In Russian
Contents Huns
Contents Tele
Yu.Zuev Ethnic History of Usuns
Yu.Zuev Early Türks: Essays of history
Yu.Zuev The Strongest Tribe - Ezgil
Yu.Zuev Tamgas of vassal princedoms
Yu.Zuev Ancient Türkic social terms
Yu.Zuev Seyanto Kaganate and Kimeks
Ogur and Oguz
Alan Dateline
Avar Dateline
Besenyo Dateline
Bulgar Dateline
Huns Dateline
Karluk Dateline
Khazar Dateline
Kimak Dateline
Kipchak Dateline
Kyrgyz Dateline
Sabir Dateline
The Huns in Chinese annals


Printing house of military schools
Sankt Petersburg, 1851
Part 1 Div. 1 Section 3-4
Hunnu (Huns 250 BC - 540 AD)

Contents Hunnu 1-2 Hunnu 3-4 Part 1 Div. 5 Hoihu => Part 1 Div. 7 Tele =>

Vol. 1 Part 1
Vol. 2 Part 2 and 3


The posting's notes and explanations, added to the text of the author and not noted specially, are shown in blue italics in parentheses (), grammatical clarifications in angular brackets <>. In the original publication the author's comments, to separate them from the direct translation, are denoted by larger margin, not always consistently; in the posting these author's comments are framed. The author's text footnotes are marked by a parentheses 1). Yellow highliting indicates a need for verification. Page numbers are shown at the beginning of the page in blue, with associated PDF file page number. To avoid font conflicts, the Russian original is presented in modern orthography. The dates highlighted by N.Bichurin are shown in front of the respective sentence; a few of them are clearly erroneous. Additional subtitles are shown in blue. The copyright to the 1851 publication expired long ago, the publication is in the public domain.

Part 1 Div. 1 Section 3-4
(Huns 250 .. - 540 .. )

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DURING 81 YEARS SEVEN KHANS (11 years average reign)
[Tsyanhanshu, Ch. 94b]

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13. (Corrected from the original 15) Huhanie-Shanuy (58-31 BC; Huhanie-Shanuy was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 8th generation).

In few months after returning to the horde, Huhanie-Shanuy dismissed troops to their former places; found his senior brother Hutuus among the commoners, and installed him as an Eastern Luli-Prince; then sent an order to elders of the Western side to kill their Chjuki-Prince. 1

That winter Dulunki and the Western Chjuki-Prince, with a general consensus, raised Jichjo-Prince Bosui-tan (alternatively spelled as dan) as a Chjuki-Shanuy (Jükü Shanuy, in Chinese Xian Shanuy and Tuqi Shanuy 屠耆單于 and Wise Shanuy, 58 - 56 BC). They collected a few tens of thousand troops and went east against Huhanie-Shanuy. The army of Huhanie-Shanuy was defeated and took to flight. Chjuki-Shanuy (Jükü Shanuy), after returning from a campaign, installed his senior <brother> Dutuus the Eastern, and the younger son Gumeulutu a Western Luli-Prince, and retained them in his court (Their appontments and titles were fictitious, they could not venture to assume their offices, and their offices were run by de-facto commanders who likely retained the titles of their offices).

57 In the autumn of the next year, 57, Chjuki-Shanuy, as precaution against Huhanie-Shanuy, sent Jichjo-Prince Syanhanshyan and a senior brother of Yugyan-Prince, each with 20,000 troops, to occupy the Eastern side (Eastern Wing). At that time the arrived Huge-Prince (appears to be mostly Chinese name or title) of the Western side conspired with Weili-danhu (appears to be mostly Chinese name or title, wei = tribes, like in Shi-wey; li = senior, upper; dan = title or position, maybe a Türkic borrowing; hu = northwestern tribes, ethnicity is understood from location) to slander the Western Chjuki-Prince, that he plans to declare himself Uji-Shanuy.

