Oroviazes5, which are ruled by me, which tribute to me, which perform what is said to them of me, who keep my law: Media, Susiana, Parthia, Ariaua, Baktriana, Sogdiana, Khoras-mia, Drangiana, Arachosia, Sattagydia, Gandara, India, the Atnorgian Sacra, the Saken, who live on the Oxus, Babylon, Assyria, Arabia, Egypt, Armenia, Cappadocia, Lydia, Lonia, the Thracians on the other side of the sea, the Scythians, the Ionians, which carry ponytails, Putia, Ethiopia, the Maxyer and the Carthaginians.
§. 4. Iak. 26Darijvos. Čavas. nanri. Oramazda. 27th. zijga. vurun. farravarpim. a28larusini. ukaik. u. Čavas. unain. uttas. 29u. Čavas. gafar. zomin. Oramazdana. u. taka30tava. arta. appi. u. ap-tirira. upa. ut31tas. thap. u. Anira. zitu. anga. čarak. imma32ta. appi. amak. daijos. upa. appi. Da33rijvos. Čavas. varris. tanainta. zala-34pius. kkapa. tap. kutvavarpi. avi. tarna35inti. UPI. vacir. tarnainti. kisirra. Parcar36rana. gatanika. taparvagrum. na. piracy. utar. ir tarnainti. kisirra. Pargarra. gatanika. Par38gijkkivar. PAMAS. zatuinta.
The Tasker copy of the inscription of Nakscbi Rustem is said to have been published by Rawlinson; She did not come to my face and I only own the copy of Westergaard's. But this shows Z. 27 the word farravarpim, and indeed the second syllable ra quite undoubtedly. Oppert, on the other hand, says that both translations (the Susian and the Babylonian) prove that in the Persian texts pagavadim "they are to be read". This does not seem to me out of the We-stergaard transcript. For the Persian Words yatum. Pagava. dim we hold farravarpim. alaru-sini; Paravadim, as we read earlier, seems to have been read by the Susian translator, f

or I believe that the penultimate group of the word is -ti or di, instead of Jrf * - pi. The last group results from this as in, as we do
Abth. In O. 56 have seen. Of course, this would be doubtful if Oppert's latest improvements prove themselves; but the brief indication of this improvement in the Ztschr. d. DMG. XI. P. 135 is not suitable for convincing me. Yatum should be called "magical"; Yagna means yathväm mago-rum, and neuPersian is the sorcerer; but the Lat. and
greek inagus, [, myog is something else than the Persian Magus


j *. The babyl. Text is now 0 <* he w * e
Oppert. translated: "calling according to the writings of corruption-niss". From this translation, the Persian text can be partly reconstructed; it will be neither yatum nor any other word to conjoin with witchcraft, but simply "call" a form from the root yaz. Paravadim would then have to mean "corruption"; but I doubt that; the susischc Transscript farravardim teaches us that the Persian word requires an emendation, it must be paravardim instead of paravadim, and this is a well-known word meaning "nurture," "educate," and is up
today a well-known name of God, which is also given to the monarchs, as breadwinners and educators of their subjects, as a kind of "father of the land". The meaning of the passage is thus: the earth called for a breadwinner (educator) or land father, and there God gave Darius the earth. Indirect, however, lies in this passage a side glance at the lawless rule of Gomates.
Indesseo is thus clearer about the Susi text; Persian text continues: mana.frabara.mäm. khsaya-Thiyam. akunos, d. h. ( i.e.) mihi contulit (sc. terrain) me regem fecit. In our translation (with the preceding one) stands farravardim. alarusini____ukaik. u.Čavas. unain. uttas. - Farravardim is transcript of paravardim; in the following must the word stuck, which means invocans, then follows a gap, and finally ukaik, to where it must mean: "he gave it to me". Of these, however, it is certainly only possible to recognize "me" or "me"; Norris vačni postea reads in front of the word u, but in Westergaard's copy I can not find the word, and this word, which does not exist in the original, may have led Oppert to believe that the Susi text also confirms the reading parävadim; for frabara, contulit, I also find no word, kaik can not be it, for frabara means in dunis dunis; maybe there was ukki or ukka, mihi, and dunis would have to be found before. And now we are still not finished with the words "caller" or yatum, the "magician"; but then I confess my inability to make anything out of the rumpled lyrics. So I think I can translate this passage: Oromazes, quum videret hanc terram rectorem invocantem; the rest until ukaik would be mihi regnum eius dedit.
The words u. Čavas. unain,uttas are called me regem eius fecit; un is me and that word is torn here, as usual, u is advancing and standing in front of uttas. Čavas is king and uttas is fecit; but una! is that perhaps the genitive of which
we've been reading so far? Is that really how I know

