Yu.Zuev Ethnic History of Usuns
Yu.Zuev Early Türks: Essays of history
Yu.Zuev The Strongest Tribe - Ezgil
Yu.Zuev Tamgas of vassal Princedoms
Yu.Zuev Ancient Türkic social terms
Yu.Zuev Seyanto Kaganate and Kimeks
Ogur and Oguz
|The Huns in Chinese annals|
COLLECTION OF INFORMATION ON PEOPLES
IN CENTRAL ASIA IN ANCIENT TIMES
Printing house of military schools
Sankt Petersburg, 1851
Part 1 Div. 1 Section 1-2
HUNNU (Huns 250 BC - 540 AD)
|Contents||Hunnu 1-2||Hunnu 3-4||Part 1 Div. 5 Hoihu =>||Part 1 Div. 7 Tele =>||Part 3 Div. 1 Davan =>||Part 3 Div. 2-6 Western =>|
The offered translation is a direct translation of the N.Bichurin's translation, it reflects the N.Bichurin's reading of the Chinese annals, and may differ from other translations, in phrasing, semantics, and literal rendition. The differences bear their own treasure, both for phonetical and semantical analysis. The main comment on the N.Bichurin's translation is that the text of the original Chinese manuscripts does not have any punctuation, and absent a monumental task of preliminary separation of the words, sentences, and paragraphs, a translator has to discern them on the fly, and in a few cases the N.Bichurin's parsing differ from the parsing produced by the later paleographers. The later Sinologists however fully validated the N.Bichurin's translation, and noting a mass of minor errors, also noted a remarkable accuracy of the translation as a whole, even more remarkable because the main body of the records about surrounding people is not contained in the chapters on the surrounding people in the appendixes to the chapters on the Chinese history, but is dispersed in the body of those chapters, necessitating a close reading of these mumbled chapters to extract pertinent records that contain information on the surrounding peoples. The largest contributors to correction and elucidation of the N.Bichurin's translations were N.V.Kuner (1877-1955) and V.S.Taskin (1917-1995).
Extent. N.Bichurin extracted the news about northern foreigners from the Chinese dynastic annals, and systemized the Hun's history into four periods that cover 250 BC-540 AD. The last period concentrates on the Southern Huns, but generally leaves out the Northern Huns, who in the following history played a much more prominent role then the Southern Huns. From his systematic extractions, N.Bichurin also generally left out the Tochars/Yueji, a part of which moved beyond the immediate interests of the Chinese annals, but a considerable part remained and was incorporated into the Hun's states.
Chronology and periodization. The contemporary Sinology divides the Chinese history into pre-historic and historic periods, the historic period starts in 822 BC, when the Chinese annalists started chronological records. The pre-historic period is also called legendary, it is viewed as mostly trustworthy, but chronologically unsubstantiated. N.Bichurin not only extracted records of the legendary period, but also accepted them as true dated events, and faithfully used the dates in his translation.
The subject of the Chinese dynastic annals are the Chinese dynasties, and periodization follows the dynastic histories, not the history of the Chinese people. The main developments in the history of the Chinese people remained unrecorded if they did not have a direct connection with the dynastic events. However, both the dynastic periodization, and archeological periodization are critical in deciphering the records and reconstruction of the history, and without a proper historical perspective the reconstructions are dubitable. In particular, the following moments are substantive in the Hun's history:
- the horsed nomadic pastoralists reached Eastern Asia sometime in the 12th-7th cc. BC,
and started spotty introduction of the horse husbandry in the area at that time. Prior to
that time, the populace of the Eastern Asia was either sedentary agricultural, or
sedentary foot hunter-gathering. The same terms applied to the sedentary and nomadic
people blur the cardinal distinction between these historically, culturally, and
genetically different people. In the annals we see a reverse projection of the later
nomadic pastoralists onto the previous indigenous sedentary non-Chinese populations. The
introduction of the horse husbandry culture and its implements revolutionized the Eastern
Appelation. The Chinese perspective and the language how the Chinese viewed and described the Huns has more to do with the Chinese history then with the Hun's history. A reflection of that is prominent in the Chinese terminology, which was idiosyncratic to the different periods: in the earlier pre-historic period the Huns were called Hu/Hun (pinyin Hun 匈, Chun 淳) and Juns (pinyin Rong 戎), in the late pre-historic period the Huns were called Hun-yui, during the Zhou period (1045–256 BC) they were called Hyan-yun, starting from the Qin period (221-206 BC) they were called Hunnu, and then as a threat to the Chinese they were successfully dismembered, and disappeared from the Chinese annals. A slew of other ways to call the Huns with transparent Huns also survived in the annals. It is clear that the Chinese saw the Huns' name as Hun, and were changing the earlier determinant from yui/yun, which could mean a tribe or a specific name of the tribe, to a derisive determinant nu which meant a slave. Huhanye would have left a better memory dying in a battle then in a Chinese bed. In our time, the last Hunnish warriors spent 7 years incarcerated in Guantanamo, and then no country wanted to shelter them, and they ended up on the Solomon Islands, probably never knowing that it was a noble but stupid Huhanye who started their whole affair.
Hate and Decorum. Once the Chinese rulers mastered their script, they started selecting characters that not only matched the phonetics of the word, but also conducted a meaning (the Confucius' idea), in case of the neighboring people, always a derisive description. So, in the Chinese annals their friends Huns of the pre-imperial period, from the innocent phonetic Huns, became menacingly-looking malicious slaves Hunnu. At the same time, the Chinese court, to avoid a humiliating word tribute, conjured up a means to pay a duty without degrading the dignity of the empire. This substitute was named heqin, which means peace, or friendship and kinship; and under that blanket the Chinese court had to give Princesses in marriage to the Türkic khans with an obligation to annually send to the Princesses a predetermined complement of goodies, with loaded caravans stretching from the Chanan to the Karakorum. This device, with little changes, remained a law for the subsequent dynasties. Eventually, an exchange of horses was added to the tribute menu.
Tribal composition. From the Chinese descriptions we can conclude that the Hun's dynastic clan was Uiguro-Hunnic, or Tele-Hunnic; they were the Hun tribe's papas and Tele/Uigur tribe's mamas, the tribes of Huns and Tele/Uigurs were permanent mutual conjugal partners, a custom retained among the Türkic peoples up to the present time, and a major tool in a scientific research. The Hun/Uigur conjugal union ascends to the time well before their appearance in the Chinese annals, and the looks of the dynastic Huns and Uigurs was sufficiently blended after the centuries, if not a millennium, of confined cross-breeding. The scions descending from the other tribes, though held to be princes by blood, could not legitimately pretend to the supreme throne, and could come to power only as winning rebels, of which the annals could not have known. The original linguality of the Hun tribe, allowing for a conjecture that they were not simply a branch of Tele, can't be determined for total lack of evidence material; however, their leaders' positively greater Mongoloidness, estimated from biological studies as reaching 89%, lends itself to a conclusion that even within the Tele confederation, the Huns were an incorporated alien tribe, of Northern East-Asian origin. The Chinese ethnological description in the N.Bichurin's extractions describes nearly exclusive Türkic traditions, echoed many times over by other historical sources: permanent conjugal pairing, levirate, food of meat and kumiss, gender equality, burial rites, lateral succession, confederate state, precursor of rodeo (and polo), linguistic and genetical kinship, cult of Tengri deity, role of shaman priests in the religious rites, wolf progenitor, and many more, all and each one of them pointing in the direction of the Türkic Tele tribes.
* * *.
The posting's notes and explanations, added to the text of the author and not noted specially, are shown in blue italics in parentheses (), notes and comments added in the 1951 academic publication under editorship of N.Bershtam are shown in brackets in [blue], grammatical clarifications in angular brackets <>. In the original publication the author's comments, to separate them from the direct translation, are denoted by larger margin, not always consistently; in the posting these author's comments are framed. The author's text footnotes are marked by a parentheses 1). Yellow highliting indicates a need for verification. Page numbers are shown at the beginning of the page in blue, with associated PDF file page number. To avoid font conflicts, the Russian original is presented in modern orthography. The dates highlighted by N.Bichurin are shown in front of the respective sentence; a few of them are clearly erroneous. Additional subtitles are shown in blue. The copyright to the 1851 publication expired long ago, the publication is in the public domain.
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1 (57 PDF)
This division is taken from the historical notes; it comprises events,
I. From ancient times of the House of Huns to its rise, in 209 BC.
The ancestor of the Huns 1 was a descendant of the House of Hya-heu-shy (Xia, 2100-1600 BC), 2 by the name Shun-wei (Chun-wei, 淳維 "Chun tribes"). Still before the times of the sovereigns Than (Tang, Taotang-Shi, 2,357 BC) and Yui 3 (Yu, 2597 BC) existed Shan-Jun, Hyanyun and Hunyui generations 1.
1) The Hunnu (Huns) is an ancient national name of Mongols
(Türks). The Chinese, at vocalic rendering of this word into
their language, used two letters; Hun 匈 malicious, nu
奴 slave. But the Mongolian (Türkic)
word Hunnu (Hun) is
a proper name, and does not have a meaning of the Chinese letters (“Hun“
is a Türkic word, akin to English “kin“ and means "kins", see
Living beyond the northern limits of China, they move with their cattle from one pasture to another. From the domestic cattle they predominantly have horses, large and small horned livestock; they breed some camels, donkeys, mules and thoroughbred horses. They coach from place to place depending on abundance of grass and water. They have neither the cities, nor the sedentary life, nor the agriculture; but everyone has a separate piece of land. There is no script, and the laws are announced verbally.
A boy, as soon as he can sit astride on a ram, shoots from a bow birds and small animals; and after growing up a little shoots foxes and hares, and they are used for food. Everyone able to handle a bow joins an armored cavalry.
In leisure, as they normally follow the cattle, they hunt in the fields, and are provisioned by it; and in need everyone is exercising in military to prepare for raiding. These are their innate traits.
Their long weapon is a bow with arrows, a short weapon is a saber and a spear. 1 In success they go forward; in a miss they retreat, and do not hold a flight as a shame. Where they see a gain, they do not know neither a decorum, nor fairness. Starting with rulers, everyone eats meat of domestic cattle, dress in its pelts, cover with woolen and fur clothing. The strong eat fatty and the best food; the old eat what remains after them. The young and strong are respected; the old and weak enjoy little respect.
1) A short spear with iron handle, in Chinese Shyan.
On a death of a father they marry stepmother; on a death of brothers they marry sisters-in-law. Ordinarily, they call each other by names; they do not have surnames. 1
With a decline of the law 2 in the House of Hya (Xia), Gun-lu was deprived from the post of a head of agriculture. 3 He became a Western Jun, and built a small town Bin. After 300 years, Jun-di (Türks) began attacking the Great Prince Shan-fu (Usually the title “Prince“ in Chinese annals is translated by a term “Duke”; in the context of the annals, these two terms are synonymous, but N.Bichurin selected the Russian equivalent of the “Prince”, Êíÿçü). 4 Shan-fu fled to the Tsishan mountain. The inhabitants of the country Bin followed Shan-fu, and built a city, which started a House of Chjeu (Zhou Dynasty, 1045-256 BC).
1) The History of the Han dynasty says: Shanuy is surname is Luan-di
Hun dynastic tribe's name; the presence of a definite Hun's surname contradicts the
statement that Huns do not have surnames, which is obviously incorrect, because each clan
had a distinct name to distinguish it from the other clans, like in any other human
1140 BC After about 200 years Si-bo Chan fought a war with generation Guan-i (Tungus), 1140. 1 10 years after that (1140 BC) Wu-van, after overthrowing Chjeu-sin, established the city of Lo-i; settling again in Fyn-hao he expelled to the north Jun-i (Türks + Tunguses) from the Gin (38°N 108°E) and Lo (49°N 123°E) 2. From time to time Jun-i (Türks + Tunguses) brought a tribute called a steppe duty, huan-fu (Tunguses were not pastoral steppe nomads, the “steppe“ here must be a figurative expression, unless the tribute was channeled through the nomadic Huns; “huan-fu” was a “tribute” given on an occasion of enthroning a new ruler).
After 200 years the law of House of Chjeu started weakening. The Grand Duke Mu-wan fought a war with the Guan-Jun generation; he received from them four white wolves and four white deers, and returned. From that time on the steppe duties stopped.
771 After about 200 years after Mu Wan, a Grand Duke Yu-wan from the House of Chjeu took in a concubine Bao-sy, and over that clashed with Prince Shen-heu. 3 Shen-heu became angry, and, joining with Guan-Juns, 771, attacked Grand Duke Yu-van, and killed him at the Li-shan mountain (60 li, 25 km, Eastern of Si-an-fu/Chang'an/Xian, 34.2°N 108°E), 1.
1) Shy gu writes: Si-bo Chan is Wyn-van, Guan-i are Guan Juns; are also called Guan-i
the Chinese transcription different hieroglyphs].
Beginning of the historical period (822 BC - on)
770 As a consequence, Guan-Juns occupied the country Tszyao-hu belonging to the House of Chjeu, settled between the rivers Gin (38°N 108°E) and Wei-shui (36°N 104°E), and continued pressing the Middle kingdom. Syan-gyun, a Prince of the Tsin (Qin) fief, 2 extended help to the House of Chjeu; so Phin-wan (As a general observation. N.Bichurin lived and studied Chinese in Peking, and adopted the 18th c. Peking dialect for phonetization of the Chinese characters. The modern Peking dialect is somewhat different; the N.Bichurin's constructions like P'hin-wan and T'han now are phoneticized and rendered without ”'h”: Pin-wan, Tang) abandoned Fyn-hao, 770, and moved to the east to the Lo-i.
At that time Syan-gyun, expelling the Juns to Tsi-shan, for the first time rose to the ranks of the feudal Princes. 3
Events during Spring and Autumn Period (722 BC-481 BC)
706 After 65 years the Mountain Juns crossed the Yan fief, and attacked the Tsi (Qi) fief. Hi-gyun, a Prince of the Tsi fief, battleed them under the walls of his capital, 706.
After another 44 years, the Mountain Juns attacked the Yan fief. Prince of that fief asked for help from the Tsi (Qi) fief. Huan-gyun, a Prince of the Tsi (Qi) fief, advanced to the north against the Mountain Juns. The Mountain Juns left.
2) Syan is a name, Gun is a name of the princely title he received for
637 After another twenty years, the Jun-di (Türks) came to the city Lo-i, and attacked Grand Duke Syan Wan. The Grand Duke fled to Fan-i, a small town of the Chjen fief. A year before, the Grand Duke Syan Wan planned a war with the Chjen fief, 637, so he married a Princess from the Jun-di generation (to take a Türkic Princess means to take her father into father-in-laws, recognizing his seniority), and jointly with that generation fought with Chjen: but soon after that he sent the Great Princess away. The Princess was grievous.
636 A stepmother of Grand Duke Syan-Wan, called Hoi-heu, wanted her son the Prince Dai to ascend: so Hoi-heu, the Great Princess from House of Jun-di, and the Prince Dai sided with Jun-di (Türks) in the capital, and opened a gate for them. In this manner the Jun-di (Türks) entered the capital, expelled Grand Duke Syan Wan, and installed Prince Dai as Son of Sky, 636. Because of that, Jun-di (Türks) occupied Lu-hun, 1 in the east extended up to Wei fief, 2 and were plundering the Middle State. The Middle State suffered. 3
The Grand Duke Syan Wan, after spending four years outside of his possession, finally sent an envoy to ask for help from the Tszin (Jin) fief. Wyn Gun, a Prince of that fief, who just assumed his throne, started pretending for the leadership of the Seim. Gathering an army, he expelled the Jun-di (Türks), executed Prince Dai, and brought the Grand Duke Syan Wan to the Lo-i. At that time the fiefs Tsin (Qin) and Tszin (Jin) were already regarded as being strong states. Wyn Gun, the Prince of the Tszin (Jin) fief, expelled the Jun-di (Türks) who settled in the He-si between the rivers In-shui and Lo-shui, 4 under names Chi-di (Red Di) and Bai-di (Northern Di) .