Chjuki-Shanuy executed Western Chjuki-Prince with his son, but later learned about his innocence and executed Weili Danhu, and Huge-Prince got scared and seceded. He declared himself Huge Shanuy. The western Yuidi-Prince (from a non-eligable maternal clan Yuy), receiving a news about that, immediately declared himself Cheli-Shanuy (車犂單于, 57 - 56 BC). Uji Dugoi also declared himself Uji-Shanuy (烏籍單于, 57 BC). There were five Shanuys total. Chjuki-Shanuy himself set out to the east against Cheli-Shanuy; and sent Dulunki against Uji-Shanuy.

Posting Note
Attempt to read genealogical and tribal connections of the Hun's dynastic mayhem. At the end, the power is transfered from the old guard of Hun tribes to the Yui-gur tribes headed by disenfranchised scion of the old dynastic line.
1 U-yan-Guidi-Shanuy, Tutsi-tan, Western Chjuki-Prince, House of Uwei, illegitimate palace coup, usurper, 60-58 BC, coup, organized by the maternal Yuy line of the dynastic union.

2 Huhanie-Shanuy, Giheushyan, son of Hului-Quankui-Shanuy (Hyuilui-Juankui), 68-60 BC and son-in-law of Ushanmu ruler; the Hun's, presumably Eastern Hun's, Gusi-Prince was conquered by the Uhuan (Pin. Wuhuan) army, and with all his army, which predominantly consisted of the local Uhuan draftees, accepted Giheushyan as Yui Shanuy, in essence transferring the Uhuan loyalty to the Yui Shanuy. From that pont on, the Yui gurs venture to overpower the fractured Hun's House, and establish in its place a dynasty that represent Yui, to continue ruling the joint Hun-Uhuan state, much like the later Syanbi state. The Giheushyan dynasty restores the old legitimacy, instead of creating a new dynasty. The annalistic record ties the Giheushyan dynastic line with the previous Hun's dynastic line.

3 Chjuki-Shanuy, Bosui-tan, Jichjo-Prince, younger brother of Uyan-guidi Shanuy, who apparently was form Yuy/Yui mother, Bosui's component Sui refer to the Yuy/Yui tribes, with several tens of thousands people migrated to China

4 Huge Shanuy, --, Huge-Prince, former head of the Western Wing before the 60 BC coup, relinquished the title of Shanuy in favor of Cheli-Shanuy.

5 Cheli-Shanuy, --, Yuidi-Prince = head of Yuy/Yui tribes, may be thought of as a leader of the Yuy/Yui tribes that remained in the Tarim basin, a backbone of the Mode's Hun state

5 Uji-Shanuy, Uji Dugoi, Western Chjuki-Prince, relinquished the title of Shanuy in favor of Cheli-Shanuyy

1) Younger brother of Uyan-guidi Shanuy.
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Uji and Cheli were both defeated and fled northwest. They joined Huge-Shanuy and assembled a forty-thousand corps of troops. Uji and Huge relinquished the title of Shanuy. and decided to support Cheli-Shanuy with their combined force.

Chjuki-Shanuy, after receiving a news about that, ordered the Eastern Great Leader and (presumably Western Great) Duyui, for precaution against Huhanie-Shanuy, to take position on the Eastern side with 40,000 cavalry, and himself with 40,000 cavalry went westward against Cheli-Shanuy. Cheli-Shanuy was defeated and fled northwest. Chjuki-Shanuy went southwest and stopped in the Undun gorge.

56 The next year, 56, Huhanie-Shanuy sent his younger brother the Western Luli-Prince with others westward to attack Chjuki-Shanuy. He defeated and captured up to 10,000 troops. Chjuki-Shanuy, notified about that, immediately went on a campaign with 60,000 cavalry to strike Huhanie-Shanuy. He went for about 1,000 li, but before reaching the gorge Nugu, met Huhanie-Shanuy army, numbering up to 40,000, and has entered a battle. The army of Chjuki-Shanuy did not withstand, and he took his own life. Dulunki with younger Chjuki son Western Luli-Prince Gumeulutu fled to the Chinese Court, and Cheli-Shanuy in the east submitted to Huhanie Shanuy. Huhanie-Shanuys The Eastern Great leader Uligui and his father Husulei Uli-mandun, 1 seeing a havoc in the House of Huns, gathered a few tens of thousands people and in the south migrated to China.