As our thinking becomes more and more probable, we have again arrived at a result which will be extremely fruitful for further consequences; I content myself here with the demonstrative pronoun, using the words for the other words in which the group appears
book references.
If, in addition, the genitive of this should be u; u
but I am called, and so I believe in this sign to seek the short ö; O "hic" corresponds exactly to the Persian ji hic, and the Türkic (instead of J) i) ille, is, and is in any case a much better correlative to upa and appi, than na. In addition, we understand, when we read "huius," why the genitive of ego is not una, but ünina.
The following words u. Čavas. gafar are supposed to mean: ego Rex sum; But to be called that, we must change again, that is, instead of gafar, which means nothing, gat is to be set,
instead of d. h. ( i.e.) the two standing verticals
to unite them into a single one, as Norris has already suggested, but who also, unnecessarily or rather inaccurately, wanted to transform the previous ga into u, in - TT.
The words u. takatava. arta".Ego loco reposui" are clear; they find their explanation in the report which Darius gave to Bihistun about his activity immediately after the annihilation of the Gomata.
U.anira are for the Persian Mam. kama. aha, mihi voluntas erat, and are simply called ego volui, which justifies our earlier translation of the word auira.
Avak (amak) stands for the Persian ciyakaram "manifold", but I can not explain the word any further.
The two words varris. tanainta mistranslated Norris, namely varrista. nainta; in the Persian adäraya is the perfectum, and this corresponds completely to varris; tanainta must be called didiy, aspice, or rather it is conjunctive and is called aspicias.
Zalapius stands for patikaram, imagines, while this word in Bihistun is translated by innakkaniva. In the Babylonian text stands with which

Zalapius stands for patikaram, imagines, while this word in Bihistun is translated by innakkaniva. In the Babylonian text stands with what words Holtzmann compares our Susic word; but the phonetic value of the groups is against this comparison; z is not £, which is otherwise given by g, pi and ma are too far away. I would rather compare it to the Türkic celebi, but you do not have to think about the Türkic dandies today, Bd. XVI. 8th

which are called chelebi, but to the derivation * of the word and its original meaning; it comes from "God";
calabi is thus a divus, and in this sense no happier expression could be chosen here.
For the words tyey mana gäthum baratiy we have again a very corrumpirten text: kkapa. tap. kutvatvaspi (or kut-vavarpi). Certainly I recognize here only kkapa "which" and kutva, transcript for the Persian Yäthum "throne" after the Babylonian texts. For mana I do not even have a representative; it should be called kutvami or kutva appi anina; This makes the emendation of the Pers.  * text mana for the previous hya again questionable; in our text stands tap or takap, and this is very similar to the takata and kata known from Bibistun and the inscription K. Niebuhr, as a translation of gathva "place," whereby kutva again becomes doubtful. Ba-rätiy means according to the Babylonian text "sustentant" "they support" or "they bear"; otherwise we have met kukta for that, and that may well be here; the changes would be insignificant; we need to take place.
►f- to put only kuktasti; we
would have then: kkapa. takap. kuktasti "qui locum (or loca) sustentant". It would even be possible to maintain the translation throne, assuming that tak would be the Persian
and ap for mi or o, for or, but
we would not find an end to our emendations.
Then follows avi tarnainti api (pa) "there you will recognize them". Furthermore, vagir tarnainti "then you will recognize".
For the Persian Words: Pärgahya. martiyahya. Durey. arstis. parägmatd".Persici viri longinque hasta migravit"".The lance of the Persian has come far" we have kisirra. Pargarrana. gatanika. tapas vase. o. (pi) rik,u,... - Kisirra Pargarrana is viri Persici (or virorum Persicorum), gatanika is longinquo; the rest must be called hasta migravit; for migravit we find the familiar word pirik; the first pi is certainly indistinct; the two horizontal wedges are missing, but the stone is damaged at this point; for hasta we have only taparvasrum o, and at the end we have another word beginning with u, which contains at least one more beginning with a group. The word for lance, taparvasrum, looks so strange that the damage to the stone already allows us some emendations. First, I'm in the third group
of the word; we then have tapar darru,.. and here we recognize the well-known those red-breasted halberdiers, which