1) Sui Guan writes: Lu-hun was also called Lu-i, i.e. a small town Lu.
Mu-gyun, a Prince of the Tsin (Jin) fief, enticed Yuiui ( Üüi/Üüy/Yuyui/Yuyuy = tribe Yui/Yuy/Syui/Sui/Suy = Uigurs), and eight possession of the western Juns (Si/Xi-Juns, Türks, likely branches of the Yuiui tribe or confederation) submit voluntary to the House of Tsin (Jin): for this reason from the Lun westward were located generations (of Türko - Tangut) Gunchju, Guan-Jun, Di-wan, 1 from the Tsi and Lyan mountains, from the rivers Gin-shui and Tsi-shui to the north were located Juns (Türks) of the generations Ikui, Dali, Uchjy 2 and Suiyan; 3 from Tszin (Jin) fief to the north were located Juns (Türks) of the generations Linhu and Leufan; 4 from the Yan fief to the north were located generations Dun-Hu (Mongols) and Shan-Jun (Türks). 5 All these generations lived dispersed in the mountain valleys, had their own sovereigns and elders, frequently gathered in a large number of clans, but could not unite.
1) These three generations lived in the areas Gun-chan-fu and Lan-chjeu-fu, and
belonged to the mixed Mongolo - Tangut generations
569 After that, after a hundred years, Dao-gyun, a Prince of the Tszin fief (Jin 晉國, 11th century BC–349 BC), concluded a peace treaty with the Jun-di generation (Türks), 569. Jun-di (Türks) came to his Court.
After another hundred years, Syan Tszy, a Prince of the Chjao fief (Zhou 周朝, 1045–256 BC, or Cao 曹 ?), crossed Geu-Chju and defeated the army of the Tszin fief (Jin), captured the Dai country (small state in the north of modern Shanxi and Hebei provinces, ? - ca 460 BC ), and approached generation Sumo (corrected reading: “came to immediate proximity with Hu and Mo”, i.e. Türkic Huns and Tungusic Mohe); then, joining with the fiefs Han and Wei, subdued the Tszin fief (Jin), and divided the lands of this fief between themselves (division of Jin by Zhao, Han, and Wei is dated by 403 BC). By this division the Chjao fief received the lands from Dai and Geu-Chju to the north, the Wei fief received Si-he and Shang-gyun, in proximity with Juns (Türks).
After that the Ikui Juns (Türks; Ikui = later Bei-Di, Northern Dis = Türks; in Türkic “Ik-yui” is “Two Yuis”, a common method of forming ethnonyms), for their defense, built cities, which the Tsin (Qin) fief gradually subdued.
Later, Hoi Wan, a Grand Duke of the Tsin (Qin)
fief, captured from the Ikuis 25 cities, then
lead a war with the Wei fief, and annexed from it Si-he and Shang-gyun.
During the reign of Chjao Wan, a Great Prince from the House of Tsin (Qin), a possessor of the Ikui Juns (Türks) got involved in intimate relations with a dowager Great Princess Suan Thai-heu (T-hai); 1 and illegitimately had with her two sons: but Suan-thai-heu 2 treacherously killed the possessor of the Ikui Juns in the Gan-tsuan palace: following that the army was sent to Ikui, and that kingdom was destroyed.
307 By this device the House of Tsin (Qin) acquired Lun-si, Bei-di and Shang-gyun, and to protect from the Hu (i.e. Juns = Hu = Huns) built the Long Wall. The Grand Duke Wu-lin from the House of Chjao (Zhao 趙/赵), in the year 307 BC introduced in his possession the attire of the nomadic Hu (Nomadic Hu = Türks, versus sedentary Sogdians), and started to train his subjects in the horse bow shooting. He defeated generations in the north: Linhu and Leufan (Hun's tribes), built the Long Wall at in the foothills of the In-shan ridge from the Dai and Ban to Gao-kyue, and opened districts Yun-Chjun, Yai-myn and Daigun (“opened districts“ i.e. introduced his garrisons and administration).
After that a skilful commander Tsin Khai (K-hai), a former hostage at the Hu (the Huns) came to the Yan kingdom. He gained a great trust of the Hu (the Huns). Tsin Khai, after returning to his fatherland, with a sudden attack against Dun-Hu (Mongols) defeated and increased the possessions of the House of Yan by a 1,000 li. Tsin Wuyan, who with Tsin Khe stubbed to death the Grand Duke of the Tsin (Qin) kingdom, was a grandson of the commander Tsin Khai. The House of Yan also built the Long Wall, extending it from Tszao-Yan 3 to Syan-phin (p-hin) 4 and for the protection from the Hu ( the Huns) opened areas: Shang-gu, Yui-yan, Yu-bei-phin, Yao-si and Lyao-dun (“opened districts“ i.e. introduced his garrisons and administaration). At the same time, China disintegrated into seven mutually hostile kingdoms, and three of them bordered on the Huns.
1) Fu Tsyan writes: with the mother of the Grand Duke Chjao Wan.
After that, during the life of Li Meu, a commander in the Chjao kingdom, the Huns did not dare to intrude into the limits of that kingdom.
214 Later, when the House of Tsin (Qin) subdued other six kingdoms, Shy-Huan-di sent to the north against the Hu (Huns) a commander Myn Thyan with 100,000 troops. Myn Thyan took back Ordos, and established Yellow river as a border; built along the bank of the river 44 district cities, and populated their garrisons with criminals; run a straight road from Guiuan to Yun-yan; in the border mountains where possible corrected steep gorges (An alternate decryption reads “made slopes steep”, i.e. inaccessible for mounted riders) northeast from Lin-thao (t-hao) to Lyao-dun almost for 10,000 li; 214. Finally, he crossed the Yellow river, and occupied Bei-gya by the Yan-shan mountains.
II. From rise of the House of Huns in 209 BC to its affiliation with China in 67 BC.
At that time the House of Dun-Hu flourished. The House of Yuechji was in blossom condition. The Huns' Shanuy 1 was called Tuman. 2 Tuman could not stand against the House of Tsin (Qin) 3 and migrated north.
1) The Han-shu In-i says: Shanuy means a greatest, in Chinese Syan-than
After ten years Myn Thyan died; the feudal Princes rebelled against the House of Tsin (Qin). The Middle Kingdom was in confusion, and the garrisons of the criminals, posted by the House of Tsin (Qin) on the border, all vanished (An alternative decryption reads “were all dismissed“). After that the Huns felt it easy; little by little they again came over to the southern bank of the Yellow river, and adjoined the former borders with the Middle Kingdom.
201 Shanuy (Tuman) had a successor, named Mode; 1 after that from the beloved Yanchjy (N.Bichurin follows a contemporary reading of the character symbol; the initial reading of the character was “abti”, reflecting a Türkic/Uigur term for a wife, “atti”; the change is recorded in the Chinese annals) was born him a younger son; Shanuy wanted to dispose of the elder, and to raise the younger to the throne: so he sent Mode to Yuechji as a hostage. As soon as Mode arrived to the Yuechji, Tuman immediately attacked Yuechji. Yuechji wanted to kill Mode, but Mode stole his argamak (in Türkic argamak is Middle Asian saddle-horse; N.Bichurin is using its Russian borrowing), and fled away to his home. Tuman saw his bravery, and allotted him a 10,000 cavalry. 2 Mode made a whistle 3 and started training people in horse bow shooting with such an order: everyone who would shoot an arrow not where the whistle goes would be beheaded; who at a hunt would shoot an arrow not where the whistle goes would be beheaded. Mode himself sent the whistle into his argamak. Some courtiers did not dare to shoot, and Mode immediately beheaded them for not shooting into argamak. A bit later, Mode again shot the whistle into his favorite wife, some of the courtiers were terrified, and did not dare to shoot. Mode beheaded these also.
1) In the text Mao-dun. Lu Wo-chjuan writes: Maodun is pronounced Mo-de.
Ganmu 201 BC. (Maodun is deciphered as Matur/Batur, it is
verified by transcription of numerous Baturs of the Türkic history.) Mode is close to
the Mongolian word
Modo, a forest.
209 After some time Mode went hunting and shoot a whistle in the Shanuy's argamak (Middle Asian saddle-horse). All courtiers shoot arrows in the same place. From that, Mode saw that he can use his retinue. Following his father Shanuy Tuman during hunt, he sent a whistle in Tuman; the courtiers also sent their arrows into Shanuy Tuman. Thus Mode, having killed Tuman, put to death his stepmother with the younger brother, and the elders who did not wanting to submit to him, and declared himself a Shanuy. 1
1. Shanuy Mode (209-174 BC). When Mode ascended the throne, the <house of> Dun-Hu was in force and in prosperous state. Having received a news that Mode killed his father and ascended the throne, Dun-Hu (Mongol) sent him a messenger to relay that he wishes to receive a 1,000 li horse 2 that remained after Tuman. Mode asked for advice from the nobles. The nobles told him: the 1,000 li horse is a treasure among the Huns. It should not be given away. Why, Mode told them, living in the neighborhood with the people, not to spare one horse for them? And so the 1,000 li horse was given to them. After some time Dun-Hu (Mongol), believing that Mode is afraid of him, sent another messenger to relay that he wishes to receive from Mode one of his Yanchjys (royal wives). Mode again asked advice of the courtiers. The courtiers told him indignantly: Dun-Hu (Mongol) is an unscrupulous man; he demands an Yanchjy. A war should be declared to him . Mode said on that: Why, living in the neighborhood with the people, not to spare one woman for them?
1) Syui-guan writes: that happened in the 1st year of Er-Shi (i.e. the second
chronology, in the 209 BC.).
And so he took his beloved Yanchjy and sent her to Dun-Hu. The Dun-Hu possessor became even more proud. In the Hunnu possessions west from Dun-Hu is a strip of uninhabited land 1,000 li long. 1 It had only guard posts on both sides along the border. Dun-Hu sent a messenger to tell Mode that the strip of the wasteland, laying beyond the chain of their respective border guards, which belongs to the Huns, 2 is not suitable for them, and he wishes to have it.
Mode asked for advice of his officials, and they said: it is a wasteland; it could be given away or not given away. Mode in extreme anger said: the land is the base of the state; how is it possible to give it away? Everybody who advised to give the land away was beheaded. Mode mounted a horse, and gave an order to behead anyone who will fall behind (An alternative decryption reads “anyone who is late to a gathering point“). After that he went to the east and unexpectedly attacked the Dun-Hu (Mongols). Dun-Hu previously flouted Mode, and hence was not on a guard. Mode, coming with his army, gained a total victory, destroyed the House of Dun-Hu (Mongols), seized his subjects, cattle, and property. Upon return he struck Yuechjies (Tochars) in the west and expelled him, in the south subdued the Ordos possessors (Türkic) Leufan (35°N 109°E) and Bayan, and tested Yan and Dai; took back all the lands that were taken away from the Huns by the (Chinese) commander Myn Thyan (T-hyan), and entered with the House of Han in the borders in Ordos (i.e. repossessed Ordos to the borders of the Han state) at Chao-na and Lu-Shi; 3 after this again tested Yan and Dai.
At that time (ca. 202 BC) the army of the House of Han was fighting with Hyan-yui; 4 the Middle Kingdom was exhausted under the burden of a war; and this circumstance gave Mode a chance to gain strength.
1) Sandy Steppe in Mongolia southwest from Kalgan (41°N 115°E).
Mode had more than 300 thousand army.
From Shun-wei up to Tuman, for more then a thousand years, the House of Huns at times rose, at times fell, divided, and dispersed: and therefore their order of the past successions at cannot be determined.
During Mode, the House of the Huns has highly grown and risen; having subdued all nomadic tribes in the north and in the south, it became equal to the Middle Court; so the names of hereditary state officials can be described. Were established:
1) Eastern and Western Chjuki-Prince (Türkic
“ükü“/“Jükü“ = wise; in pinyin “Jükü“ = wise is distorted
beyond recognition: Eastern (left) Zuo/Tso Xian-wang 左屠耆王 and
Yu Xian-wang 右贤王; without N.Bichurin phonetization we would never learn the
straight-forward Türkic word in the second-highest title of the Eastern Huns; the “Tszuikui“ seems to be an alternate phonetization;
equivalent of Djabgu/Yabgu; the presence of “dj“ instead of “y“
indicates a “dj“-dialect, characteristic of Ogur group: “r”, “d”, “dj”, (Ogur, djulan,
Djaik) vs. Oguz group: “z”, “y”, “i”, (Oguz, yilan, Yaik); the word-initial alveolar “dj“
(“zh“) where other mainstream languages have “y“ (“j“) is classified as South Kipchak:
Altay, Chagatay, Karakalpak, Karluk-Uyghur (Karakhanid), Kazakh, Khalai, Kyrgyz, Uygur,
Uzbek. Also, the Hun language demonstrates its belonging to the “m“ side of the “m/b“ divide,
typical among some southern Türks: Saklan belt, Balkars (“m“ magadir, Malkar) vs. (“b“ bagadir, Balkar);
these alternations are completely transparent for the native speakers); 1
(Elsewhere, N.Bichurin is citing other Hun's titles, some appearing only
Eastern or Western determinant. Some of them may be Chinese-Hunnic compounds. At least
one may be synonymous with number 3) “ head of”. Those starting with “Gu“ and “Hu“ or
ending with “gyan“ may conceal “Hun“ as a tribal name:
Chjuki in Hunnish is wise (actually, it is “ükü“ or “uga“ in ancient Türkic languages; the prosthetic “dj“ is a feature of the South Kipchak linguistic group; Uigur belongs to that group; the Hunnic word was phonetically close to “djükü“ (djyukyu) or “djuga”, commonly spelled “jükü“; in any case the Chinese rendition is amazingly close, our hats off for Chinese transcription and translation; the poor Pulleyblank in his search for suitable alternatives managed not to see the obvious Türkic words at point blank, but in some instances his failed explorations are widely cited); the Eastern Chjuki-Prince is always a successor to the throne. From Eastern and Western Chjuki-Princes to the Danhu, the upper have 10 thousands, and the lower a few thousand cavalry. In total twenty four elders (here N.Bichurin is using the term “elders”, which is confusing because the term “elders“ describes leaders of individual tribes and tribal unions, not dynastic appointees; in this case the term “seniors“ or “commanders“ is more suitable) who carry the common designation tuman (N.Bichurin's “temnik“ is a Slavic/Russian borrowing of a Türkic/Mongolian word “tuman/tumen“ that designates a commander of 10,000 troops). 7
1) In Chinese Hyan-wan. Though here the words Eastern and Western are borrowed from
points, at the same time they comprise a sense of words Senior and Junior.
In Mongolia, like in China, the left side is considered senior.
[Among the Chinese now the southern side is considered a honorable side, but
in an antiquity it was the Eastern side, and Chinese sat facing the east.]
In general, the nobles are hereditary dignitaries. Huyan (呼衍、呼延, aka Qiang 羌族, Jiang 姜, initial maternal dynastic tribe), Lan 1 (aka Luanti, paternal dynastic tribe) and subsequently Suibu (須卜 , pin. Xubu, Tr. Suibu, Suybu = [s/h]Yui Tribe, maternal dynastic tribe, Uigurs) are three well-known Houses. Princes and leaders of the Eastern Wing occupy the Eastern side against Shang-gu (now in China Shansi province, the ancestral lands of Uigurs from the 7th c. BC) and further east to Su-mo (not listed in Geographical Index) and Chao-syan (Korea); the Princes and leaders of the Western Wing occupy the western side against Shang-gyun and further west to Yuechjies (Tochars/Yueji/Yuezhi in Jeti-su), Di (Di - Tele, generic Türks) and Kyans (Qiangs). The Shanuy horde was located directly against Dai and Yun-Chjun. 2
Everyone had a separate strip of land, and moved pasturing from place to place, as needed by abundance of grass and water. The Eastern and Western Chjuki-Princes, Eastern and Western Luli-Princes were considered to be the strongest possessors. The Eastern and Western Gudu-heu were their administrative assistants. 3 Each of the 24 elders (i.e. officeholders) appoint for administration commanders of 1,000, centurion commanders of 100, commanders of 10. The lower Princes appoint Du-yui's, Danhu's and Tszuikui's (here we see Tszuikui appointed by lower Princes). 4
In the first moon of a new year the elders (i.e. officeholders) not in large number gather at the temple at the Shanuy horde court. 5
1) Huyan and Suibu always were in marital relationship with Shanuy
traditionally had a twin dynastic rule, and the lands and the people traditionally
belonged to the matrilineal ancestry of the Katun line, in this case Suibu). Suibu had a
post of the State Judge. P.I. The custom of taking for the Khan maidens only from the
houses also survived in the Chingis-khan's house. P.I.