1) Husulei is a name of a rank. P. I. (N.Bichurin published his book under an alias Archimandrite Iakinth, obviously taking advantage of the special status afforded in the imperial Russia to the Church and its hierarchy, a useful maneuver in dealing with censorship, and signed some of his notes with initials P.I., which in Russian stand for Archimandrite Iakinth)
(Great Uligui: Great in Türkic is Ulug, Chinese rendered it with Ulig, for example Ulugbek;
Uli-mandun: mandun = Maodun, deciphered as Bagadur, a strongman, a giant; Uli is Chinese rendition of the same Ulug; a combined title is Great Bagadur)

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They received princely titles, Uligui Sin-chen-heu, Ulimandun (Ulu/Ulug-Bagadur, quite transparent name, Giant Giant; Uligui would be Giant Yui/Yuy, Giant from the Yui tribe. However, these are rare cases when the Chinese rendering of the names can be safely deciphered, mostly because the Peking phonetics has little to do with the ancient languages. That is amply demonstrated by the changes in the Peking phonetics in the last 200 years, since N.Bichurin phoneticized hieroglyphs in the 1800 Peking lingo, even these 200 years saw major phonetical changes) title I-yan-heu.

At that time the son of the commander Li Ling (Li Ling last heard of in 90 BC, his son in 56 BC must be in his 50's) again declared Uji-duyui a Shanuy: but Huhanie Shanuy caught this Shanuy, and beheaded him; and after that he again returned to the court.

However, he has lost several tens of thousands subjects (who supposedly went to China).

A Chjuki-Shanuy relative Susun-Prince, with up to 600 cavalry, attacked the Eastern Great Tszuikui (Chjuki ?) and killed him; then added his army to his own, came to the Western side, and declared himself a Junchen-Shanuy on the western border.

After that, a senior brother of Huhanie-Shanuy, the Eastern Chjuki-Prince Hutuus, declared himself Chjichjy-guduhu Shanuy on the Eastern border (First appearance of the name Chjichji, ca 56 BC).

After two years Junchen Shanuy went with an army to the east against Chjichjy-Shanuy, but Chjichjy-Shanuy killed him in battle, then added his army to his own, attacked Huhanie-Shanuy. The last was defeated; his army took to flight, and Chjichjy-Shanuy remained to live in the court. After the defeat of Huhanie Shanuy, the Eastern Ichjitszy-Prince offered (Huhanie) Shanuy an advice to submit to the Chinese Court, to ask its help, and thus to restore calmness in the House of Huns.

Huhanie Shanuy took this matter to the opinion of the elders. It is impossible, said the elders. To fight from a horse is our dominion: and because of that we are dreaded by all peoples. We are not impoverished yet in brave soldiers. Now two first brothers contend about a throne, and if not the senior, then the younger would receive it. In such circumstances even to die makes a glory. Our descendants will always reign above peoples.
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However China is powerful, it is not capable to swallow up all possessions of the Huns: what for to break the rules of the ancestors? To become vassals of House of Han means to humiliate and shame the late Shanuys and to subject ourselves to a ridicule of the neighboring possessions. The truth is, such an advice will bring calmness, but no more shall we rule over peoples. I think differently, said to it the Eastern Ichjitszy: power and weakness have its time. Now the House of Han is blossoming. Usun and sedentary possessions are in its ownership. The house of Huns since Tszuidiheu Shanuy times is diminished day by day, and cannot return its former greatness. How much it tries, not a single quiet day is seen. Now its calmness and existence depend entirely on the subjection to China; without that subjection it will perish. What other advice can be better than the one suggested by me? The elders under such difficult circumstance could not decide for a long time. Huhanie was bent to the Ichjitszy offer, and, taking people, he approached the Long Wall in the south. He sent his son, the Western Chjuki-Prince Chulei-kuitan, to serve at the Chinese Court. And Chjichjy-Shanuy also sent a son of his Western Great leader Guiuilisha, to serve at the Chinese Court.