MordlmaJhn, explanation of the wedge inscriptions of two genus. 115
to this day form the bodyguard of the Sultan, and which the Bianchi Dictionary to "wood
hacking "makes !!! One must have seen this magnificent guard and her halberd only once to understand the whole ridiculousness of this explanation. But I do not write here a hors d'oeuvre, but it belongs in full severity to our subject. I have asked the most learned Turks about the origin of this Guards, and they all agreed that: 1) that they are nothing less than "wood chipper", 2) that this Guardsman bears the name; 3) that this guard is not an original Türkic institute, but that they have come from the Byzantines. I only mention one of my authorities, Fuad Pasha, which is well known in Europe. But once we have arrived at your Byzantine court, it is no longer very far from the court of Ctesiphon and Susa. - The end of the word is very confus: the ru may still go at best, but that m! then the following, all riddles, where only bold emendations can do anything; Since the stone here has all kinds of faulty, so I put instead of the last 4 groups
# vas.ru. m. o W! = W,dar.fa.ap. Dar is the ending of the word Tapardar, fa whose plural ending has already been discussed, and ap belongs to pir.ik, ap-pirik, se rendirent.
In the Persian Text it says further: Adatey.azda. bavätiy. Parga-hya. inartiyahya. Durey. hacä. Parga. hainaraiiK patiyajata".Num tune tibi ignotuin erit persicum ini 1 item longinquo a Persia bellum propu

In the Persian Text it says further: Adatey.azda. bavätiy. Parga-hya. inartiyahya. Durey. hacä. Parga. hainaraiiK patiyajata".Num tune tibi ignotuin erit persicum ini 1 item longinquo a Persia bellum propulisse?" This is what our text says: ugu. ir. tarnainti. kisi pargarra. catanika. Parčijkkavar. pamas. zatuinta. - In the beginning it is ugu, which word I can not explain; it is perhaps the same word, which in the beginning of Z. 35 is called upi, and which I have supplemented there upipa; should this upi or ucu be the question word? Then follows pir, probably
again, then again.
Pamas is apparently the general term for "king"? while the pat derived from the same root is. Col. III * Z. 48. 40".Battle" means.
Zatuinta stands for patiyajata, and does not look like a sweet verbal form of the third person. Plur., So that I consider it a transcript of the Persian Percutiunt; would be that
not the case, so it would be a second person. Sing. Conj, which does not mean anything here.
After these detailed discussions, which show that the Susi text is at least as fruitful as the Babylonian text for the proper understanding of the fourth paragraph, I translate it as follows:
8th *

"King1 Darius says: When Oromazes saw this earth covet a sovereign, he lent it to me and made me king. I am king. By grace of Oromazes I restored the order of the kingdom; what I told them, they did as I wished. But if you consider how manifold these lands are that dominate King Darius: consider these heroes who protect this place: then you will know them; then you will realize that the Persian halberdiers are well advanced; then you will realize that the Persians are battling far from Persia".
§. 5. Darijvos. 39 Čavas. nanri. upa. appi. utragka. uppa.var-ri40ta. zomin. Oramazdana. utta. Oramaz41da. pikti. u. das. kus. uta,.. especially. u. 42Oramazda. ungasmic gasni. giunika43kkavar. kutta. Laomi. kutta. o. 44daijos. upa. u. Oramazda. ijzu45dama. upa. Oramazda. u. snisni.
U.Oramazda.un. nisgasni translates literally into Susian: Ojalä me proteja ä im ". Nisga is "protect".

^ iunika stands for the Persian garana, sometimes.
By determining the group ö, the ideo becomes
graph for "house" "family" lao or laos instead of the previous lana or lanäs, and involuntarily reminds of Xdog, folk, and why should not it be as closely related to it, as so many other words, as appi, onoiog, karpi , y.uQnog, piri, 710-Qtvo / nat, u. s. w. (and so on) ? It certainly is not Türkic because of the initial sound and in the Aryan languages ​​I know nothing to prove.
For the Persian Jadiyamiy we have ijzudami, most likely a transcript of this word or yazami, invoco.
Snisni stands for dadatuv, donet; So sni would be donare, con-ferre, and with that we may gain something for the explanation of the 28th line, where we read the words farravardim vilaru instead of the Persian mana frabara merely sini,... ukaik; but the orthographic differences are so strong that I dare not pursue this idea further.
At the end of Z. 41 there is a mutilated word, which is probably to be supplemented uttragva; the meaning is undoubted.
The paragraph is thus in the translation:
"King Darius says," All that was done by Oromazes 9 was accomplished by that which was done; Oromazes helped me until I had done it. Oromazes protect me from evil, as well as my house and these lands. That is why I call Oromazes, grant me Oromazes".
§. 6. 46Kisirra. appi. Oramazdana. dani47m. upa. ini. ciunika. immati. val. appi. var48tarrakka. ini. mattainti. ini. antartainti.