In the fifth moon everybody gather in the Lun-chen (aka Lu-chen, In-chjeu, ca 41°N 112°E; the river Tszy-he = Ulan-muren in western Tumot, 40.9°N 111.6°E, 2°E from Ordos 41°N 111°E - 41°N 113°E, N from the Great Wall to Khalka 48°N 120°E) where is made a sacrifice to the ancestors, to the Sky, land, and spirits. In the autumn, as horses grow fat, everybody gather to circle a forest, and to verify counts of people and cattle.
Their laws: who pulls a sharp weapon one foot 1 is death; for theft is confiscated the family, for light crimes is slashed the face, and for heavy is death. The court (should be jail) does not last more than ten days. In the whole state the prisoners number a few tens of people.
Shanuy in the morning leaves the camp to bow to the rising sun, at night comes out to bow to the moon. He sits on the left side (of the yurt) facing the north (This is a notable ethnic marker, elsewhere the annals address the orientation of the entryway peculiar to ethnically different people. The Türkic tradition orients the yurt with the entry facing east, toward the rising sun; the best side in the yurt is left from the entry, i.e. on the southern side; a person sitting on the honor side facing the center of the yurt is facing north). The first in a month days called Sui and Sy, coming for the first time in a month under these letters, are respected. The deceased 2 are buried in a coffin; are used external and internal coffins; attire of golden and silver brocade and furs; but <they> have no cemeteries surrounded with trees and no mourning dress. Of the accompanying courtier nobles and concubines occur from a hundred to several hundred people. 3 (The graves of the Shanuys preceding the Hun's relocation of their burial grounds to the Orhon valley are not known; the later kurgans in Noin-Ula contain suspected accompanying burials, but in much smaller quantities, and probably they are war captives and not nobles or wifes. An alternate decoding offers: “they do not mark their graves with kurgans”, like did the first Shanuys of the European Huns, mindful of the desecration like the one made by the Uhuans. The description of the Attila's under riverbed grave is a good example. Following this record, archeologists ascribe the hidden rich burials of Oglahtin type to the Huns' upper class)
<They> undertake affairs by the position of the stars and the moon. By the full moon <they> go to war; at crescent of the moon <they> retreat. Who in a battle behead an enemy receives an award of a cup of wine, and he is also given everything gained as booty.
1) Foot is a name for a military iron weapon which looks like a stick, its
length is about 1.5 feet and shorter (An alternate
decryption offers a simpler reading).
The captured and men and women are detained in bondage; 1 and therefore in the battle everyone is inspired with greed. They skilfully lure an enemy to capture him: so, having caught a sight of an enemy, they spring for the greed like a flock of birds; and when defeated, fragment like a tile, dissipate like clouds. Who brings a killed enemy from the battle receives all his property.
Subsequently in the north they subdued a possession Hunyui (aka Hanyun, reportedly Chinese-Tele admixture, narrow-faced Chinese type + brachycephalic Caucasoid Tele, nomadic pastoralists; but the name sounds suspiciously standard Türkic, Hun + Yui, either Hunnish Yuis, or joined Huns and Yuis; Yuns and Yuis are synonyms of different periods), Kjueshe (aka Tszueshe 古耶舍, Kukiji, Kipchaks-Kumans, a Tele tribe), Dinlin (丁零, Tele tribes), 2 Gegun (aka Gyangun = Kyrgyzes) and Tsaili (suggested Sinli = Sirs); therefore the elders and nobles obeyed Mode-Shanuy, and considered him to be wise. 3
201 BC At that time, 201, the House of Han just established calmness in the Middle State, and transferred the Prince Han Sin to Dai with a stay in Ma-i. The Huns with large forces besieged Ma-i, and Prince Han Sin submitted to them. 4 The Huns, after receiving Han Sin, turned with the army to the south; they crossed the ridge Geuchju, besieged Thai-yuan (T-hai), and came to Tszin-yan.
200 BC Gao-di himself led an army against them, 200. In the winter were strong frosts and snows.
1) This custom and now is retained in the laws of China, Manchuria and Mongolia.
About a third of the troops had fingers frozen. 1 So Mode pretended to be defeated and, retreating, lured the pursuing Chinese army. Mode hid the selected troops, and exposed only the weak ones: so the whole Chinese army, consisting of 320 thousand mostly of infantry, streamed after him. Gao-di arrived to Phin-chen in front of others; and all the infantry did not come yet. Mode with 400 thousand of selected cavalry (in other sources 300,000, which allows to estimate the Hun's populace at 1.5 mln people; the higher number of troops brings the population to 2 mln) surrounded Gao-di in Bai-dyn. 2 For seven days the Chinese army could not bring food to the besieged. The Hun cavalry on the western side had white, on eastern side grey, on northern side black, on southern side red horses (The hue of the horses served as tribal distinction, during battle it distinguished own troops from the enemy. That worked as long as the tribes were not supplying enemy with horses).
Gao-di sent spies to bribe Yanchjy. Yanchjy told Mode: the two sovereigns should not constrain each other. Now you, acquiring the lands of the House of Han, cannot live in them; and the sovereign of the House of Han is a clever man. 3 Think of it, Shanuy.
Mode appointed time when Wan Huan and Chjao Li, the leaders of the Prince Han Sin, should have come to him, and they did not show up: so he started to suspect that they entered into an agreement with the House of Han; on top of that he took into account the words of the Yanchjy. And so he opened a pass in one corner: Gao-di gave his army an order, to go directly through the open corner with tensioned bows facing outward to the sides, and in that way he joined with the main forces. Mode turned to a way back. Gao-di also stopped the war and sent Lu Gin to conclude a treaty based on peace and kinship. 4
1) In the original 2/10 or 3/10.
Later, Prince Han Sin, who occupied a position of a commander at the Huns, Chjao Li, and Wan Huan violated the treaty a few times, devastated Dai and Yun-Chjun provinces. A little bit later, Chen Hi, 1 raising in revolt and joining with Han Sin, was conceiving to attack Dai. The Chinese Court posted an army headed by commander Fan Khuai, who took back Dai, Yai-myn and Yun-Chjun; but did cross the border. At that time the military commanders of the House of Han one after another were switching to the Huns; so Mode was frequently coming to plunder the Dai country, and that disturbed the House of Han.
1) Chen-hi was a decorated military commander, appointed as a bailiff, i.e. a supervisor
of troops in the Chjao and Dai fiefs. By the Gan-mu he conceived a revolt in
197, and in 195 was defeated and executed.
198 Gao-di sent Lu Gin to to accompany the Princess of his House with a title of Princess as an Yanchjy for the Shanuy, with an annual determined quantity of silk fabrics, cotton, wine, rice and different food produce, and establish in the treaty to be brothers, 1 based on the peace and kinship, 198. That slowed Mode a little.
195 Subsequently Lu Guan, a possessor of the Yan Princedom, rebelled, switched to the Huns with several thousand accomplices, and began bothering the lands east from Shang-gu, 195. Finally, Gao-tszu passed away, 195.
192 During the reign of the empress Hyao-hoi Lyui Thai-heu 2 the House of Han just consolidated: so the Huns were proud, Mode sent to the empress Gao-heu a letter, 192, written in bald expressions.
1) I. e. equal.
1) I. e. by the Mongolian (i.e. Türkic) custom wanted to take her
with the whole Chinese state (650 years ahead of Attila, who came with the
same trick to get the Western Roman Empire. Attila was a Türk, not a Mongol, and played a famous Türkic
trick. With time, it became popular in Europe, especially among the Germanic-derived royalty. Mongols used
different methods for their acquisitions.)
179 Gao-heu thought to declare a war on him, but the commanders told her that the late Gao-di was a clever sovereign and soldier, but he also was strained near the Phin-chen city. And so Gao-heu withheld, and confirmed the peace and kinship with the Huns.
177 Hyao Wyn-di, after assuming the throne, 179, again confirmed the treaty of peace and kinship, but in the fifth moon of the third year, 177, the Hunnu Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王) transferred his pasturing routs (hordes) to Ordos, and started assailing the border in the Shang-gyun province; the foreigners were killing and withdrawing inhabitants to captivity. So Hyao-Wyn-di instructed minister Guan In with 85,000 cavalry (and where could Chinese procure an 85,000 cavalry, in 177 BC? They did not have horse-breeding farms and facilities to train cavalry. The only method that record could be true is when they had Hunnish, Tele, or the like federates to fight for them, or the renegade Gao-di brought along with him 85,000 yurts numbering 350,000 pastoral people, and then the acceptance by the patriarchic Chinese of a female empress is easier to explain) and chariots to go to Gao-nu against the Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王), but the Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王) already left abroad. Wyn-di initiated a trip to Thai-yuan (T-hai); but in at that very time rebelled Tszi-bei Wan. 1 Wyn-di returned and recalled the army sent against the Huns.
1) Tszi-bei is a title: it means “assisting in the north”. His surname is Hin,
is Gyui. He revolted in the year 177. Ganmu.
176 The next year, 176, Shanuy sent to the Chinese Court a letter 1 with the following contents: “The installed by the Sky Great Hunnu Shanuy respectfully inquires 2 Huan-di (Chinese emperor) about health. Last time Huan-di wrote about peace and kinship. This subject, to a mutual satisfaction, was concluded in accordance with the contents of the letter. The Chinese border officials were offending the Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王), and he without consulting (with me) by the advice of Ilu-heu Nanchjy and others quarreled with Chinese officials, violated the treaty between the two sovereigns, breached the brotherly relation between them, and put the House of Han in inimical position with the neighboring state. From Huan-di were received two letters with rebukes, but the messenger with a response letter did not arrive yet, and the Chinese messenger has not returned, and that was a cause for mutual discontent between two neighboring powers. Because the violation of the treaty came from the lower officials, 3 the Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王) was sent in punishment to the west against Yuechjies. By the favor of the Sky, the troops were healthy, the horses were in force; they smashed the Yuechjies. Subjecting to the edge of a sword or subduing everybody, <they have> substantiated Leulan, Usun, Huse and 26 neighboring possessions. 4
The inhabitants these possessions joined the Hunnu army, and comprise one House. After calming the northern country, I want to stop the war to allow troops to rest and to fatten horses; to forget the past and to renew the old treaty, to deliver tranquility to the border inhabitants as was in the beginning. Let the minors grow, and the old men quietly attain the age, and from generation to generation enjoy the peace. But because the Huan-di opinion is not received yet, I am sending Lan-Chjun 5 Sidutsyan with the letter, I dare to present with him one camel, two saddle horses and two four-horse gangs. If Huan-di is not comfortable with the Huns coming nearer the borders, the officials and people should be ordered to settle away from the border”. 6
1) Mongols (i.e. the Türks) had no script, and
the captive Chinese served as scribes for the Khan (The
Eastern Huns, before Mode, neighbored Chinese principalities for centuries, and were long
exposed to the Chinese writing; no nation interacting with a literate neighbor ever
managed to preserve their illiteracy; in case of Noin Ula, they even buried alphabet
table in the grave, among other travel necessities.
The envoy after his arrival was immediately sent back, and in the sixth moon arrived to Chaiwan. 1 After receipt of the letter the Chinese Court held a counsel: what was more favorable, war or peace and kinship? The state officials were of the opinion that a triumphal enemy, who recently defeated Yuechjies, is difficult to fight; moreover, the lands of the Huns consisting of lakes and saline soils are unsuitable for settled life, so they thought it is better to keep peace and kinship.
174 Hyao Wyn-di agreed with their opinion, and in the sixth year of the initial chronology, 2 sent a letter to the Huns with the following contents, 174: “Huan-di respectfully inquires the Great Hunnu Shanuy about his health. The letter delivered to me by Lan-chjun Sidutsyan says: the Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王) without permission, but by an advice of Ilu-heu Nanchjy breached the treaty between the two sovereigns, interrupted the brotherly consent between them, and put the House of Han in inimical position with the neighboring state.
1) The name of a border gorge.
But since the infringement on the treaty came from the lower officials, the Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王) in punishment was sent to to the west against Yuechjies, and he subdued that possession. Now is desirable to stop the war, to give rest to the troops and to fatten horses; to forget the past, and to confirm the old treaty, to give tranquility to the border inhabitants; let the minors grow, and the old men attain the age quietly, and from generation to generation enjoy the peace. I approve that very much: for so thought the sacred ancient sovereigns. The House of Han agreed with the House of Huns to be brothers and consequently sends to the Shanuy an extreme amount of gifts. The violation of the treaty and the breach of the brotherly concord always occurred from the side of the Huns.
However, as the affair of the Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王) is already covered by a pardon, I ask the Shanuy to not extend further his anger; and if the Shanuy wishes to act in accordance with the contents of the letter, let him announce to his officials not to violate the treaty, and to act in accordance with the letter of the Shanuy.
The envoy was telling that the Shanuy personally headed the Western war, and suffered great hardships. So I am sending a worn 1 embroidered caftan with lining, a long brocade caftan, a golden diadem for hair, a belt trimmed with gold, and a rhinoceros belt buckle trimmed with gold, 10 pieces of embroidered silk fabrics, 30 fabric pieces with reversible woven pattern, and 40 pieces of silk fabrics, of dark crimson and green color. 2 I am sending a dignitary for personal presentation”.
174 Soon after that Mode died, 174.
1) I. e. personally worn by him.
His son Giyui was raised under a name Laoshan 1 Shanuy (Agnatic succession).
1) Sui Guan writes: Giyui was a second Shanuy. Subsequently, the succession
numeral order (I.e. in lateral succession order).
2. Laoshan-Giyui-Shanuy (Chinese “Laoshang“ means “old and elevated”, i.e. Türkic “Aga”, “[A]Giyui“ is “Aga-Yui”, 174-161 BC. Sinologists noted that the Chinese renditions tend to drop the first vowel of the word. I have seen numerous much less transparent and obvious reconstructions).
After Laoshan-Gijui-Shanuya acsession to the throne, Hyao Wyn Huan-di also sent to the Shanuy as an Yanchjy a Princess from his clan with a title of Princess, and appointed a eunuch Chjung-hin Yue (Chjun-han, per Kuner's proofreading), a native of the country Yan, to accompany her. Yue did not want to go, but the emperor sent him by force. Yue said: I shall go and bring about troubles for the House of Han. On arrival Yue immediately switched to the Shanuy side, and Shanuy grew very fond of him. Before, the Huns loved the Chinese silk fabrics, cottons, different foods. Yue told Shanuy: the number of the Huns cannot compare with the population of a single Chinese province, but their strength is that they have different clothing and food, and do not depend with them on China. Now, Shanuy, you are changing traditions, and love the Chinese things. If China would use only 1/10 of its things, everyone to the last Hun will be on the side of the House of Han. 1 Having received from China silk and cotton fabrics, tear off the clothing of them, running among prickly plants, and by that show that such clothing in durability can't compare with the wool and leather clothing. Having received from China provisions, do not use them, and by that show that you prefer cheese and milk to them (This dietary advice describes the customary grocery list of the nomadic pastoralists, built almost entirely of the animal products; the list echoes the observations of the Greek historians that specify the unusual diet of the nomadic pastoralists on their end of the globe. Naturally, the diet consisting of milk products excludes the genetical lactose intolerance peculiar for the Indo-Iranian, Oriental, and those Semitic people who were grown up on the cereal and/or fruit diet, and for the Mongol and Tungus people grown up on the animal foot hunter diet without animal farming, all these diets void of the daily milk produce. This genetical picture is statistical and not of a black and white format, because of the intermingling of the populations, but in black and white it demonstrates the genetical trends and the gene flows, and can be used to trace the two-dimentional parameters of the admixtures as much as the blood types do. The gene flows could not have been symmetrical, the population exchange was never equal or sexually balanced, which on the first approximation would create an appearance of a confusing picture, but with further resolution, exactly like with the blood types, the analysis has a potential of creating a detail picture with identifiable time depth. The picture would reflect the genetical mechanism that drove it, and explain the statistically partial lactose intolerance among some Türkic peoples, and the partial lactose tolerance among the non-Türkic peoples).