53 That was a first year of the Gan-lu rule, 53 BC. The next year Huhanie Shanuy approached the Chinese border at Wu-yuan and offered about his desire every two years in the third year to visit the Chinese Court in the first moon. 1 Chinese Court sent a military commander 2 Han Chan that he, in passing through seven provinces, in each regional city was meeting Shanuy, lining up on the sides of the road 2,000 cavalry in his honor.

1) Shy-gu writes: at the great appearance with a congratulation for new year.
2) Chekis Du-yui; in translation: commanding chariots and cavalry.
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On the first day of the first moon, in the country palace Gan-tsuan Shanuy was inbtroduced to the Son of Sky and fabuously received. He took a place above all the Princes. he was proclaimed a vassal, but not by the name. After that, the sovereign conferred on him a hat, a belt, the outer and underwear attire, a golden seal with yellow cords, a sword, embossed with precious stones, a belt knife, a bow and four sets of 1 arrows, ten dies with covers, a chariot, a bridle, fifteen horses, twenty gins of gold (1 gin = 0.58 kg; 20 gin = 11.6 kg), 200,000 copper coins, seventy seven changes of clothes, 8,000 pieces of different silk fabrics, 6,000 gins of cotton wool. After the end of the ceremony, the sovereign first ordered to take Shanuy to Chan-phin to spend the night; and himself from the Gan-tsuan went to spend the night in Chi-yan-gyun, and ordered not to present Shanuy to him at the introduction into Chan-phin 2. The Shanuy's courtiers received permission to see the ceremony; several tens of thousands of the foreign rulers and Princes met the sovereign at the Weitsyao bridge, lining up on both sides of the road. When the sovereigns stepped on that bridge, they all proclaimed: Wang-sui. 3 Shanuy lived in the inn for more than a month, and then was released back to his possessions.

1) Fu Kyan writes: one barrage contains 12 arrows.
Han Chjao writes: by the ceremony, shooting from a bow is in three rounds; each round shoots four arrows.
So, four rounds make 48 arrows.
2) Shy-gu writes: to release from bowing.
3) Which literally means 10,000 years.
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He asked to be permitted to remain near the fortified border line Guan-lu-sai 1 and protect Chinese Sheu-syan-chen during dangerous times. The Chinese Court dispatched prince 2 Dun Jung and a military commander 3 Han Chan with 16,000 cavalry and 1,000 troops from each border province to accompany Shanuy abroad across the fortified line Gi-lu-sai to the Sho-fan area. 4 Jung and others were directed to protect Shanuy and assist him in punishment of the rebels. For maintenance, was sent from the border at different times 34,000 hu (1 hu = 26 l = 0.026 m3; 34,000 hu = 884 m3) of millet, rice and dried cooked rice.

Historical explanation. Below will be frequently encountered words: aliens joined, aliens submitted, aliens in dependent possessions.
Joined are called those aliens who, for some difficult circumstances, voluntary joined Chinese state. In this case the Chinese court mostly used bribes.
Submitted were considered those taken into captivity in a wartime. Both were placed beyond border not under control of their rulers, but under a main supervision by the Chinese government. They were obligated to serve as border guards, and the Chinese government from their side provided them with supplies. When these conditional subjects went on a war against their fellow tribesmen, they received awards in addition to the supplies.
Both Joined and Submitted generally were called aliens of dependent possessions.

The same year Chjichjy-Shanuy sent an envoy to present gifts. Emperor very favorably accepted them.

50 The next year, 50, both Shanuys sent envoys with gifts to the Court.

1) Shy-gu writes: constructed by commander Sui Tszy-wei.
2) Gao-chan-heu.
3) Che-ki Du-yui.
4) Shy-gu writes: to the Sho-fan, northwest from the district city of Juihun-hyan.
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Chinese Court received Huhanie-Shanuy envoy with a great glamor.