For the words hovatey. gagta. ma. thadaya, the Oppert translates: illa tibi manifestata ne linque we have upa. ini. giunika. iinmati, d. b. Word by word: illain ne ralalam (or inalum) reputes "do not consider it (the law) to be bad" (or "for an evil") and I must leave it to the co-commentators of the cuneiform of the first kind, this translation, and its correctness undoubtedly is to reconcile with your Persian texts; just as if mthadaya belongs to the preceding or the next, and whether framana is neuter.
It follows in our text: val. appi. vartarrakka. ini. mat-tainti, what the Persian text says: päthiin. tyain. ractain. ma. avarada. - Val is an ideograph, and compares freely with the Türkic words "the way", especially

It follows in our text: val. appi. vartarrakka. ini. mat-tainti, what the Persian text says: päthiin. tyain. ractain. ma. avarada. - Val is an ideograph, and compares freely with the Türkic words "the way", especially when one considers that the Susi language often sets v for the outgoing sound y, as I have noted earlier.
Vartarrakka looks like a participle and is evidently a compound; tarrakka comes from tarra, the meaning of which is not known to me, but which again compares easily with the Türk , dogru "straight";
so tarrakka would be rectus, and vartarrakka quite literally directus.
Mattainti is Imperate. from the same verb, of which we already have Bib. Col. II., Z. 69, have declared the particulate inattavagga; So it means this phrase: viam quae directa, ne relinque.
Finally there are two words left: ini. antartainti, for which we have in the Persian Text mä gtrava (the Babylonian text is already sketchy here), which Oppert translates in his first treatise "ne tue pas" and finally "ne dubita", while Rawlinson reads mä gtabava and "Beware lest ye oppress it "(or" read ye stumble ") translated. Antartainti (the tar is not quite sure, the last two horizontal wedges are missing) is a compound that has the meaning in compounds; tarta is "to hide"; tartainti is called absconde; but if antartainti means "dubita" I do not know 1). The final sentence is:
"Man, the Law of Oromazes do not think it is an evil, do not leave the straight path,,..... not".
No. 6th
Naksi Rugtem. Copirt by Tasker.
Goparva. Pattisvarris. Darijvos. ^ Avasna. baururotata,... var.
The Persian text is Gobaruva. Pätisuvaris. Därayavahus. Khsäyatbiyahyä. sarartibara, d. b. Gobryas Patischorensis Darii Regis Arcifer. The first words are all easy, but the last word is that it defies any attempt, since the copy is not
1) The last word is explained in the dictionary under the word antu.

once the individual groups from each other but allowed. So we just have to translate on the basis of the Persian text:
"Gobryas the Patischorier, King Darius arch bearer." 7th
Naksi Rugtem. Copirt by Tasker.
Agpazana,.... Dari,... ni. Varris.
The Persian text is: Agpacana. Darayavahos. khsäyathiya-hyä. vatrabara. igoväin. dagyamä, d. b. Aspathines, Darii regis cu-bicularius pharetriger. The Susi text is such that any attempt to publish anything more than Norris must fail to decipher in it, as long as we have no better transcriptions, and to dangle for five days in a rope hanging from the rock for these inscriptions seeing, copying, and finally getting an illness with fatal outcome is a heroism that is not so easy to find.
No. 8th.
Naksi Rugtem. Copirt by Tasker.
0. matzijra.
"This is (is) a Maxyer".
Xerxes. -No. 9th
Persepolis. D Lassen & Westergaard.
(With omission of the usual entrance.)
10Nanri. Kgirgga. u Čavas. zomin. Oramazdana. o. evan. vircn-12daius. u. utta. irgigi. daieta. sis13nina. utras. Pärgij. ova. appi. u. utta14ra. kutta. appi. ttata. uttasta. appi. čarak. 15utragka. zijvak. sisnina. upa. varrita. 16zomin. Oramazdana. ututta. Nan17ri. Kgirgga. Čavas. u. Oramazda. un. 18nisgasni. kutta. zuukukmi. kutta. 19appi. u. utta. appi. ttata, 20uttasta. Upata. Oramazda. nisgasni.
Xerxes reverses the word order in the input phrase; Darius wrote: Darius rex dicit; Xerxes on the other hand: Dicit Xerxes rex. Incidentally, the name Kgirgga, in comparison with Khsa-yarsa, does not represent any other changes than we have already found out from the laws of the Susian sound system.
Evan is already Abth. In O. 91 u. 92 has been compared with today.
Vi <jQadaius is transcript of the Persian Vigadahyum.
Sisnina "magnificently" stands in the genitive, from which it follows that the ending ta gives the word daieta substantive validity, aliud magnifici.
Ana Pärga of the Persian Text has taken Rawlinson for the locative, Oppert for the instrumentalis; the susische text decides for the locative.