1) Wei-Shao writes: that means that if a tenth part of the Chinese things will fall in the
lands of the Huns, the Huns will submit to the House of Han. (Chjun-hin Yue was a
wise man; precisely that happened to the Southern Huns and Toba, who ended up becoming Chinese)
174 BC After this, Yue taught the Shanuy's courtiers to establish books, to impose tribute on the people, cattle and property according to the numbers. The Chinese Court wrote to the Shanuy letters on boards 1.1 feet of length. The letters were beginning with the words: Huan-di respectfully inquires the Great Hunnu Shanuy about his health. The sent things..., and so on. Chjung-hin Yue taught Shanuy to write letters to the Chinese Court on a board of 1.2 feet of length, to use the seal and the envelop of large size, and to begin the letter with the words: Born by the Sky and the Earth, installed by the Sun and the Moon, the Great Hunnu Shanuy respectfully inquires the Chinese Huan-di about his health. The sent things..., and so on. The Huns, said Yue, normally eat the meat of the cattle, drink its milk, dress in its leather, the cattle eats grass, drinks water; depending on the seasons move from place to place; And therefore during in bad times <they> practice bow shooting from a horse, and during good times enjoy and care of anything (In this continuation of dietary analysis, Chjun-han Yue exactly mirrors the observations of the ancient Greek historians. He also notes the freelance nature of the nomadic pastoralists, who do not have to toil like their Chinese neighbors, and being grown up in a saddle, always outperform any horse-mounted tiller). Their laws are easy and practical. The sovereign deals with the ranks simply, and rules the whole state as one man. On the death of fathers and brothers <they> take their wives, to ensure continuity of the family line; and though Huns commit incest, the family line continues (Because of the restrictive incest laws that in practice had no time limit, no incest actually existed among the Huns. The Hun male rulers, like every member of the tribe, had to take wives and concubines only from non-related blood lines, and that is clearly described in the Chinese annals: only non blood-related Huyan and Suibu were maternal counterparts of the Shanuy line. In the names Huyan and Suibu, “-yan“ and “-bu“ are determinative suffixes, the names of the tribes were Hu and Sui. Thus, if a tribe Hu, for example, split a millennia ago into Hu and Hun branches, and it is a common knowledge that both branches descended from the same tribal progenitor, any marital relations between the members of the tribes Hu and Hunnu were precluded. A stepmother would always be from a non-related tribe, and so would be a wife of a deceased brother.
On the subject of the bloodline continuation, that may be a case for the
ruling class, but it is more likely that Chjun-han Yue was projecting Chinese formulas onto the Türkic
traditions that governed the ruling class only as a part of the whole people. The folk
tradition itself reflected an economic necessity of supporting a household that lost its
provider and defender, and was held as an obligation and a honor on the surviving male members of
the family, but left the remaining female head of the household to decide her fate
herself. History knows examples both ways). Now in the Middle State, though
proscribed not to marry wives on death of fathers and brothers, but
the relatives are so distanced, that quite often <they> kill each other, and even
change their surnames, and all that comes from that
(among many tribes that were annexed by the Han China, were tribes that brought along
their nomadic tradition of marrying the wives of the deceased fathers and brothers, and
the proscription was specifically aimed against these nomads. The native Chinese did not
need this proscription, they did not do it in the first place. The nomadic tribes went to
China in time of trouble, to escape internecine bloodbath, and never thought that instead
of their traditional freedom of association they would be treated as subjugated serfs not
even free to keep their traditions).
Moreover, the excesses of ceremonial formalities create mutual discontent between the uppers and the lowers; the volume of public works exhaust the strength of the people. 1 People practice agriculture and silk warm farming to provide clothing and food; build cities for security, so when poor harvest strikes, <they> have no time for military exercises; with a good harvest <they> care of their wellbeing. What the education is for? After that, when the Chinese envoys wanted to reason, Yue told them: Your Ambassadorship! There's no need to talk much: better ensure that the silk and cotton fabrics, and food provisions delivered from the Chinese Court were in full amount, in good condition, and the best quality. Why talk a lot? If the deliveries are without shortage and in good condition, that is sufficient; and if <they> are incomplete, and in addition of poor quality, in the coming autumn we will send cavalry to trample the (Chinese) harvest in the fields. So, Yue day and night indoctrinated Shanuy to wait for suitable occasions.
166 In the fourteenth summer of Hyao-Wyn Huan-di reign, 166, The Hunnu Shanuy with 140 thousand cavalry entered Chao-na and Syao-guan, in Bei-di killed a military commander Tsyun, 2 captured a great number of people, cattle and property; after that, came to Phyn-yan, 3 sent a cavalry detachment to burn a palace Hoi chun-gun. The horse patrols were approaching Gan-tsyu-an. 4
1) Shy-gu writes: with lack of sincerity and fidelity, the ceremonial courtesy take
precedence; and that, at the end, produces mutual discontent and hatred. For public works
are needed many materials, which is burdensome for a people and thus exhaust the forces.
(Taken from the history of Senior Han dynasty).
For this reason Wyn-di, to prevent an attack by the Huns, gathered near Chanan 1,000 chariots and 100,000 cavalry (Who supplied the cavalry?), and three corps in the Shang-gyun, Bei-di, and Lun-si provinces. So, a large army of chariots and cavalry advanced to attack the Huns. For about a month, Shanuy remained within the the limits of China, and went back. The Chinese expelled him abroad and returned, but could not kill any Huns. The Huns were becoming more proud from day to day, and annually raided within the borders. They struck a multitude of population, plundered property and cattle, especially in Yun-Chjun and Lyao-dun; up to 10,000 people were coming to Dai-gyun. The Chinese Court was distressed, and sent a messenger with a letter to the Huns. Shanuy also sent Danhu with a grateful response, and suggested again about peace and kinship.
162 Hyao Wyn-di in the second year of the subsequent chronology, 1 162, sent an envoy to the Huns with the following letter: “Huan-di respectfully inquires the Hunnu Great Shanuy about his health. The sent with Danhu-Tszui-kui Dyao Kyuinan and Lan-chjun Han Lyao two horses, I accepted with deepest respect. By the decisions 2 of the late sovereigns, the nomadic possessions north from the Long Wall should accept commands from the Shanuy; I rule those hat-and-waistband <subjects that are> living inside the Long Wall, and take care that millions of people were fed by agriculture, weaving and animal hunt; for the fathers not be separated from their sons. Now I hear that ill-intentioned people, drawn by greed attractions, violate fairness, breach the treaty, play with the fate of the millions of people, sow enmity between the two sovereigns .
1) See above year 174. In Ganmu 163.
However all this belongs to past affairs. The letter 1 says: after conclusion of the peace and kinship between the two states, the sovereigns will be happy; <they> will end the war, relax the warriors, give rest to the horses; from generation to generation will rejoice, as in a new life. I am wholly approving that. The reasonable men were refreshed daily, and took care about new life, that the old men were tranquil, the minors grew, everyone caring of his life reached the end of his years as determined by the Sky. I and Shanuy should stride by this way. If, according to the will of the Sky, care about the subjects, and that would continue from generation to generation to infinity, in the celestial <kingdom> everybody will be happy. The Han and the Hunnu (Huns) are two neighboring and equal states. The Hunnu (Huns) live in the northern country, where terrible frosts come early; so the officials were directed to send annually a known quantity of millet and white rice, brocade, silk, cotton, and different other objects. Now a deep tranquility reigns in the celestial <kingdom>, millions of people enjoy the peace. I and Shanuy are revered as the fathers of the subjects. Mentally visualizing the past events, I believe that unimportant things and petty affairs, mistakes by the ministers are not able to despoil a brotherly consent. It is known that the Sky does not cover it all, and the land does not contain it all. I and Shanuy also should leave the past trifles, and striding the great road 2, should forget the past discontent, in order to strengthen the future. Let the peoples of two states make one family.
1) The Khan's [Shanuy] letter.
Kings and peoples swimming in water and the feathery <creatures> in the air, the walking 1 and crawling, everyone is searching for tranquility and welfare, evade dangers and harm; and therefore not to hold the going 2 is a law of the Sky. With past in oblivion, I forgave the subjects who fled to you. Shanuy also should not mention Chjanni and others. It is known that the ancient sovereigns, having established the articles of a treaty, did not break the given word. Shanuy should turn his attention to the celestial <sphere? kingdom?>. After restoration of general tranquility and with peace and kinship the House of Han will not violate it first. I present it to the consideration of the Shanuy. As soon Shanuy agreed about peace and kinship, I directed Yui-shy to write: the Hunnu Great Shanuy in the letter delivered to me has already ratified the peace and kinship. The fugitives cannot increase the population density of the land. Let the Huns not to enter into the borders, and Chinese not to leave abroad. Violators of this decision shall be given a death penalty. The rapprochement can be strengthened by this means. About which promulgate in the empire for general information”.
161 In the third summer, 161, 3 Laoshan Giyui Shanuy died. His son Gunchen was installed a Shanuy (Agnatic succession).
3. Gunchen Shanuy (162-126 BC). As soon as Gunchen was installed a Shanuy, 4 Hyao Wyn Huan-di confirmed again peace and kinship.
158 On the fourth year after Gunchen Shanuy accession to the throne, 158, the Huns again broke peace and kinship, and invaded Shang-gyun and Yun-Chjun provinces, 30,000 cavalry in each.
1) I. e. the animals.
They inflicted grave murders and robberies and left. Beacause of this attack, Chinese Court appointed three commanders; the army was located in Bei-di, in Dai at Geu-Chju, in Chjao at Fej-hu-kheu (k-heu); along the border, to guard against Hunnu attacks, guard troops were also posted. Also were posted three commanders: from Chan-an (Changan, Chanan, Chang'an, 34.3°N 109°E) in the west to Si-lu, to Gi-myn on the northern side of the river Wei, and to Bashan. When the Hunnu cavalry that invaded Dai and entered Geu-Chju mountains, the border signal fires already reached Gan-tsuan and Chan-an. In few months the Chinese army came to the border, but the Huns were already far from the border. The Chinese troops also went back.
157-156 In a little more than a year, 157, Hyao-wyn passed away, and Hyao-Tszin-di ascended the throne, 156. After that, the Prince of the Chjao fief secretly sent an envoy to the Huns.
154 Princes in the Wu and Chu fiefs rebelled and conceived to join Chjao to enter the border, 154; but the Prince in Chjao was surrounded by the Chinese with army and defeated, which stopped the Huns.
152 After that Hyao Tszin-di again confirmed peace and kinship with the Huns, opened border trade, sent significant gifts to the Huns, and according to the concluded treaty sent Princess, 152. In the Hyao Jing-di reign frequently small robberies were frequent, but happened no large invasions.
140 Now the Emperor 1 after assuming the throne, 140, confirmed the peace and kinship treaty, sent significant gifts and opened border trade.
1) That is Wu-di, during whose reign Sy-ma Tsyan (Qian)
wrote this history.
The Huns, starting with Shanuy, converged with China, and came frequently to the Long Wall. The Chinese Court, wishing to lure Shanuy within the borders, taught Ne I, a dweller in Ma-i, to take secretly forbidden things to the Huns, and to volunteer to turn over to them the Ma-i city.
133 Shanuy believed him, and coveting the riches of the Ma-i city, entered the limits of China at Wu-chjeu with 100 thousand cavalry, 133. The Court hid in the vicinities of the Ma-i city a 300 thousand-strong army. A minister 1 Han An-go was appointed a head of the security corps to cover four commanders, waiting for Shanuy in ambush.
Shanuy, after crossing into the limits of China, a hundred li before reaching Ma-i saw multitude of wandering cattle in the fields; but there were no shepherds, and that baffled him. He attacked a military post. At this time Yui-shy 2 from Yai-myn, passing along the border, wanted to cover the post threatened with attack. He knew about the plan of the Chinese army. Shanuy, capturing that officer, wanted to kill him. Yui-shy opened to the Shanuy the disposition of the Chinese army. 3 Shanuy was terrified, and said to himself: I strongly suspected. And so he returned with his army. After exiting abroad, he said: the Sky sent me this Yui-shy: so he gave him a title of Heavenly Prince Thyan-Wan (T-hyan). The Chinese army plan was to attack Shanuy after his entry into Ma-i; but because Shanuy did not reach the city, and so consequently they received nothing (did not achieve anything).
1) In Chinese Yui-shy Da-fu.
The Chinese commander Wan Khoi (K-hoi) had to set out with his corps from Dai and to attack the transport of the Huns; but after receiving the of news about Shanuy departure, most of the army did not dare to move. because Wan-Khoi prepared the war plan, and did not advance, the Court has executed him. 1 After that, the Huns abrogated the peace and kinship, attacked the border at border passes, and very frequently mounted large robberies within the limits of China. However, the Huns did not cease coming to border markets, and getting plenty of Chinese products. The Chinese Court, to appease them, also did not close the border markets.
129 But in the fifth autumn after the Ma-i campaign, 129, the Chinese Court appointed four commanders, each with ten thousand cavalry, to attack the Huns' border markets. Wei Tsin (pin. Wei Qing 卫青) set out from Shang-gu, 2 reached the city Lun-chen (ca 41°N 112°E), and captured up to 700 people. Gun-sun He set out from Yun-Chjun, and received nothing; Gun-sun Ao set out from Dai-gun, and was defeated by the Huns with a loss of 7,000 people; Li Guan set out from Yai-myn, and in a border battle was taken prisoner by the Huns, but subsequently found a chance to flee, and returned to China. Both of the last commanders were court-martialed and deprived of ranks.
That winter the Huns attacked the border a few times, and especially Yui-yan. The Court, for repulsion of the Huns, ordered to commander Han An-go to station in Yui-yan.
1) The narration about Hyan Chjam-ju says that Wan Khoi took his own life.
128 In the autumn of the next year, 128, the Huns with 20 thousand cavalry invaded the limits of China in Lyao-si, killed the regional governor, and took up to 2,000 people; then they entered Yai-myn, clobbered and captured up to 1,000 people. So the Chinese Court ordered the commander Wei Tsin (pin. Wei Qing 卫青) to set out from Yai-myn with 30,000 cavalry, and Li Si to set out from Dai-gun.
127 They attacked the Huns, and took prisoner a few thousand people. The next year, 127, Wei Tsin (pin. Wei Qing 卫青) again set out from Yun-Chjun westward, and reached Lun-si. He struck on Princes Leu-fan (Ch. name? title?) and Bayyan (aka Bayan, a prominent Türkic tribe, and personal name after, or even before?, a tribal name) in Ordos, took a few thousand people prisoner, and took up to one million of large and small horned livestock.
After that, the Chinese Court retained Ordos, built in it the Sho-fan (pin. Shuofang 朔方城) city, renovated the ancient border built during the Tsin (Qin) dynasty by the commander of Min Thyan (T-hyan), and fortified it along the bank of the Yellow river, but yielded to the Huns the country Tszao-yan in the Shang-gu (province) in the Deu-bi district. It happened in the second year of the Yuan-sho rule, 127.
126 The next winter, 126, died Shanuy Gunchen; his younger brother Eastern Luli-Prince Ichise declared himself a Shanuy (Lateral succession).