49 The next year, 49, Huhanie-Shanuy again came to the Court; received, and awarded as the last time. Were added 110 changes of clothing, 9,000 pieces of silk fabrics and 8,000 gins of cotton wool. Because he had a standing guarding army, cavalry to accompany him was not sent.

Initially Chjichjy-Shanuy believed that Huhanie-Shanuy, though submitted to China, because of the weakness of his army cannot return to his former lands; so he went off westward with the army to secure the Western side under his authority. The younger brother of Chjuki-Shanuy, who was serving at Huhanie-Shanuy, also fled to the Western side, where he assembled an army remaining after his two senior brothers, and receiving this way a few thousand troops, declared himself an Ilimu-Shanuy: but on a road he met Chjichjy-Shanuy and entered a battle with him. Chjichjy killed him, and up to 50,000 of his troops joined to his army (50 grand or a few thousand ?); and as he received news that the Chinese Court helps Huhanie-Shanuy with troops and bread, remained to live on the western side. Figuring, that with his own forces he is not able to pacify the possessions of the Huns, he moved further westward toward Usun, and wiShing to join with him, sent an envoy to a lesser Gunmi Utszutu (Gunmi is unusual spelling, vs. usual Gunmo). Utszutu, knowing, that China supports Huhanie-Shanuy, and Chjichjy-Shanuy is close to demise, wanted, for the pleasure of the Chinese Court, to attack him: so he killed Chzhichjy-Shanuy envoy, and sent his head to the residence of the viceroy; and for meet Chjichjy-Shanuy he sent out 8,000 cavalry.
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Chjichjy, seeing, that Usun troops are many, and his envoy did not return yet, positioned his army and, attacking Usuns, defeated them; from there, turning to the north, struck Uge. Uge submitted <to him>, and Chjichjy with a help of his army defeated in the west Gyan-gyun (Kirgizes; called by Chinese Gegun and Gyangun, and Gyankun, and Tsyankun; but why in the west? Supposedly, they were east of Tele, and until the 9th c. AD are called Enisei Kirgizes); in the north he subdued Dinlin (Tele tribes). Having subdued three kingdoms, he was frequently sending an army against Usun, and was always victorious. Gyan-gyun (Kirgizes) from the Shanuy court (called horde, in Khalkha, 47.8N 118.6E, 2355 km from Cheshy ) 1 are 7,000 li (2,800 ~ 2,100 km) to the west (northwest), from Cheshy (Turfan/Turpan/Gaochan 43N 89E) 5,000 li (2,000 ~ 1500 km) to the north (northwest) 2. There, Chjichjy established his residence (53N 93E - 57N 92E).

Posting Note
With a conventional approximation 1 li = 0.4 km (2,800 km and 2,000 km values), triangulating coordinates and distances produces 60N 81E, in the Enisei-Ob interfluvial on the right bank of Ob. This location appears to be 700 km way too much to the north and 700 km way too much to the west from the traditional Kirgiz location at 53N 93E in the upper Enisei area.

Allowing for an alternate unit of 1 li = 0.3 km (2,100 km and 1,500 km values), also suggested by the experts, produces 57N 92E in the Enisei-Ob interfluvial on the left bank of Enisei middle course. That location appears to be more realistic given a range of longitudinal pastoral migrations from the traditional Kirgiz location.

48 After Yuan-di ascended the throne, 48, Huhanie-Shanuy presented that his people are in the constrained state. The Chinese Court directed to deliver to him from Yun-Chjun and Wu-yuan 20,000 hu ( 520 m3) of millet.

Chjichjy-Shanuy, being so far and annoyed that the Chinese Court patronizes Huhanie, sent an envoy with presentation which asked to dismiss his son in serve at the Court. The Chinese Court sent Gu Gi to accompany his son. Chjichjy killed Gu Gi. The Chinese Court had no news about Gu Gi; but joined Huns scouted from the border sentries that he was killed. When an envoy arrived from Huhanie-Shanuy, the Court gave him very strong reprimand in writing.