Zijvak takes Norris for an adjective, conspicuus; I think it is a passivum; zijvak stands for zijak, and is called videtur. Sisnina is again in the genitive, which I can not explain this time other than by appi, "quid magnifici".
Zuukukmi stands for the Persian Mey khsathram "ineum regnum", mi is "mein44; zunkuk means Reich, a word whose derivation is unclear to me. I have it Abth. In O. 101 applied to sound determination of the king sign.

Zuukukmi stands for the Persian Mey khsathram "ineum regnum", mi is "mein44; zunkuk means Reich, a word whose derivation is unclear to me. I have it Abth. In O. 101 applied to sound determination of the king sign.
The translation of the inscription reads:
Koni # Xerxes says: Through Oromazes 'grace I built this peoples' hall. Many other glorious things I did in this Persia, and did my father. But what has been done and appears splendid, all that we have done through Oromazes' grace. King Xerxes says: Oromazes protect me and my kingdom and what I did and what my father did: all that protects Oromazes
No. 10th
Persepolis. G Lassen & Westergaard.
Kgirgga. avas. irčarra. Čavas. Qavusfainna. Darijvos. Čavas, gagri. Akkamanisij.
"Xerxes, the great king, the king of kings, son of King Darius, the Achaemenid".
No. 11th
Persepolis. E Lassen & Westergaard.
(With omission of the input formulas.)
17Nanri. Kg18irgga. Čavas. irčarra. zom19in. Oramazdana. o. laos. 20u. utta. u. Ora21mazda. un. nisgasni. Nap. 22,... idaka. kutta. zunukmas. kutta. appi. uttara.
"The great king Xerxes says: By the grace of Oromazes I built this house. Oromazes protect me with the (changing) gods, and the kingdom and what I did.44
No. 12th
Persepolis. C Lassen & Westergaard.
(With omission of the input formulas.)
15Na16nri. Kgirgga. gavas. virčarra. 17zomin. Oramazdana. o. la18os. Darijvos. cavas. ut19tas. kka. u. ttata. u. 20Oramazda. U.N. nisgasni. 21Nappipa. idaka. kutta. ap22pi. uttara. kutta. appi. t23tata. Darijvos. Čavas. u24ttasta. upata. Oramazda. ui25sgasni. Nappipa. idaka.
"The great King Xerxes says: By the grace of Oromazes, this house was built by King Darius, who is my father. Oromazes protect me with the gods, and what I have done, and what my father, King Darius, has done, that all protect Oromazes with the gods

120 Murderer
No. 13th
Mount Elvend. F Lassen & Westergaard.
(With omission of the input formulas,)
U. Kgirgga. Čavas. ircarra. Čavas. gavasfainna. Čavas. Daius-pana. parruzananam. f avas. vurun. o. ukku. atzaka. fargatiniki. ata. Darijvos. cavas. čagri. Akkamanisij.
"I am Xerxes, the great king, the king of kings, the king of the lands of many tongues, the king of this great, vast, vast earth, son of the king's father Darius, the Achaemenid".
No. 14th
Van. K Lassen & Westergaard.
(With omission of the input formulas.)
Nanri. Kgirgga. Čavas. Darijvos. Čavas. kka. u. ttata. ufarri. zomin. Oramazdana. irgigi. appi. sisni. uttas. kutta. o. gfana. ufarri. giratas. gat. zavana. ijnai. dipi. inni.riluga. Dalvačni. u. gira. dipi. u. riluva. u. Oramazda. un. nisgasni. Nappi. idaka. kutta. zunkukmi. kutta. appi. u. uttara.
As far as the word giratas, Westergaard's copy was at my command; from there I have Norris' transcription, as far as possible, written in the sounds otherwise determined by me; Norris had only the copy found in Schulz's papers, and this does not seem to be very carefully made.
£ tana is a transcript of the Persian Gtana, and here it evidently means, as the corresponding niya-stäya, ciratas, a pillar.
Gat. I do not know how to explain zavana, but I believe that it is a single word gatzavana or atzavana (as it stands in the dictionary); it is the translation of the word that reads Rawlinson vataniya, Oppert kantanaiy. In the original stands. yy? and there seems to me the Susische
Word to be a transcript of the same; gatzavana or katza-vana suggests kacavaniya or kacayaniya, which I can not do anything with; it is possible that in the original person has been held, but katajiya is just as incomprehensible to me and I do not even give a bearable etymology.
The Persian Yaney is transcribed in our text ijnai, associated with dipi; if, according to Oppert, it means merely qui non, the sussex court interpreter would have behaved very awkwardly, and Benfey's translation "Initiation Table" would probably suit better,