4. Ichise Shanuy (126-114 BC). Ichise in
a battle defeated Shanuy's (lawful) successor Yui bi. Yui bi fled,
and submitted to China. From the Chinese Court he received a princely title She-an-heu; and died in few months. Just
as Ichise Shanuy ascended
the throne, in the summer the Huns with several tens of thousands cavalry
entered Dai-gun (Dai province), killed regional
governor Gun Tszi, and took in captivity up to 1,000 people; in the autumn the Huns also entered Yai-myn, and also
clobbered and took in captivity up to 1,000 people.
125 The next year, 125, the Huns again entered the Dai-gun, Din-syan and Shang-gyun provinces, each with 30,000 cavalry, killed and captured a few thousand people. The Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王), incensed that Chinese Court took away Ordos and built Sho-fan (pin. Shuofang 朔方城), attacked a few times the borders of China; and when entered the Ordos, plundered Sho-fan (pin. Shuofang 朔方城), and killed and took in captivity a multitude of officials and people.
124 The next year in the spring, 124, the Chinese Court appointed Wei Tsin (pin. Wei Qing 卫青) a Supreme Commander, 1 and assigned him a 100,000 cavalry (Who supplied the cavalry?), under command of six commanders. Wei Tsin (pin. Wei Qing 卫青) set out against the Huns from the Sho-fan (pin. Shuofang 朔方城) toward Gao-kue. The Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王) did not expect that Chinese army could reach him, and was intoxicated by drunkenness. The Chinese army, after setting out abroad, passed about 700 li, and at night surrounded the Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王). The Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王) in a great fright fled alone; parts of his selected cavalry went behind him. The Chinese took prisoner up to 15,000 of both sexes and up to ten lower Princes from Chjuki-Prince wing. In the autumn the Huns entered Dai-gun with 10,000 cavalry, killed military commander Chju In, and up to 1,000 people took in captivity.
123 In the spring of the next year, 123, the Chinese Court again sent the Supreme leader Wei Tsin (pin. Wei Qing 卫青) with 100,000 cavalry under command of six commanders. Wei Tsin (pin. Wei Qing 卫青) in two campaigns from Din-syan went a few hundred li for attack against the Huns; during different times captured up to 19,000 people; but China also lost two commanders and up to 3,000 cavalry, 2 only Gyan De (pin. Su Jian 蘇建), the commander of the western division, fled, and the commander Hi-heu Chjao Sin (pin. Zhao Xin 趙信) of the forward division had no gain, and submitted to the Huns.
1) In Chinese Da-gyan-gyun, which means Main, Great Leader.
Chjao Sin (pin. Zhao Xin 趙信) was from the lowest Hunnu Princes who submitted to China (This shows the source of the Chinese cavalry. The cited numbers can give a very approximate, and likely very inflated, size of the federates employed by the Chinese. The round numbers of cavalry indicate that they were drafted in tumens, with a nominal force of 10,000, but in reality they could be anything from 2-3 thousands to around 10,000. A tumen is assembled from a tribe, or a combination of tribes necessary to reach the nominal size of the tumen. Payment for the services is in cash plus booty. The Chinese army served as an auxiliary, the war was lead by the Huns against the Huns). The Chinese Court gave him a princely title Hi-heu, and appointed him a chief of a forward division. He was going to join with a western division; but got separated a little when he met the army lead by the Shanuy; and consequently he lost the whole division. Shanuy, having received Hi-heu, gave him a princely title second to himself, married him to his sister, and consulted with him about Chinese affairs. Chjao Sin (pin. Zhao Xin 趙信) advised Shanuy to move beyond the Sandy Steppe [Shamo] in the north, to lure there a tired Chinese army, and then to take them at a distance from the border.
122 Shanuy followed his opinion. The next year, 122, the Huns (Hu in the text) with 10,000 cavalry entered Shang-gu, and killed a few hundreds of people.
121 In the spring of the next year, 121, the commander 1 Ho Kui-bin (pin. Huo Qubing 霍去病 ) with 10,000 cavalry set out from the Lun-si, went for more than 1,000 li beyond the Yan-chjy-shan mountains, and attacking the Huns, captured up to 18,000 cavalry. With this victory he received in booty a golden idol, to whom Huchjui-Prince (Xiutu-wang 休屠王) brought sacrifices. 2 In the summer the same commander and He-ki-heu with several tens of thousands cavalry, set out against the Huns from the Lun-si and Bei-di, and went northwest for about 2,000 li (The Eastern/Left Jükü-Bek or Jükü-Ban, N.Bichurin's Chjuki-Prince, was a first in the line od succession, commanded the largest contingent of the army, and in the abscence of Shanyu was a Supreme Commander, in most Türkic languages called “Su-bashi” or “Suchi” = Head of Army. A second title for Eastern/Left Jükü-Bek or Jükü-Ban in Chinese annals is Xiutu-wang 休屠王, N.Bichurin's Huchjui-Prince, a good to fair rendition of “Suchi” = Head of Army. That both titles were applied to the same person certifies correctness of both etymologies).
1) Phiao-ki Gyan-gyun, the leader of a light cavalry. Only
Ho Kui-bin (pin. Huo Qubing 霍去病 ) had this title.
Sometimes is used abbreviated form Phiao-ki (P-hiao).
Passing Gui-yan, they attacked Tsilyan-shan mountains (Qilyan, 38°N 98°E), and took prisoner up to 30,000 Huns, including up to 70 lower Princes and leaders. At that time the Huns also raided Dai-gun and Yaimyn, clobbered and captured a few hundred people. The Court ordered Bo-van-heu 1 and commander Li Guan set out from Yu-bei-phin against the Hunnu Eastern Chjuki-Prince. Li Guan with four-thousand troops was surrounded by Eastern Chjuki-Prince, and lost more than half killed and taken in captivity; but almost as many enemies were killed. Fortunately, Bo-van-heu appeared in time with his division, and rescued Li Guan from captivity. The Chinese corps lost a few thousand people. He-ki-heu and Bo-van-heu for tardiness against the time appointed by the commander Ho Kui-bin (pin. Huo Qubing 霍去病 ) were sentenced to death, from which they paid off with loss of titles and ranks.
In the autumn Shanuy, angry because the Hunshe-Prince (Hunxie 渾邪王) and the Huchjui-Prince (Xiutu 休屠王) in fights with Chinese in the western side (under the command of Djabgu “Chjuki-Prince“) lost a few tens of thousands people killed and captured, wanted to summon and execute them. The Hunshe-Prince (Hunxie 渾邪王) and Huchjui-Prince (Xiutu 休屠王) in view of the forthcoming danger decided to join China. 2
The Chinese Court sent Ho Kui-bin (pin. Huo Qubing 霍去病 ) to accept them. The Hunshe-Prince (Hunxie 渾邪王) killed Huchjui-Prince (Xiutu 休屠王), seized his people, and submitted to China, in total 40,000 people, under a name of hundred thousand (i.e. with 4 tumens while nominally a commander of 10 tumens). As soon as the Chinese Court received the Hunshe-Prince (Hunxie 渾邪王) in the Lun-si, Bei-di and He-si the attacks of the Huns noticeably decreased.
1) It is a princely title of a famous traveler Chjan Kyan (Zhang
120 The poor inhabitants from Guan-dun were transferred to settle in the seized from the Huns Sin-tsin-chjun in the Ordos, and the garrisons westward from Bei-di were reduced in half. The next year, 120, the Huns entered Yu-bei-phin and Din-syan provinces, in each several tens of thousands cavalry, killed and captured up to 1,000 people.
119 The next year, 119, the Chinese Court accepted a new plan of war. Hi-heu Chjao-sin gave the Shanuy an idea to evacuate to the north beyond the Sandy Steppe, so that Chinese army could not reach him: so the Chinese Court assembled a hundred thousand cavalry with well-fed horses, plus private horse farm horses up to 140,000 heads, not including in this number transports with provisions (these 240,000 horses could only have come from the nomadic tribes; it is an evidence that in the feudal China lived a sizable population of free allied nomads, because the mobile and armed nomads can't be enslaved).
The army was divided into two parts, under a leadership of the Supreme leader Wei Tsin (pin. Wei Qing 卫青) and the commander Kui-bin. The Supreme leader set out from Din syan, Kui-bin set out from Dai. They agreed to attack the Huns after crossing the Sandy Steppe. The Hunnu Shanuy, on receiving the news about that, removed his transport, and himself with selected troops waited for them on the northern side of the Sandy Steppe. He met with the Chinese Supreme leader Wei Tsin (pin. Wei Qing 卫青), and battled a whole day. By the night rose a strong wind. The Chinese army stretched its wings, and surrounded Shanuy. Shanuy, deciding that he cannot stand against Chinese army, with several hundred of the best cavalry broke through their encirclement to the northwest and fled. The Chinese army in the darkness of the night could not pursue him. They have beaten and captured up to 19,000 people, reached a small town Chjao Sin chen 1 near the Dyan-yan-shan mountains (Khangai Mountains?), also went back.
1) Ju-shun writes: Chjao Sin before that submitted to the Huns. The Huns built a city for his stay.
After the Shanuy's escape, his army continually entangled with the Chinese army, and followed Shanuy. However, Shanuy could not raise a large army for a long time. Kui-bin went from the Dai for about 2,000 li, and, encountering the Eastern Chjuki-Prince, joined a battle. Chinese captured up to 70,000 Huns. The commanders of the Eastern Chjuki-Prince fled. Kui-bin built an altar on the Languisi mountain (in Khalka), offered a sacrifice at Guyani, came to Han-hai. 1 After that the Huns withdrew far away, and on the southern side of the Sandy Steppe remained no princely lagers any more.
The Chinese Court crossed the Yellow river, from the Sho-fan (pin. Shuofang 朔方城) westward to the Lin-gui, run everywhere irrigation channels for the fields, settled up to 60,000 military peasants, and little by little in the north chipped away lands from the Huns. In the beginning two Chinese commanders with large forces surrounded Shanuy, killed and captured up to 90,000 people; but the Chinese Court also lost a few tens of thousands people killed, were lost more than 100,000 horses. Though the weakened Huns withdrew far away, the Chinese also, for the lack of horses, were not capable to mount campaigns. The Huns, 2 advised by Prince Chjao Sin, through an envoy asked in polite expressions for peace and kinship. The Son of Sky gave it to the consideration of the officials. Some of them suggested to renew peace and kinship, others saw an opportunity to bring the Huns into dependence.
1) Ju-shun writes: Han-hai is a name of the northern sea. Han-hai, by the
Chinese dictionary, is a name of only the lake Baikal; but scientists sometimes
under the word Han-hai mean the Mongolian Sandy Steppe.
Jen Chan, an office head of the first minister, said that the Huns recently brought to a tight situation, should be made border vassals, and asked to be sent to the border. The Chinese Court sent Jen Chan to the Shanuy. Shanuy listened to the Jen Chan offer, came to extreme anger, and detained him. At that moment the Chinese Court had already detained some envoys of the Huns. Shanuy also detained the same number of Chinese envoys. At that time the Chinese Court started assembling an army and horses again. But it happened that the commander Ho Kui-bin (pin. Huo Qubing 霍去病 ) died; so the Chinese Court could not mount a campaign to the north against the Huns for a long time.
114 In a few years Ichise-Shanuy died on 13th year of his reign; his son Uwei was installed as a Shanuy (Agnatic succession). It happened in the 3rd year of the of Yuan-din rule, 114.
5. Uwei Shanuy (114-105 BC). At the accession of Uwei-Shanuy to the throne, in China the Son of Sky for the first time went on a travel to observe the state. After that, though in the south he subdued both Yue countries, he did not fight with Huns. And the Huns from their side did not attack the limits of China.
112 On the third year of Uwei-Shanuy reign, 112, the Chinese Court, after a conquest of Yue in the south, sent against the Huns 15,000 cavalry, headed by former minister He. 1 The troops set out from Gu-yuan, advanced more than 2,000 li and returned without seeing a single Hun. At the same time Prince 2 Chjao Pho-nu set out with 10,000 cavalry. From Lin-gui, he penetrated into the lands of the Huns for a few thousand li, reached the river of the Hunnu-he, 3 and returned, also without seeing a single Hun.
1) Gun-sun He.
110 At that time the Son of Sky, surveying the border, arrived at the Sho-fan (pin. Shuofang 朔方城), 110, where 180,000 cavalry gathered for a review. He sent Go Gi to notify Shanuy about that. When Go Gi arrived to the Huns, the Shanuy's master of ceremony asked him about the purpose his arrival. Go Gi with polite evasion said that he wishes to disclose it personally to the Shanuy. Shanuy admitted him. Go Gi told him: “The head of the southern Yue possessor already hangs in front of the northern gate of the Chinese palace. If the Shanuy is in a position to mount a campaign and fight with the Chinese state, the Son of Sky himself, with an army, is waiting for you at the border; and if not in a position, he should turn his face to the south 1 and recognize himself a vassal of the House of Han. Why to leave and hide in the north of the Sandy Steppes? In the cold and infertile country there is nothing to do”. Go Gi just finished his speech as Shanuy in strong anger beheaded the master of ceremony, detained the envoy Go Gi, and sent him off to the northern sea. 2
With all that Shanuy was not inclined to attack the borders of China. He gave relaxation to the troops, rest to the horses, was hunting animals. A few times he sent envoys to the Chinese Court with polite offers about peace and kinship.
The Chinese Court sent Wan Wu to snoop the condition of the Huns. They took a custom to allow the Chinese envoy into the Shanuy yurt if he would leave his bunchuk in front of the door and paint his face with black ink.
1) I. e. to the capital of China, as a residence of the emperor.
Wu, as a native of the Bei-di province, knew well the customs of the Huns. He left the bunchuk, painted his face, and was received in the yurt. The Khan has grown fond of him. Wu, in tender words, suggested to the Shanuy to send his successor to the Chinese Court as a hostage, and by that to restore peace and kinship.
The Chinese Court sent Yan-sin to the Huns. At that time in the east it turned Sumo (Sungari basin) and Chao-syan (Korea) into provinces, 1 in the west opened area Tszu-tsuan to block to the Huns ways to confer with the Kyans (nomadic Tibetans). On top of that the Chinese Court in the west opened connections with Yuechji (in 110 BC Tochars/Yueji/Yuezhi were located in present Uzbekistan and Bactria) and Dahya (Bactria), and married a Princess for the Usun possessor (in Jeti-su) to separate allied states in the west from the Huns; has spread the state grain production to Chjyanlyui. 2 The Huns did not dare to object a single word. In that year died Hi-heu Sin. 3 In China, the state officials believed that the Huns, at their present weakness, can be swayed to submit. Yan Sin was a firm, direct person; and because he had a middle rank, Shanuy did not treat him nicely. Shanuy wanted to receive him in the yurt, but Sin did not agree to leave his bunchuk at the door; so Shanuy received him sitting outside of the yurt. Sin, appearing before the Shanuy, told him: “Shanuy, if you wish for peace and kinship, send the successor to the Chinese Court as a hostage”. Shanuy answered “That is contrary to the former treaty. Under former treaty the Chinese Court as a token of the peace and kinship normally sent a Princess with silk fabrics, cottons and different provisions, the Huns on their side did not disturb the borders of China; and now you wish that I contrary to the former treaty sent a successor as a hostage”.
1) I. e. subdued under its authority.
The Huns came up with a custom: if a Chinese envoy has no high rank, and is a scholar, interrupt his eloquence; and if he is young, with caustic remarks egg his quick temper. On each embassy sent by the Chinese Court to the Huns, the Huns also answered with an embassy. If the Chinese Court detained the Hunnu envoys, the Huns also detained Chinese envoys, and besides in equal number against their detainees in China.
As soon as Sin returned from the Huns, Chinese Court sent Wan Wu. Shanuy, wishing to receive more gifts, flattered him as before; even expressed a desire to go to Chinese Court to be introduced to the Son of Sky, and personally agree to be brothers. 1 Wu after his return notified the Court, and the Court ordered to build in Chan-an an estate for Shanuy.