47 The next year, 47, the (Chinese) Court sent a military commander 3 Han Chan and a noble 4 Chjan Myn to accompany Huhanie-Shanuy son, and tasked them to find out about Gu Gi; after that it forgave Shanuy and cleared any of his doubts. 5

1) Here under horde is meant the Khan's main encampment in Langai (Languisi, in Khalka) mountains.
2) In both places should be understood toward northwest.
3) Che-ki Duyui.
4) Guan-lu Da fu.
5) Shy-gu writes: Shanuy suspected that the (Chinese) Court is conceiving to declare a war on him .
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Chan and Myn saw that Huhanie-Shanuy people multiplied, and that no birds and animals are near borders, and Huhanie-Shanuy is in condition to protect himself, not fearing Chjichjy. They heard that the majority of the elders advised Shanuy to return to the north; 1 and were afraid that after his departure to the north it would be difficult to keep him in submission; so they concluded with him the following oath: Henceforth on Han and Hunnu (Huns) will be one House; from generation to generation they will not neither deceive each other, nor attack each other. If there will be a larceny, inform mutually and perform executions and rewards; 2 at enemies' attacks to mutually aid with an army. Who of them would first violate the compact, shall suffer a punishment from the Sky, and his posterity from generation to generation shall suffer under this oath. Chan, Myn, Shanuy and his elders ascended the Hunnu mountain on the eastern side of the river No-Shui 3 and slaughtered a white horse. Shanuy took a travel sword, 4 and dipped its end in wine; this oath wine was drank from the head skull of the Yuechji Sovereign killed by Laoshan Shanuy. Chan and Myn after returning have informed about that to emperor.

1) Shy-gu writes: near the fortified borders already was no food or animals; and was nothing to hunt; besides Chjichjy was not afraid of; so <they> wanted to return to the north, to the former places.
2) Shy-gu writes: if a Chinese will do larceny in the land of Huns, or a Hun will do larceny in China, to mutually let know about that; and then to punish and reward.
3) Shy-gu writes: No-shui is a river No-chjen-shui, now flowing in the Dulga (AShina Türks) land (Supposedly Orkhon river and Khangai mountains in the Orkhon area, or in the south Mongolia, sacred mountain Lun-chen 41N 112E).
4) In-sha writes: the travel sword is a precious sword among Huns.
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The state officials in the council believed that Shanuy, who took an obligation to protect the border of China, even if accepted intention to leave to the north, cannot be dangerous. Chan and Myn on their own subjected the descendants of the House of Han to an adjuratory oath with foreigners and gave Shanuy a cause to complain to the Sky about the sovereign in offensive expressions, ashamed the (Chinese) Court, and humiliated a dignity of the Empire. It is necessary to send to the Huns an envoy to make a sacrifice to the Sky about absolution from the oath. Chan and Myn have executed poorly their assignment, and accomplished a greatest crime. But the sovereign considered their crime unimportant, directed them to pay it off, and did not order to absolve the oath.

After that Huhanie really left to the north to the former court. People not little by little returned to him, and at his Court reigned a calmness. Chjichjy, who killed the Chinese envoy, understood his fault toward the Chinese Court; in addition, hearing that Huhanie grew stronger, was afraid of his unexpected attack, and wanted to further get away. It happened that a Kangar (Kangui) possessor, frequently pressed by Usuns, consulting with his elders 1 believed, that Huns were a large state, and that Usun depended on them. Now Chjichjy-Shanuy is outside of the fatherland, and in tight situation; it is possible to invite him to the eastern border (Kangar occupied Kazakhstan steppes between lake Balkhash and Aral Sea, bordering Usun in the east), with joined forces to conquer Usun, and install hin as a possessor; 2 then there will be no reason to be afraid of the Huns. Immediately was sent to Gyangun (Kirgizes) an envoy to inform Chjichjy about that.