-  121

-  121
Whether the syllable tar belongs to riluga or to vačni I can not determine, just as little as it means in one of the two words, much less whether it is coporated properly. The other is easy, and the translation is:
"King Xerxes says: King Darius, my father, has done much mercy through Oromazes5 grace; also he has set this pillar (however?) no plaque written to it. Then I set up a tablet and wrote (an inscription). Oromazes protect me with the gods, and my kingdom and what I have done".
Darius Noth us.
No. 15th
Persepolis. L Lassen & Westergaard.
Ardagtana. Araginna. Darijvos. Čavas. laos. eva. utragka.
This is the so-called window inscription, so far the Crux Interpretum; the main difficulty is not that one has to search the etymology of words expansively and laboriously, but that we have here to do with technical expressions, which are no longer present in Persian today, and since the translations are almost only transcribing, so is not to get much light from them. The main thing, however, is here, as so often is, that one has not seen the forest for the trees, that one did not fall into the most simple and most natural explanation, and that someone did not pay close attention to it. My compatriot Oppert has found this simple explanation, it is as simple as the egg of Columbus, except that the people whom Columbus did the trick at least did not object to, while Oppert's translation was too simple and too Of course, as it seems, no further attention is paid. Only the justification of his translation is somewhat contrived in the etymological part; the etymology is just as simple as we will see right away.
The inscription is often repeated outside the marble window frames and door posts (allow me the words frames and posts for objects that are not made of wood, but of marble), namely the Persian text above, the Susi text on the left, the Babylonian Text on the right; the lower fourth side of the window frame, as well as the thresholds are without inscription. So the matter is already pictured with Chardin and Fighter, both very accurate and conscientious travel writers, and I think this should be enough to understand the matter. We have already seen repeatedly from the inscriptions that the kings of Persia are people

they were, a house called house, a palace palace, a board blackboard, and so they may well have called the window frame window-frame, though certainly not exactly with the same compound as we had in German, but a compound she, namely, Ardagtana from Arda, high and agtana threshold, the latter word still to this day in the New Persian almost unchanged and indeed
in the same meaning, is called "threshold"; also the shape
is common, which comes even closer to the old word; This word also means, just as in German, "door", "house" in the figurative sense, and the latter again in the figurative sense "door", d. h. ( i.e.) Government, in this sense z. For example, in Constantinople it is a common expression, and almost no number of the Türkic state newspaper is published
Find Expression * aJlc for juJIc. But for us that is
first literal meaning sufficient; "Hochschwelle" is a very natural and understandable expression for "window frames" and "Thürgesimse".
I leave it to change who to such fables more time and desire to investigate why the word in Persian. TTl. and not
Tfi (Tt. TTf TTf '^ K is written
niche text translates the expression; kuburie compares freely with; but the second part of the compound, apgala, is not so clear to me, and I only know vinxit, vj & i vertebra, to compare.
The second word athagina has already been compared with Rawlinson, and this interpretation is taken up by Oppert (admittedly with a question mark). In our text stands after Westergaard's copy ar. ac. in, well, which both Westergaard and Norris consider a transscript of athagina; but strange phenomena appear in these transcripts, but they can all be explained according to the laws of the suspense system, but athagina = araginna can not be proved by any phonetic laws; Athura becomes Aggura and not Arthura or Argura. (In the older copies of the inscription I find questionable matters, the second group at Westergaard ag fin

Athura becomes Aggura and not Arthura or Argura. (In the older copies of the inscription I find questionable matters, but the second group at Westergaard ag I find in all the older copies
• Among my loose papers, which show, since a conflagration destroyed my house in 1848, some gaps, I find one