A Hunnu envoy of noble origin arrived to the Chinese Court, fell ill and died. The Court appointed Lu Chun-go as an envoy to the Huns, gave him a seal with cords, 2,000 salary bags, and assigned to him bring along the deceased and to richly bury him, for which was given a few thousand 2 of silver. Shanuy said: this is a Chinese noble; and the Chinese Court exterminated our noble envoy. And so he detained Lu Chun-go. Shanuy, whatever he said to Wan Wu, was only deceiving him, and had no intention at all to either go to the Chinese Court, or to send his successor as hostage.
1) I. e. equal.
After that, the Huns sent contingents a few times for raids on the borders of China. For safeguarding from the Huns, the Chinese Court posted two commanders: Go Chan 1 and Shoe-heu 2 from the Sho-fan (pin. Shuofang 朔方城) to the east.
105 On the third year of Lu Chun-go stay at the Huns, the Shanuy died. Uwei Shanuy died on the 10th year of his reign. His son Ushylu was proclaimed a Shanuy, and as minor, was named Err Shanuy (Agnatic succession; possibly there were no elder eligible candidates; in Türkic “yaşı”= “yashy” = “age”, “lu” must be a dimunitive suffix, “Yashilu/Yashily” = “underage”; the “Yashilu Shanuy” sounds like a folk nickname, not a formal title; “Err Shanuy” is its Chinese calque, with Chinese “Err” being apparently an ancient Türkic borrowing). 3 It was a sixth year of the Yuan - fyn rule, 105 BC.
6. Err Shanuy Ushylu (105-102 BC). Err Shanuy dodged further on to the northwest; the army of the Eastern side was located directly against Yun-Chjun, the army of the Western side was located against Tszu-tsuan and Dun-huan (40°N 94°E) provinces. 4
As soon as Err Shanuy ascended the throne, the Chinese Court sent two envoys: one for a consolation of the Shanuy, another for a consolation of the Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王), conceiving by that to plant disagreements in the reigning house. But the envoys, after their crossing into the lands of the Huns, were both escorted to the horde court. (The underage) Shanuy became angry, and both Chinese envoys were detained. The Huns at different times detained up to ten Chinese embassies; but the same number of the Hunnu embassies were detained by the Chinese Court.
104 In that year, 104, the Chinese Court sent the Ershy commander Guan-li 5 (Li Guangli; Ershi was a capital of Fergana, occupied by the Chinese in the campaign, and a seat of the occupational commandery; Ershy commander = commandant of the city Ershi) to the west to conquer Davan (Pin. Dayuan; Kangar in Fergana and north of Syr Darya), and, on top of this, ordered In-gan Gyan-gyun Ao 6 to build Sheu-syan-chen.
1) A-õó Gyan-gyun, word for word a “beating Huns commander”.
In winter in the land of the Huns fell deep snow; so from cold and famine fell a lot of cattle. Err Shanuy was young, and at the same time is inclined to murder and war, 1 so many of the nobles worried about the future. The Great Du-yui of the Eastern side conceived to kill the Shanuy, and to join China; so he sent an agent to notify the Chinese Court that he wants to kill the Shanuy and to join China, and will start execution of his plan as will soon as the Chinese army would come to accept him. Subsequent to this news, the Chinese Court, because of the remoteness, built Sheu-syan-chen.
103 In the spring of the next year, 103, the Chinese Court sent Shoe-heu Pho-nu with 20 thousand cavalry. 2 This commander set out from the Sho-fan (pin. Shuofang 朔方城), went northwestward about 2,000 li, came in time to the Sungi mountains, 3 and turned to come back. The Eastern Great Duyui just wanted to start the coup as his intention was discovered. Shanuy executed him, and sent the army of the Eastern side against Shoe. Shoe-heu in the campaign took prisoner a few thousand people; but on a return way 400 li short of Sheu-syan-chen he was surrounded by 80 thousand of Hunnu cavalry. In the night Shoe-heu left to search for water, and was seized by Hunnu intelligence; after that the Huns immediately attacked his corps, 4 and took it all prisoner.
1) I. e. was bloodthirsty.
Err Shanuy was extremely delighted, and sent a part of the troops to take Sheu-syan-chen, but the Huns could not take this fortress; so they raided the border, and left.
102 Òhe next year, Shanuy himself wanted to besiege the Sheu-syan-chen, but on the way fell sick and died. Err Shanuy died on the third year of his reign. Because his son was a minor, the Huns raised as a Shanuy (Shanuy was an elected position, like the later Kagans and Kans, Kagans were raised on a pelt and pronounced Kagans, in Europe and Asia that ritual survived through the Mongol period, correspondingly the term was “to raise to the throne”; that was also a ritual when Chingiz-khan and his successors were elected; the title “Shanuy“ became severely debased by the 3rd c. AD, many splinters assumed the title Shanuy, and it became strongly associated with Chinese dependency, as a result, the Türkic Toba of Syanbi confederation turned to a new title “Kagan“ 可汗, where Chinese adjective 可 /kě/ stands for “great”, with a connotation of independency; in some dialects the “g“ is silent, and the title sounds “Kaan“ and “Kan“) his younger uncle, a younger brother of Uwei Shanuy, the Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王) Guilihu (Lateral Succession, bypassing the first in line, Eastern Chjuki-Prince). 1 It happened in the 3rd year of the Thai-Chu rule, 102 BC.
7. Guilihu Shanuy (102-101 BC). after accession of Guilihu Shanuy to the throne, a (Chinese) high official 2 Sui Tszy-wei under orders of the Chinese Court set out from Wu-yuan abroad for a few hundred li, built forts and palisades down to Lugui 3 at a distance of up to 1,000 li. The commander 4 Han Yue, and Prince 5 Wei Han entrenched on his sides; a military commander 6 Lu Bode started earthen works at a lake Guijan-tsze. In the autumn the Huns with large forces entered Din-syan and Yun-Chjun, killed and captured a few thousand people, defeated some high officials with 2,000 salary bags and left, but on the return way destroyed all forts and palisades, built by high official Guan-lu (Li Guangli).
1) Guilihu is his name. It is also pronounced Hyuilihu. Ganmu. From this
appears that in northern and southern Mongolia in antiquity was already a difference in pronunciation of some
letters (sounds) (Hyuilihu has a transparent etymology, “Hyui“
standing for the “Yui“ tribe, “li“ standing for the Türkic “ulug”, “hu“ standing for the
“Huns”, combined “Yui Great Hun“ = Great Hun from tribe Yui, or Great Hun leading Yui
tribes. Chinese annalists routinely substituted sound “h“ for initial vowels “a”, “o”,
The Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王) entered Tszu-tsuan and Chjan-e and took a few thousand people captive; but fortunately Jen Wyn 1 appeared in time and beat off all pillage from the Huns.
That year the Ershy commander defeated Davan (Pin. Dayuan; Kangar in Fergana and north of Syrdarya), executed the local possessor, and turned to a way back. The Huns wanted to block his way, but could not do it; in the winter they planned to besiege Sheu-syan-chen, but the Shanuy fell ill and died. Guilihu reigned for one year only. The Huns installed as Shanuy Judiheu, a younger brother of the Eastern Great Duyui (Lateral Succession) (The second part of Chinese title has the same “Yui” part as Shanuy, and other titles and names; accepting V.S. Taskin conclusion that “Yui” is a name of the tribe, and that Chinese “Great” is “Da”, the rendition Duyui is reasonable to understand as a calque of the Hunnic “Great Yui”, however it coincides with the Chinese for military rank Qang-nu Du-yui, andcanbe a generic title).
8. Judiheu Shanuy (aka Chedi, Quidi, Chedihou,且鞮侯, 101-96 BC)
101 When the Chinese Court conquered Davan (Fergana), a glory of its weapons shook the foreign states. It was the 4th year of the Thai-Chu rule, 101.
Judiheu Shanuy after assuming the throne freed all Chinese envoys who did not join the Huns, and Lu Chun-go returned with others.
100 The next year, 100, the Chinese Court sent Chjung-lan-gyan Su Wu with rich gifts for the Shanuy. 2 Shanuy became especially proud, and expanded his court ceremonial, which the Chinese Court did not expect from him.
99 Shoe-heu Pho-nu fled from the Huns and returned to China: so the next year, 99, the Chinese Court sent the Ershy commander Guan-li on a campaign with 30 thousand cavalry. He set out from Jiu-quan, attacked the Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王) at Heavenly mountains (Tian Shan), captured prisoner up to 10 thousand people, and went back; the Huns with large forces surrounded Ershy and he barely saved himself, losing up to 7,000 people killed.
1) The Han-shu In-shi says: Chinese military commander.
The Chinese Court sent In-gan Gyan-gyun Ao. He set out from Si-he, and joined with Qang-nu Du-yui 1 at the Shoe mountains, but gained nothing. Also was sent Ki-du-yui Li Ling (李陵 d. 74 BC), with 5,000 infantry and cavalry. He departed from Suiyan to the north for about 1,000 li, and, having met the Shanuy, joined a battle with him. The Huns already lost up to 10 thousand killed and wounded; but Chinese run out of both food and ammunition, and Li Ling wanted to retreat; but the Huns surrounded Chinese, and Li Ling had to give up to them. That way perished his corps, from which no more than 400 people returned to border.
1) Lu Bo-de.
Shanuy rendered Li Ling a due respect, and married him to his daughter (Made him his son-in-law, and thus became his father-in-law and his surerior).
97 After two years, 97, Ershy again set out from the Sho-fan (pin. Shuofang 朔方城), having under his command 60,000 (of Türkic) cavalry and 100,000 infantry. He was joined by Tsyan-nu Du-yui Lu Bo-de with 10,000 cavalry. Yu-tszi Gyan-gyun Yue 1 set out from Yaimyn with 10,000 cavalry and 30,000 infantry. The Huns, on receiving a news about that, evacuated their families to the northern bank of the river Se-vu-shui (Selenga, in Chinese Lin-khe-he, Cyan-e-he, Sie-wu-shui, and So-lin; Türkic has 3 words for river: oguz, su, and chai; two of them must be borrowings from other languages; and the Türkic “chai“ is suspiciously close to the Chinese “shui”; the “chai“ was popular in Europe in the first centuries AD: Buri-chai = Dnieper, “chai“s in the Caucasus, i.e. the areas where the Huns and/or Bulgars used to live; the other word, “su/suv/hu/hun were popular earlier: Ak-su, Kara-su, Ho-ar/Hoarasm = Cheihun, Jeihun. A reverse borrowing is also possible, with Chinese adopting local names of the rivers, like Se-vu-shui, instead of naming them from scratch), and the Shanuy (i.e. Judiheu Shanuy) with 100,000 cavalry (indicating that he still could summon from at least 400,000 population) waited on the southern bank, where he joined battle with the Ershy commander. Ershy started retreating, and fought with Shanuy for ten days: but at that time he received a news, that his family was accused in sorcery, and his clan is was executed: so, gathering his army, he gave up to the Huns. One or two men out of thousand returned to China.
Yu-tszi Yue 2 gained nothing; In-gan Ao 3 had unsuccessful battle with Eastern Chjuki-Prince, and retreated. That year the Chinese army assailing the Huns had no great successes. Only it is said: the family of the commander Ershy was executed, and that induced him to join the Huns.
1) Han Yue.
Taken from Historical Notes of Historiographer Sy-ma Tsyan (Qian)
52 (108 PDF)
[Shiji, Ch. 110; then follows excerpt from Qianhanshu, Ch. 94 a]
9. Hulugu-Shanuy (96 - 85 BC). Judiheu had two sons; the elder was Eastern Chjuki-Prince (Hulugu Shanuy must not have soung younger brothers, so his eldest son is an Eastern Djabdu), the second an Eastern Great Leader. Before his death he (Judiheu) bequeathed that Eastern Chjuki-Prince should ascend the throne under a name of Hulugu-Shanuy (Eastern greater Djabgu, “Chjuki-Prince”, rightful successor in the line of succession; Lateral Succession); appointed the Eastern Great Leader as Eastern Chjuki-Prince (rightful advance in the line to the throne). In a few years Hulugu-Shanuy died of illness. His son Syansyanchan could not be a successor to the throne, and was made Jichjo-Prince, and by the rank Jichjo-Prince is below the Eastern Chjuki-Prince. Shanuy gave the last place to his son (I.e. he occupied the position in accordance with his seniority level, after all his uncles and older brothers, if any. Chinese historians and informers make a great effort to not accept that there are other realities then Chinese traditions).
90 On the sixth year after the accession of the Shanuy to the throne, 90, the Huns raided the Shang-gu and Wu-yuan provinces, trounced and captured officials and people. The same year they again invaded Wu-yuan and Tszu-tsuan provinces, and killed two military commanders. So the Chinese Court sent the Ershy commander 1 from Wu-yuan with 70,000, a minister 2 Tsio-chen set out from Si-he with 30,000, Prince 3 Man Thun (T-hun) set out from Tszu-tsuan with 40,000 cavalry. They advanced about 1,000 li.
Shanuy, on receiving a news about Chinese campaign with large forces, sent all his transport from a small town Chjao-sin-chen to the north to the river Chjigui. The Eastern Chjuki-Prince gathered his people, crossed the river Se-vu (Selenga), and having retreated 700 li, stopped at Deu-syan-shan mountains. Shanuy took a command of the selected troops. The Eastern Anheu crossed beyond the river Gutszui. Yui-shy Da-fu (with 30,000 army) pursued them by side roads, but did not see anybody and turned back.
But the Hunnu Great Leader and Li Ling with 30,000 cavalry (Li Ling was given to head the Kirgiz militia, be a viceroy at Kirgizes, but did not have to reside permanently there; he could spend quite lengthy periods in the Shanuy's court, and during wartime lead not only the Kirgiz troops, but also other contingents, especially on a mission) pursued Chinese army to the Sungi (Selenga) mountains, and fought for nine days. The Chinese army suffered a significant loss in people, and at last reached the river Punu. There, the Huns fought without gain, and turned back.
Chun-he-heu with his corps (with 40,000 cavalry) reached Heavenly mountains (Tian-shan). The Great Leader Yankui and Eastern and Western Huchji-Princes were sent with 20,000 cavalry to stop the Chinese army; but Yankui left on seeing its size. Chun-he-heu neither won, nor lost anything.
At that time the Chinese Court was afraid that the Cheshy army might block the road to the commander Chun-he-heu; so Khai-lin-heu was sent to lay siege to Cheshy. Khai-lin-heu took the Cheshy possessor prisoner, and all his people, and returned.
Before the departure of the Ershy commander abroad, the Huns sent the Western Great Duyui and Wei Lyui (it seems that Wei Lyui was a CEO of the state, a prime minister in today's terms, most likely a father of the senior wife, a father-in law of the Shanuy, and a head of the female line of the dynastic union) with 5,000 cavalry to attack the Chinese army in a gorge Fu-yan in the Gjui-shan mountain gorges. Ershy sent 2,000 cavalry from the dependent possession. 1 A battle started and the Huns' army dispersed, after losing a few hundreds men killed and wounded. The Chinese army, using the advantage, pursued the Huns to the north, to a small town Fan-fujin-chen. The Huns were fleeing, and did not dare to resist.
It happened, that Ershy's family was taken to the court for sorcery. Ershy, on receiving a news about that, got scared. One of his attendants, who was following the army to avoid a punishment, told him that his spouse with family were accused; and if he himself, upon return, would be taken to court, he will never see the country from Chji-gui (Hun country) to the north (i.e. he will never get a second chance to give up to the Huns). 2
After this Ershy fell in doubt, and resolved to distinguish himself by merits, to go further on. In the north he came to a river Chjigui; but the Huns have already left; sent 20,000 cavalry to cross the river Chji-gui.
One day the Eastern Chjuki-Prince and Eastern Great Leader with 20,000 cavalry encountered the Chinese, and joined a battle. The Huns lost the Eastern Great Leader and a multitude of people killed and wounded. The (Chinese) council's commander-in-charge (chief of staff) with others leaders said: the commander-in-chief has contrary intentions, and wishes to toady with visible danger to the troops, which probably will lead to a loss; so they conferred to take Ershy under guard. Ershy, learning about it, beheaded the commander-in-charge (chief of staff), and started on a way back.