1) In Chinese Hi-heu, the lower Princes.
2) Shy-gu writes: with joined forces to destroy the House of Usun, and its lands to give to Chjichjy to reside.
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Chjichjy was afraid and moreover was annoyed with Usun, so when he heard about Kangar (Kangju) possessor intention, he was extremely delighted; he concluded an alliance with him and set out with his army to the west (southwest). The Kangar (Kangju) possessor sent toward Chjichjy elders with several thousands of camels, donkeys and horses. On the road, Chjichjy lost many people, who died from frost; only 3,000 people came to Kangar (Kangyui). Subsequently, a viceroy Gan Yan-sheu and his assistant Chen Thai came to the Kangyui (Kangar) with an army and executed Chjichjy. See about that in the story about Gan Yan-sheu (The alternate version very substantially differ in many details).

Huhanie-Shanuy, on receiving the news about Chjichjy death, felt both pleasure and fear. In a presentation to the Court he wrote: I always wished to see the Son of Sky, but while Chjichjy was in the western side (Western Kirgizes), I was mindful that he, joining with Usun, would attack me: for that reason I could not come to the Court. Now Chjichjy is already exterminated, and I wish to visit the Court.

33 In the first year of the Jing-nin rule, 33, Shanuy again arrived to the Court, was received and awarded as before. He was given clothes, silk fabrics and cotton wool twice as much as the last time. 1 Shanuy expressed a desire to get closer with China through a marriage with a maiden from the House of Han. 2 The Sovereign gave out to the Shanuy a noble maiden Wang Tsyan, taken into the palace during Yuan-di time, with surname Chjao-gyun.

1) See above 49th year.
2) Shy-gu writes: it is said, that wishes to take a maiden from the House of Han and to become a son-in-law of this House.
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The impressed Shanuy presented to the sovereign that he wishes to eternally guard the Chinese border (1,800 km) from Shang-gu (4037' 10 N 11504'E) westward to Dun-huan (40N 94E) 1 and asked to remove the border garrisons, to calm the Son of Sky and his people. The Son of Sky send it for consideration of the officials. In the council almost everybody recognized such offer as favorable; only Lan-Chjun 2 Heu In, thoroughly <knowing> border affairs, said that it is impossible to agree to it. Sovereign demanded an explanation, and Heu In in response wrote: From the times of Chjeu (Chzeu) and Tsin (Qin) dynasties the Huns raged, plundered, and devastated border areas. The House of Han, in the beginning, especially sufferred from them. It is known that on the northern border down to Lyao-dun lays a ridge under a name In-shan, running from the east to the west for 1,000 li plus. These mountains are full with forest and grass, abound with birds and animals. Mode Shanuy, taking root in these mountains, produced bows and arrows, and attacked from there. It was his zoo. Already during Hyao Wu-di, an army set out abroad, repulsed Huns from these places, and banished them to the north beyond Sho-mo; established a fortified border line, and opened on it sentries and roads; girded an external wall and supplied with it with garrisons for guarding. After that, already saw some calmness on the border. North from Sho-mo 3 the lands are level, little forests and grass, but the sands are deeper. 4 When Huns undertake to raid, they have few hidden places for safety.

1) Shy-gu writes: himself asked to give him to guard from attacks and robberies.
2) A name of a middle rank.
3) I.e. from the southern border of the Sandy steppe.
4) Heu In did not have true information about Khalkha, which abounds both forests and grasses; and even now has few sandy places. The soil there is everywhere of tiny gravel.
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South from the fortified border lay deep mountain valleys, difficult for passing. The border elders tell that Huns, after a loss of In-shan ridge, cannot pass it without tears. If to remove the garrisons posted on the border for protection, we shall show that we don't have strength against the large advantages on the side of the foreigners. That is a first reason for impossibility. The second: now the Huns are dawned by favors of our Court; saved from a death, they with a bow of head named themselves vassals. But the feelings of foreigners are these: in tight circumstances they are humiliated and submissive; growing strong, are proud and confrontational. These traits are congenital to them. Instead of destruction of the outer wall and reduction of sentries, it is enough now to cease the signal fires. In the antiquity even during quiet times the sight of dangers was not lost. Here is the second reason why should not be cease the safety measures. In the Middle State there is a concept about decency and fairness, is a codex about punishments; and with all that the silly people break prohibitions. What to say about Shanuy? can he surely keep his people from violating the agreement? This is a third reason. From the time as the Middle State 1 found it necessary to build fortresses and check posts to create allodial Princes and intercession of their power-grabbing, started border fortifications, installed garrisons, but not from the Huns only, but also from the inhabitants of the dependent possessions, the former Hunnu subjects, that they, longing for the native land, would not think of escaping.