, explanation of the Killinsrhriften second kind, 123
Copy, I do not know if it comes from Ouseley or Porter; it gives | doubting the vertical wedge, but always four horizontal wedges *, this gives the thing a completely different shape; instead of the crude word ar.ag.in.na, we have to do with an ideograph, indicated by the syllable a; the preceding horizontal wedge emphasizes its importance; Now we are free to take the two inflectional syllables as we like, either merely as a transcript of the Persian derivation which indicates matter, ina in our inscription, or at the same time as this and in the suspenseful genitive, according to the French chambranle de marbre (pierre). Now it would be important to find out the meaning of the ideograph ar, d. li. to find, in any language permissible for comparison, a word beginning with ar and giving a proper meaning; Stone, marble, but there I confess my inability, or rather my disinclination, to scramble through a couple dozen dictionaries, all starting with ar or al. It will therefore be the most expedient to remain "stony" in the interpretation proposed by Rawlinson.
Eve we have in Bib. Col. I. Z. 35 recognized as "from".
Accordingly, the inscription in German means:
"Stone door (or window) cornices made to the palace of King Darius".
Artaxerxes Mnemon.
No. 16th
U. Artakgagga. Gavas. irčarra. gavas. gavasfainna. Darijvos. gavasna. gag (ri).
"I (am) Artaxerxes, the great king, king of kings, son of king Darius".
No. 17th
xNanri. Artakgagga. Čavas. azakara. gavas. gavasinnafa. Gavas. daiusna. cavas. iijie. bumij. Darijvos2na. gavasna. čagri. Darijvosua. Artakgaggana. gavasna. gagri. Artakgaggana. Kgirgana. gavasna. čagri. Kgirggana. Darijvos3na. gavasna. čagri. Darijvosna. Vistačpa-na. čagri. Akamapza. innakka. apadana. Darijvos. appanijkka. (Uni) -na. tagta. vag4gaka,... pika. Artakgagga. nijkkamivar. ir valuvakka. Pikta. Varmazdana. Uttanata. Migga. u. gira. apadana. Onata. Var 5mazda. Uttanata. Migga. U.N. nisgasni. visnaka. vartava. varpita. ak (ka, u jttnra, anni, o, ijtu, anni, gaijta, kapatkain.
The transcription of this inscription is extremely complicated by the fact that instead of the angle hook only oblique wedges set

are, and that each word is separated from the others by a horizontal wedge. The construction is also ungrammatical, and instead of Darius Hystaspis iilins it is called Darii Hysta-spis (ilius.) Instead of the vertical wedge, which indicates the name of a person, two horizontal wedges are used, to which the word theorem gives the third
written deviant, namely. Of which is the
first horizontal wedge word theorist, the two following determinative for persons; then follow the usual three vertical wedges; instead of the last two horizontal wedges a vertical wedge with 3 horizontal wedges left and just as many right.
Akamapza instead of Akkamanisij is a very barbaric form.
Innakka is obviously the neuPersian tiLüi.
A pad at a halt Norris for identical with nappat, which Bih. Col. 1. Z. 47 in Genit. nappatna stands. Whether it is called "temple" is doubtful, especially since the determinative for divine things is missing. In the Persian Text stands apadana, which does not appear in the remaining inscriptions; in paragraph I, 14 we had aya-danä for templa. To actually know what this is about requires a little more than a mere indication that the inscription is written around the base of a column; until then, where we learn a little more about it, I compare that Word with the New Persian inhabited place ".

Nijkka is "grandfather" Persian Niyaka, Zendnyäkö; in Parsi it means "uncle". Appanijkka is thus abavus, great-great-grandfather. The possessivum behind the latter words is unclear; Norris reads it punina, which I can not find out; the word begins with 5 horizontal wedges, one of which is word theorem and two are determinative; So there remain 2, one of which belongs to the group ui, which is followed by na; we have
so nina; after the writing in this inscription the last remaining horizontal wedge for the angle hook ^ o should be read, so onina,

Nijkka is "grandfather" Persian Niyaka, Zendnyäkö; in Parsi it means "uncle". Appanijkka is thus abavus, great-great-grandfather. The possessivum behind the latter words is unclear; Norris reads it punina, which I can not find out; the word begins with 5 horizontal wedges, one of which is word theorem and two are determinative; So there remain 2, one of which belongs to the group ui, which is followed by na; we have
so nina; According to the writing in this inscription, the last remaining horizontal wedge for the angle hook ^ o should be read, that is to say onina, a form which is not more conspicuous than after u instead of u, ego.
The word tagta is followed by vaggaka, postea; then an indistinct word that Norris almost certainly reads appuka; pika is clear, I can not find out ap; Appuka, however, is called anterior, and thus can not be combined with vaggaka; I therefore believe that it belongs to Artakgagga, and to translate "anterior Artaxerxes", d. h. ( i.e.) Arta xerxes I. (Longimanus).
Luvakka must undoubtedly be called restauratum, thereby completing the passage Bih. Col. I. Z. 48-49, where we lu - ij

 translated "restauravi". So the middle group that is missing there, and of which the first vertical wedge still remained, was ffcf.