He came to the Yan-jan-shan mountains (Khangai) in Susevu. 1 Shanuy learned, that the Chinese army was exhausted, and with 50,000 cavalry blocked the Ershy road. From both sides many were killed and wounded. At night, in front of the Chinese army the Huns built a moat, a few feet deep, and made a blistering attack from the rear. The Chinese army was greatly confused, and Ershy gave up. Shanuy already knew for a long time that Ershy was among the best Chinese commanders, and besides he was a noble; so he married him to his daughter, and favored him more than Wei Lyui.
1) Shy-gu writes: Sus is a name of a place.
89 In the following year, 89, Shanuy sent to the Chinese Court the letter with the following content: “In the south reigns a great Han, in the north reigns a strong Hu. Hu is a proud Son of Sky who does not fuss with petty court ceremonies. I now wish to dissolve the border passes to the Han empire, and to take a daughter of the House of Han as a spouse for myself, so that the House of Han, on the base of the old treaty, delivered to me annually ten dans of the best wine (1 dan (sack) = 95.3 kg; 10 dans = 953 l), 1 50,000 hu of rice (1 hu = 26 l = 0.026 m3; 50,000 hu = 1,300 m3) and 10,000 pieces of different silk fabrics. After that will be no mutual robberies on the border”.
Ershy lived with the Huns no more than year as Wei Lyui undermined the Shanuy's favor to him. It happened that Yan-chjy's mother fell ill; 2 Wei Lyui ordered a magus by the inspiration of the late Shanuys to tell that in the past the Huns, bringing a sacrifice for the soldiers, always said that having captured Ershy, he should be sacrificed to him. Now, why you do not carry it out? When Ershy was taken, he in anger said: after the death I shall ruin the House of Huns. After that Ershy was hewed in sacrifice to him (who is unnamed ”him”?).
It happened that for some months snow fell, and that caused a fatality of cattle, infectious illnesses among people, and the bread in the fields did not ripen. 3 Shanuy was scared, and built a temple for a sacrifice to Ershy.
With the death of Ershy, the Chinese Court lost a supreme commander and several tens of thousands troops, and did not venture for campaigns any more.
87 After three years Wu-di passed away, 87. In the previous twenty years, the Chinese army, pursuing the Huns, penetrated far into the interior of their lands.
1) Fermented from rice.
85 The Huns were totally exhausted. Shanuy and others always craved for renewal of peace and kinship. After three years, Shanuy wanted to ask for peace and kinship, but fell ill and died. The late Shanuy had a younger brother from another mother. He had a title of Great Duyui, and was a kind soul; so the elders turned their attention to him. The Yanchjy mother was afraid that Shanuy would not install her son, and would not install the Eastern Great Duyui, and consequently personally ordered to kill him. The senior uterine brother of the Eastern Great Duyui was offended (by the line of succession the Eastern greater Djabgu, “Chjuki-Prince”, who must have yielded his lateral succession right to his younger brother, a next member in line of the ruling clan), and stopped coming to the Shanuy horde court. In addition the sick Shanuy right before his death in his will to the nobles said: My minor son cannot rule the state, install my younger brother the Western Luli-Prince (number four in the order of succession, jumping over numbers 1, 2, and 3 in line; however, there was no institute for the elected Shanuy to have a right to assign his successor, not any more than a sitting President of a modern democracy has a right by the instrument of the “last will“ to appoint his successor. There is a good side to this dubious Chinese story, it confirms the traditional institute of the Board of Directors, called nobles, and election of the Successor by the Board of Directors solely at their discretion from the slew of the candidates arranged by seniority in the lateral succession order. The President of the Board of Directors, called Supreme Judge, monitors and insures the integrity of the election process. Any bypassed candidate must either accept the decision, or rebel and be treated as a rebel. The role of the Supreme Judge is salient during the whole history of the Huns: he is a trouble shooter ambassador, he is a Special Emissary, he is a Supreme Commander, he is a Supreme Adjudicator, he is a peacemaker, and he is a kingmaker).
85 But on the death of the Shanuy Wei Lyui with others and Yanchjy Chjuan Kyui concealed the death of the Shanuy, in his name falsely concluded an oath with the elders, and raised to the throne a son of the Eastern Luli-Prince under a name of Huandi-Shanuy (pro-forma, a legitimate lateral succession, in reality a Chinese plot of a Chinese-style palace coup, with the head of the maternal dynastic line, a pro-Chinese partisan, assuming the head-of-state power under a cover of being a regent). It was the second year of the Shi-yuan rule, 85
10. Huandi Shanuy (Huyanti 壺衍提單于, usurper in Chinese eyes, 85-68 AD). After the accession of Huandi-Shanuy to the throne, the Huns hinted 1 to the Chinese envoy about a conclusion of peace and kinship. The Eastern Chjuki-Prince and Western Luli-Prince, unhappy with their sack from the throne, gathered their people, and wanted to migrate south to join China; but daunted that one alone they cannot do that, they invited Huchjui-Prince (Xiutu 休屠王; the tribe Hyu/Hü must be neighboring Usuns, i.e. located in Dzungaria southeast or in Altai northeast of Usuns, a part of the Hyu/Hü tribe was already in vassalage to the Chinese for 35 years, since 120 BC. It would not be unthinkable to speculate that the Hyu/Hü tribe were the original Hun's tribe, whose Hya sub-tribe was their original dynastic tribe, and who gave Chinese their term “Hu”, exactly like the Bulgarians and Vandals were prototypes for the European “barbarian“ and “vandal“) to sway Usuns to attack the Huns from the west.
1)) Shy-gu writes: hinted, i.e. did not say directly.
Huchjui-Prince (Xiutu 休屠王) notified the Shanuy, and the Shanuy sent people to investigate the case about Western Luli-Prince disobedience: but of that crime was accused Hjuchjjui-Prince, which infuriated the elders. After that both Princes remained in their places, and did not attend any more (i.e. seceded, became free agents) the assembly in the Lun-chen (ca 41°N 112°E). 1
After two years the Huns raided Dai-gun and killed a military head. 2 The Shanuy ascended the throne as a minor, and his mother Yanchjy was of a doubtful behavior. In the reigning house arose disagreements, and they were always afraid of a sudden attack by China: so Wei Lyui advised (the youngster) Shanuy to dig up wells, to built a city and two-storied storehouses for storage of bread, and to put Chinese from Tsin (Qin) dynasty 3 in charge of the bread storage. Then, if Chinese army would come, they would not be able to do anything. A few hundreds wells were already dug up, a few thousand logs were cut down, as some people voiced that the Huns cannot defend cities, and the Chinese will get the collected bread. And so Wei Lyui stopped, and instead of that accepted a plan to join China, and released envoys Su Wu and Ma Hun who joined the Huns. The last was a friend of a doyen 4 Wan Chjung, sent as envoy to the western kingdoms. They were detained by the Huns. Chjung was killed in battle, and Hun was captured, but did not want to join the Huns: so the Huns returned the two men, hoping to gain Chinese good will by that.
80 At that time passed three years of the Shanuy reign.
1) Shy-gu writes: everyone remained living in his possession, and was not coming
any more to Lun-chen for the sacrifice.
80 The next year, 80, 20,000 Hunnu cavalry from Eastern and Western aimaks at one time with four wings attacked the limits of China. The Chinese army, pursuing them, killed and captured up to 9,000 people, including the Prince of border sentries; 1 but without suffering any loss.
79 The the Huns, seeing that Prince of border sentries is in the hands Chinese, were afraid that he would volunteer as a leader: so they moved further northwest, and at pastoral migrations did not dare to move to the south; assigned people at the border posts; and in the following, 79, sent 9,000 cavalry to position close to Sheu-syan-chen; to safeguard from the Chinese built s bridge across the river Se-vu (Selenga), in case of retreat to the north.
By that time Wei Lyui has already died. During his life he frequently talked about benefits of the peace and kinship, but the Huns did not trust him. After his death their army not once was in tight position; the state has grown poor most of all. The Shanuy's younger brother, the Eastern Luli-Prince, recalled the words of Wei Lyui, and wished to offer peace and kinship, but was afraid that the Chinese Court would not agree to his offer; for a long time he did not want to be the first to ask, and frequently sent his courtiers to hint about it to the Chinese envoys. However, the attacks were becoming less and less frequent, and the Chinese envoys were accepted better, out of a wish to come nearer to peace and kinship through that. And the Chinese Court also did not miss a chance to restrain them. After that the Eastern Luli-Prince died.
1) In Chinese Euto-Wan. Fu-Kyan writes: Euto means dugout. The the Huns built them on
the border to monitor Chinese. Shy-gu writes: the structure for the border guard
is called Euto. Ganmu, year 80.
78 The next year, 78, Shanuy sent Livu-Prince to observe the Chinese border. The Prince informed that in Tszu-tsuan and Chjan-e the garrisons are weak, and advised to send an army to attempt whether it is possible to return these lands? The Chinese learned about that intention from the earlier Hun fugitives, and the Son of Sky ordered to take safety measures on the border. Shortly, the Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王) and Livu-Prince with 4,000 cavalry, divided into three columns, invaded Ji-le, Wu-lan and Fan-ho. 1 The governor of Chjan-e area completely defeated them. Only a few hundreds of men escaped. A commander of a thousand of dependent possession, Ikui-Prince, with his cavalry shot Livu-Prince. As an award was disbursed 200 lan of gold (37.8 g x 200 = 7, 6 kg), 200 horses; to the Prince was given a title Livu-Prince; Go Chjung, the bailiff of dependent possession, received a princely title Chen-an-heu. After that, the Huns did not dare to enter the Chjan-e.
77 The next year, 77, the Huns with 3,000 cavalry entered Wu-yuan; they killed and took away a few thousand people. After that they in numbers of several tens of thousands cavalry hunted near the borders, attacked border posts, and took officials and people into captivity. At that time in the Chinese border areas were lit signal fires visible far away, so the Huns were benefiting little from the attacks, and the border attacks were diminishing. On top of that, the Chinese Court received from fugitive the Huns information, that Uhuans (pyn. Wuhuan, a part of Mongolian Eastern Hu Dunhu, who after a defeat inflicted by Mode ca 177 BC retreated to Mt. Wuhuan and reorganized as a separate Wuhuan confederation, frequently in federate service to Chinese, supplying cavalry; the Wuhuan 乌桓 is a Chinese form, N.Bichurin must have used its native Mongolian term ) have dug up the tombs of the late Hunnu Shanuys. The afflicted Huns sent a 20 thousand cavalry to punish Uhuans (desecration of the graves became a hallmark of Uhuans, they did it again in Noin Ula, to a disappointment of the archeologists).
1) Shy-gu writes: three districts in Chjan-e.
The (Chinese) Supreme commander Ho Guan wanted to send an army to meet the Huns, and asked opinions from Hu-gyun Du-yui 1 Chjao-Chun-go. Chun-go told him: “Recently Uhuans a few times attacked the border of China, and now it is favorable to us that the Huns would attack them; besides the Huns are attacking the northern border less often, and fortunately we are peaceful. When foreigners fight between themselves, posting army against them means to bring about the enemies, and to start an affair, it is a bad calculation”. Guan also asked Chjung-lan-gyan 2 Fan Min-yu. Min-yu assured in a possibility to attack the Huns; so Min-yu was appointed a leader with a title Du-lyao Gyan-gyuan, 3 and with 20,000 cavalry set out from Lyao-dun, but the Huns, receiving a news about the march of the Chinese army, returned. Not to undertake a campaign for nothing, Ho Guan ordered Min-yu, in case of the Huns' departure, to attack Uhuans. Then, Uhuans just suffered a defeat. After departure of the Huns, Min-yu, using the disorderly state of the Uhuans, attacked them again, slaughtered up to 6,000 people, took three Princes prisoner, and returned. He received a princely title Phin(P-hin)-lu Heu. After that the Huns could not undertake a campaign, but sent to the Usun an envoy with a demand to turn over the Chinese Princess (the Huns recognized a recurring Chinese plot, an attempt to split Usuns off from the Huns by pretending to treat them as independent and equal with the Huns. At that time, Usuns ended up as Chinese vassals.). They attacked the Usun, and seized the gorge Chejan-ushi. The Usun Princess presented a report. The subject about a help was given for consideration of the state officials, and they have not decided it yet as the (Chinese king) Chjao-di passed away.
1) A military grade.
73 After Suan-di accession to the throne, 73, the Usun Gunmi presented a report in which he wrote that the Huns are continuously cutting off his lands and he, Gunmi, is volunteering to post from a half of his state 50 thousand of best cavalry for the attack against the Huns, if only the Son of Sky would send an army to help the Princess out of a pity.
72 In the second year of the Ben-shy rule, 72, the Chinese Court selected light, best troops from Guan-dun, chose from the provinces and fiefs three hundred of bag leaders 1 who are strong, skilful in mounted bow shooting, and placed them all in the field army. A minister Thyan (T-hyan) Guan-min was appointed a Tsilyan commander ( an army for raid into Pamir/Qilyan). 2 Was enjoined: to him to depart from Si-he with 40,000 cavalry, to the main Hun bailiff Fan Min-yu to depart from Chjan-e with 30,000 cavalry. These five commanders had combined more than 160 thousand cavalry. Each of them, from the border went for more than 2,000 li. The bailiff 3 Chan Hoi is sent to watch over the Usun army. The Usun Gunmi and his Princes with 50 thousand cavalry entered from the western side.
1) Lower officers.
When the Huns received a news about large Chinese campaign, the old and minors fled, taking all property and cattle, and dodged far away; so the five commanders gained little booty. The chief main Hunnu bailiff departed from the border about 1,200 li, reached the river of the Pulli-heu, slaughtered and captured up to 700 people, and as booty seized up to 10,000 heads of horses, oxen and sheep. The head of the advanced corps also went up to 1,200 li, reached the Ugon, 1 slaughtered and captured about 100 people from Heu-shan mountains, as booty seized up to 2,000 horses, bulls and sheep. The corps of the Pulei commander should have joined with Usuns to attack the Huns near the lake Pulei-tsze: but Usuns came first, and left again, and the Chinese corps could not join them. The Pulei commander went from the border for about 1,800 li, further westward from the Heu-shan mountains, took prisoner the Shanuy ambassador Puin-Prince and others, numbering up to 300 people, seized as booty up to 7,000 horses and different horned livestock. After he received a news that the enemy left, he also returned without waiting for the deadline. The Son of Sky did not fuss about his offence, and mercifully forgave him. The Tsilyan commander went from the border for about 1,600 li, reached Gichi mountains, slaughtered and seized in captivity 19 people, as booty seized up to 100 different cattle. He met with Chinese messenger Jan Hun, who was coming back from the Huns. The messenger told him that on the western side of the Gichi mountains rested a multitude of the enemy. The Tsilyan's instructed messenger to tell that there were no enemy, and decided to go back.
1) Shy-gu writes: Uyun is a name of a gorge.
Yui-shy 1 Gun-sun I-sheu was reasoning against return march. The Tsilyan's did not listened to him, and set out on a way back. Hu-a Gyan-gyun went from the border for up to 800 li, reached the river Danyuivu and stopped. He slaughtered and captured up to 1,000 people, seized as booty up to 70,000 horses, bulls and sheep, and then went back. Because Hu-a Gyan-gyun did not wait for deadline, and falsely exaggerated the number of captured and booty, and the Tsilyan's, knowing that the enemy was ahead, hesitated and did not advance; the Son of Sky prosecuted both of them, and they ended their life by suicide.