Ir.va is inexplicable to me; it is called in eum; perhaps it is just one of the many grammatical sins of this document.

Picta is "auxilium", as pikti means "opifer". The form Varmazda instead of Oramazda is very striking.

After the words ü. gira (ego posui) follows: apadana. ona and another group which reads Norris la and which I do not know to interpret otherwise, although actually a horizontal wedge is too much there. 0 is called hic, ona therefore huius; but what I shall call onata I do not know; Norris means, nata hot "in"; but the sentence does not become clearer about anything, and the Persian text gives us little help, since the order of the sentences is different. In Persian is: Hunc locum Darius abavus
meus fecit; postea,... Artaxerxes avus meus____Anaitis et Mithra, gratia Oromazis locum ego feci. Oromazes, Anaitis et Mithra me protegant,... The rest is missing. On the other hand, in our text: Hunc locum Darius abavus meus fecit; postea a priore Artaxerxe, avo meo, instauratus est gratiä Oromazis (latter name still in genitive). Then follow anaitis. Mithra (both without any hint of case), then ego posui locum hunc. To find out more about this labyrinth, Norris translates: Darius, my ancestor, anciently built this temple, and afterwards it was repaired (?) By Artaxerxes, my grandfather. By the aid of Ormazd, I placed the effigies of Tanaitis and Mithra in the temple. But there is no talk of effigies anywhere; gira is called posui (I placed), but it stands for the Persian akunavam. In the Persian text, the word effigies might have been, but Anahata uta Mithra are not genitive, not even accusative. In any case, instead of putting pictures into it, Anaitis and Mithra would be a very baroque idea; if any sense is to be found out, it would be that Artaxerxes had consecrated the building to these two deities.

After the words nisgasni follows visnaka. vartava. varpita, which translates Norris "with the Gods (?) and all". Of gods, I find no trace, not even the determinative; on the contrary, these three words look as if they signify "all, all, all," although no one can prove that meaning; At most vartava could be varrita-va "in everything," but I know nothing about the other two words. Then one recognizes still with exact Noth u.uttara, "ego feci". But the conclusion is completely incomprehensible, because to the difficulties, the unusual spelling, the changed form of the characters and the grammatical blunders

In the foregoing, there is the circumstance that the Persian text, our only guide, has already left us at the word nisgasni = patuv.
Azakara, iijie bumij are crude transcripts from the Persian, which by the way are self-evident.
The translation is thus:

"It speaks Artaxerxes, the great king, the king of kings, the king of the lands, the king of this earth, son of king Darius: Darius was a son of king Artaxerxes; Artaxerxes was a son of King Xerxes; Xerxes was a son of King Darius; Darius was a son of Hystaspes, the Achaemenid. This building was built by my great-great-grandfather Darius; later it was repaired by my grandfather, the first Artaxerxes; By the grace of Oromazes, Anaitis, and Mithra, I have completed this building. Oromazes, Anaitis and Mithra may protect me,.... and everything I did".

(Conclusion in the next booklet, with which also the Kupferfertapfein will appear.


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In Russian (Later)
Contents Scythians
Contents Huns
Stearns P.N. Zhou Culture
Ogur and Oguz
Zakev M. Scythians
L.Zgusta Zelenchuk Inscription
Turkish translation
Alt. transcription of Elamite
Hinz.W. Elamite Dictionary
Guties Synopsis
Sarmat Synopsis
Landsberger B. Basic questions of the early history of the Near East
Balkan K. Gutian Language
Guties and Zhou's portrait
Keightley D. Synopsis of Zhou story
Alan Dateline
Avar Dateline
Besenyo Dateline
Bulgar Dateline
Huns Dateline
Karluk Dateline
Khazar Dateline
Kimak Dateline
Kipchak Dateline
Kyrgyz Dateline
Sabir Dateline
Seyanto Dateline
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