Gun-sun I-sheu was promoted to Dai-jui-shy, bailiff Chan Hoi and Usuns ( a joint Türkic army fighting the Türks on behalf of Chinese) came to a court of the western Luli-Prince, captured the Shanuy's father-in-law, daughter-in-law Guitsy, the upper Prince Livu, Duyui, tumens (head of 10,000 tumens) and others numbering up to 39,000 people (of Uigurs, since they were a maternal dynastic clan; Shanuy Huandi's father-in-law must have been a Supreme Judge/CEO of the state, a position reserved for the head of the maternal clan); seized as booty up to 700,000 horses, bulls and sheep, donkeys and camels. Emperor honored Chan Hoi with a princely title Chan-lo-heu. However, the escaping the Huns have also incurred extreme loss both in people and in cattle, and weakened as a result of that. Angry with the Usun, Shanuy in the winter with several tens of thousands cavalry attacked, and, capturing few old and weak, went back. But it happened, that during one day fell a snow to ten feet deep. From the frost perished so many people and cattle that even a tenth part did not return. So the Dinlins (Türkic Tele), using the weakness of the Huns, attacked them from the north, Uhuans (Mongol Wuhuan) entered into their lands from the east, Usuns (Türkic Usun the Huns) from the west.
1) The name of the highest civil position.
These three peoples slaughtered few tens of thousands of people, and gained booty of a few tens of thousands horses and great number of bulls and sheep. Above that, 3/10 of people and cattle perished from famine. The the Huns became extremely weak. Their subjects seceded from them, and the Huns were not able were to mount raids (From ca 70 BC the free the Huns lost leadership of the confederation that existed for 150 years, 209-70 BC, and were left with only their core tribes. Among their core tribes remained Uigurs, since we do not hear about a split between the Huns and Uigurs. Judging by the 100,000 force at their command in 62 BC, after the calamities of the 70 BC with 30 % life loss, and 69 BC with 60 % life loss, by the 70 BC the Huns still had a nominal 330,000 army and corresponding 1.4 mln of core population. Another eyeballed 1/3rd of the core population submitted to China, giving a combined number of the Huns at about 2 mln people). After that Chinese advanced with 3,000 cavalry, and came to the lands of the Huns by three roads. They took away into captivity a few thousand people and returned; and the Huns did not dare to revenge with their raids; on the contrary, they especially wished for peace and kinship, and the border became less troublesome.
68 Huandi Shanuy on the seventeenth year of his reign died. His younger brother, the Eastern Chjuki-Prince, ascended the throne under a name Hyuilui-Quankui-Shanuy (Lateral Succession; Huandi Shanuy came to the throne as a result of a palace coup organized by Chinese nationals in the Hun's court that ended up in a split and reduction of the Hun's state, and after that during his reign it was relentlessly clobbered by the Chinese adversaries). It was the second year of the Ditsze rule, 68.
11. Hyuilui-Quankui-Shanuy (虛閭權渠單于/虚闾权渠单于 = pin. xūlǘquánqú/hsü-lü-ch'üan-ch'ü > Sülü Kuan Kui, 68-60 BC, the part Kuan points to a descent from the Kiyan tribe, either within Luanti line via Kiyan mother, or directly as a head of the Kiyan tribe, aka Qian; his wife being from the maternal dynastic tribe favord that he is a Luanti offspring, since otherwise it would be a non-kosher blood incestuous alliance; Sülü 虛閭 in Chinese has a negative connotation “False Liu”, so it can be a Chinese derrogatory prefix). Hyuilui-Quankui-Shanuy, after assuming the throne, installed the daughter of the western Great Leader as a first Yanchjy, and forced out the favorite of the late Shanuy Yanchjy Chjuankui. The father of Chjuankui-Yanchjy, the Eastern Great Tszuikui (Chjuki ?) started hating him. At that time the Huns could not any more mount attacks on the borders of China: so the Chinese Court stopped caring about the abroad cities, 1 to give a rest to the people. Shanuy was delighted on hearing about that, and invited elders for a council about renewal of the the peace and kinship with China. The Eastern Great Tszuikui (Chjuki ?), wanting to impair this affair, said: before, when the Chinese Court would send an envoy to us, behind him went an army.
1) Maintenance of the fortresses built outside borders.
Now and we should, imitating the Chinese Court, to send an envoy to him: so he asked, that he and Hulutsy-Prince, each with 10,000 cavalry, should do a round-up (hunt) near Chinese borders, and ostensibly unintentionally meeting each other, cross the the limits of China. They did not reached yet as three riders fled, and, coming to the Chinese domains, informed that the Huns are conceiving to attack: so the Son of Sky directed to relocate the border cavalry and to place it in main places, and directed the upper commander with the corps' bailiff, total four men to set out abroad with 5,000 cavalry, divided into three detachments. Each of them after passing abroad went a few hundreds li, caught a few tens of enemies, and returned. At this time the Huns, because of the flight of the three riders, did not dare to enter the limits of China, and returned.
69 In that year in the land of the Huns was a famine, during which perished up to 6/10 of people and cattle; on to of that they posted in each of two places 10,000 cavalry to safeguard from Chinese.
69 In the autumn the Huns subdued a generation Siju, 1 in the eastern (Mongolian/Dunhu) land. The elders of that generation, with several thousand people, collected property and cattle, fought with the (the Huns'? Chinese?) border sentries, killed and wounded very many, and finally, driving south, submitted to China.
1) Myn Khan writes: Siju is a branch of the Hunnu House of (initially
ethnically Mongolian Hun's tribe;
a very prominent tribe with long and extensive history
67 The next year, 67, the settled (i.e. sedentary urbanites of the Takla Makan and Tarim basin oases) 1 of the Western Territory attacked the Huns with joined forces, captured Cheshy possession, and took away the ruler with the people. Shanuy ruler appointed Dzumo, a relative of the (Hun's) Cheshy ruler, as a ruler in Cheshy, gathered remains of the dispersed people, and relocated them to the east, and did not dare to leave them in the former lands.
66 The Chinese Court sent military peasants to settle Cheshy of  lands, and allocated them arable lands. (This is a monumental event in the life of the Tarim basin Türkic population, its mass moves eastward, leaving scattered remains behind, and increases the prominence of the Eastern Türkic population)
66 The next year, 66, the Huns, irritated because the Western possessions attacked Cheshy with joined forces, sent Eastern and Western Great Leaders, each with 10,000 cavalry, to start agriculture in the Western side, to eventually constrain the Usun and the Western Territory.
64 In two years, in the 64, the Huns sent additionally the Eastern and Western Yuegyans each with 6,000 cavalry. Together with the Eastern Great Leader they twice attacked the Cheshy cities occupied by the Chinese, but could not take them.
63 From the next year, 63, Dinlins (Tele) for three years in succession attacked the lands of the Huns, killed and captured few thousand people, and heisted a multitude of horses and horned livestock (This is a perennial struggle between Tele and the Huns, Jujans, Türkic for dominance and tribute of the Tarim Basin and the Silk Road). The the Huns sent 10,000 cavalry after them, but without any success.
62 The next year, 62, Shanuy with 100,000 cavalry made a (hunting?) round-up near Chinese borders, and wanted to enter the the limits of China; but did not yet reached it as Tichukuitan, one of his subjects, fled to the Chinese domains, and disclosed his enterprise. The Chinese Court gave Tichukuitan a princely title Lusilu-heu, and sent Chjao Chun-go, a commanded of the rear corps with 40,000 cavalry to take positions, to safeguard from the enemies, along the border in nine areas.
1) In Chinese Chen-khe [Chop-go in modern reading],
which means cities and suburbs, i.e. people living in
cities, settled. And now the Mongols call in their language the settled Turkistanians, to differentiate
the nomadic population, with a name Hoton, which means the townspeople, those living in
cities (That may be
a reason for the abundance of Hotin-type toponyms throughout Asia and Eastern and Central
Europe. However, it is more likely that the borrowing went in the opposite direction. Alternatively that name comes
from the word Hatun/Katun, indicating location of the Katun court).
But Shanuy fell ill in a month with a bleeding from his mouth; because of that reason he did not go to China, but returned, and stopping the war, sent an envoy to China with an offer of peace and kinship. There was no answer.
60 Soon Shanuy died. It was the second year of the Shen-tszio rule, 60. Hului Huankyui Shanuy died on the ninth year of his reign. He first installed, and then dismissed Chjuankui-Yanchjy, who soon after that entered in love relations with the Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王). The Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王) wanted to go to Lun-chen (ca 41°N 112°E) for a concourse. Chjuankui-Yanchjy told him that Shanuy is dangerously sick, and advised not to leave. In few days Shanuy died. Hesu-Prince Sinweiyan dispatched messengers to invite senior Princes: but the Princes have not gathered yet as Chjuankui-Yanchjy with her younger brother the Eastern Great Tszuikui (Chjuki?) Dulunki enthroned the Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王) Tutsitan under a name Uyan-Guidi Shanuy (This is a confused story. The Western Djabgu is second in line after the Eastern Djabgu, something must be wrong with the Eastern Djabgu to allow next in line to ascend, or there would have been a conflict. Then, if the Western Djabgu was an usurper, the nobles would not accept him. No Yanchjy can raise a Shanuy to the throne, least of all a former, abandoned Yanchjy, at best she can scheme to convince nobles to elect her protege, but she would have to accommodate the current Yanchjy, who is in charge of the dynastic household in the interregnum. There must be much more to the story then what was entered into the Chinese annals)
The name Tutsitan = Tutsi + tan/dan may be
derived, like the title Tutsi-prince, from the Türkic “tui“ = understanding,
seeing, learned, with the personal noun suffix “-chy“ for “Understanding Tan“ ~ ca
“Wise Tan”. Taskin B.S., 1984, Dunhu, p. 337).
12. Uyan-Guidi-Shanuy (usurper, 60-58 BC). Uyan-guidi-Shanuy received the title of the Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王) by heredity after his father. He was a descendant of the Uwei Shanuys (House of Uwei; Uwei pretty much sounds like Yu-wei, a Chinese translation of the Yu-tribe, Yu-ok, Yu-guz, Yu-Juz, Yu-gur, i.e Uigur. Uigur is classified as belonging to the South Kipchak group of languages, also called Ogur group, which retained the archaic “-r“ instead of Oguz “-s”. Then the House of Uwei in modern English is a House of Uigur).
Uyan-guidi Shanuy after ascending the throne started trying again to renew the peace
and kinship (treaty with
China), and sent his younger
brother Inyujo-Prince Shenchjy to the Chinese Court with gifts. Right from the beginning of
his reign, the Shanuy begun acting brutally; he executed all
the nobles in charge of the affairs during the late Hului-Quankui-Shanuy, namely:
Sinweiyan and others (The Chinese “wey“ in the name Sinweiyan betrays a
tribal designation in his name; then “Sin“ is a Chinese rendition of “Sir”; the Sir tribe
in Chinese is also coded as “Se”, the ancestors of the Ashina tribe; the presence of the
Se tribe among the Huns is quite rational geographically and temporally), and awarded
his trust to Dulunki, a brother of Chjuankui-Yanchjy;
on top of this, he dismissed from their posts all close relatives of the late Shanuy, and
appointed in their
places his relatives (A plausible scenario would be a murder of a
senior half-brother and his regent mom by the Western Djabgu, and then a forced removal
of all relatives of the victims' clan, in other words, another palace coup, organized by
the maternal Yuy line of the dynastic union, with illegitimate installation, after a
properly staged election circus, of a male member from the maternal line as a Shanuy).
Giheushyan, son of Hului-Quankui-Shanuy (68-60 BC), upon failing to receive the throne, left to his father-in-law in the Ushanmu. Ushanmu was a small possession between the possessions of the Usun and Kangyui (Kangar) ( between Jeti-su and Fergana). The (Ushanmu) possessor quite often suffered oppression from his neighbors; and with several thousand people submitted to the Huns. The Hulugu-Shanuy (97? - 85 BC) married him to a sister of his relative Jichjo-Prince, and installed him (Giheushyan or Jichjo-Prince ?) as a ruler of his people in the western side. Jichjo-Prince was called Syanhyanshan; his father, the Eastern Chjuki-Prince, had a right to the throne, but yielded his right to Hulugu-Shanuy, and (his uncle) Hulugu-Shanuy promised make him (Jichjo-Prince) his successor; therefore the nobles openly voiced that Jichjo-Prince should be a Shanuy. Jichjo-Prince was in conflict with Uyan-guidi Shanuy, and with several tens of thousands of people submitted to China, and the Chinese Court gave him a princely title Gui-de-heu, and Shanuy in his place appointed Jichjo-Prince's relative Bosuitan (The descendents of the Jichjo-Prince Yui tribes would live in the Chinese steppes as their vassals, endow their Yui name to the Chinese commanders, and participate in the later events).
59 The next year, 59, the Khan killed also two younger brothers of Syanhyanshan. Ushanmu
(i.e. head of Ushans or Ushanmus, if “-mu“ is a title, a la “Gun-mo”,
where “Gun“ is a dialectal of “Hun“) pleaded for them, but Shanuy did not listen, and Ushanmu remained
disgruntled. After thit died the Eastern Yugyan-Prince (head of
eastern Yui tribes; an elected position; The Chinese “gyan“ appears to be a colloquial
rendition of a “khan”, semantically it is a perfect match, precisely in the fashion of
“Mongol-Khan”, “Tatar-Khan”, “Uzbek-Khan”, “Kokand-Khan”, etc.); Shanuy
appointed on his stead his juvenile son, and retained him at the court. The Yugyan elders
unanimously elected as their Prince (Yui-khan) the son of the late
(Yui-khan) Prince, and
trekked to the east (This is a monumental event in the history
of the Uigur people. The eastern part of the Uigur nation moved from the Tarim basin,
south from the Usuns, eastward. In the next chapter of their history, the location of the
Yui gurs is shown as north and northeast of the Han China, neighboring on the Mongolic
Uhuans). Shanuy sent a western minister with 10,000 cavalry to attack them, but
the minister lost uselessly a few thousand men.
Shanuy reigned for two years, continuing his atrocities. Against him in the state arose aggravation. And when the successor to the throne, Eastern Chjuki-Prince, offended the Eastern side elders a few times, the elders became indignant.
58 The next year, 58, Uhuans on the Eastern border attacked Gusi-Prince (one of the new appointees of the state apparatus reshuffled two years earlier, related to the Uwei/Yuigur clan of the Uyan-guidi-Shanuy) and captured many people. Shanuy became angry. Gusi-Prince, to avoid danger, joined Ushanmu and the elders of the Eastern side (apparently, Ushanmu tribe migrated with the Yuigur tribes), and with a common consent among them raised to the throne Giheushyan (apparently, the son of Hului-Quankui-Shanuy, 68-60 BC, Giheushyan, migrated with the people of his father-in-law Ushanmu, and with the Yuigur tribes) under a name of Huhanye-Shanuy, then collecting with 40,000 to 50,000 troops (which signifies 170-200,000 subject people of the Yui and Ushan tribes), went westward against Uyan-guidi Shanuy. When he came to the northern side of the river Gutszui, even before the battle, the army of Uyan-guidi Shanuy took to flight. He sent a messenger to his younger brother, the Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王), with a news that the (Eastern side) the Huns with joined forces attacked him, and asked him to come with an army to his aid. The Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王) responded in return, that with a hatred to people, he (Uyan-guidi Shanuy) was killing relatives and elders, let him die alone, instead of involving him (i.e. The Western Chjuki-Prince).
58 And so Uyan-guidi-Shanuy from
vexation took his own life; Dulunki fled to the Western Chjuki-Prince (pin. right Yu Xian-wang 右贤王), and the subjects, up to
the last one, recognized Huhanye-Shanuy. It was a fourth year of the Shen-jio rule, 58 BC,
Shanuy perished on the third year of his reign.
III. FROM HUNS' SUBJECTION TO CHINA IN 57 BC TO THEIR DIVISION INTO SOUTHERN AND NORTHERN HOUSES IN 25 AD (Continued)
|Contents||Hunnu 1-2||Hunnu 3-4||Part 1 Div. 5 Hoihu =>||Part 1 Div. 7 Tele =>||Part 3 Div. 1 Davan =>||Part 3 Div. 2-6 Western =>|
Yu.Zuev Ethnic History of Usuns
Yu.Zuev Early Türks: Essays of history
Yu.Zuev The Strongest Tribe - Ezgil
Yu.Zuev Tamgas of vassal Princedoms
Yu.Zuev Ancient Türkic social terms
Yu.Zuev Seyanto Kaganate and Kimeks
Ogur and Oguz