1) Certainly the Court of the head of the empire [the Central fief the Chjun-check].
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This is a fourth reason. The Near Western Kyans (Tibetans), guarding the fortified line, have taken up with Chinese. The officials and commoners, driven by greed, took away from them cattle, property, wives and children. From there came displeasures and hatred that were a reason of long-term disorders. 1 If to leave the border now without sentries, little by little will revive disregard and disputes. This is a fifth reason. During the past time many of following behind the army were lost without a word, and did not return; their families remained in poverty and need. Can they flee abroad to their relatives? This is a sixth reason. Slaves and slave girls of the inhabitants near the border without exception think of a flight. They generally say that among Huns life is joyful, and in spite of vigilance of the sentries sometimes flee abroad. This is a seventh reason. The robbers, thieves and other criminals, in extreme circumstances, flee to the north abroad and disappear; and it is not possible to catch them there. This is an eighth reason. Already more than a hundred years passed since fortified border was established. It is not all consist of an earthen bulwark; in places on the crests of the mountains rocks and logs, in gorges and valleys water gates little by little leveled out. The troops were engaged in construction and maintenance of this border. Such works cost much time and great expenses.

1) This war of Huhenor Tanguts with China began in 107, ended in 117 BC. See the History of Tibet and Huhenor, I, 38-48.
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It seems that the Council looked superficially at the enterprise and purpose, and thought only of reduction of sentries. During the future time, maybe, will happen some upheaval, and the fortified the line will be in ruins, the sentries are extinguished. Then it would be required to send garrisons again, and to rebuilt the line; and the work of several tens of years is impossible to bring suddenly to the former condition. This is a ninth reason. After the removal of garrisons and reduction of sentries, if Shanuy himself would rebuild fortified line, then holding it as a great service to China, he will surely present different requirements one after another; and if in a slightest he would not be satisfied, it will be impossible to penetrate into his thoughts. Hostility with foreigners is always harmful for the Middle State. The opinion of the Advice Council does not present a permanent means for long-term preservation of deep tranquility and to bridling of foreign peoples by fear. To this explanation the Son of Sky directed: stop the subject about fortified border lines, and assigned to the military commander 1 Hei Gya 2 to verbally relay to the Shanuy from him the following answer: Shanuy 3 in the submitted report expressed a desire that garrisons on the northern border were removed, and takes himself and his successors to protect the fortified line. Moved by love to decorum and justice, he offered a strongest means for unburdening of people, which I very much approve.

1) Da-sy-ma Che-ki Gyan-gyun.
2) Shy-gu writes: Hei Gya (Hei is a surname, Gya is a name).
3) Here a third party is used instead of the second - to keep the literalness in the translation.
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The Middle State on all four sides has fortresses and check posts not only for protection from outside, but also for restraining not well-intentioned and willful inhabitants of the Middle State who, going abroad, do robberies; and consequently for the protection of national tranquility I undertake lawful measures. I do not least doubt the sincerity of Shanuy desire; but for the Shanuy not be surprised why the garrisons are not removed I assigned military commander Hei Gya to announce to the Shanuy my will. Shanuy, thanking him, said: I am not far-sighted in surmising; fortunately the Son of Sky through a noble rewarded me with a beneficent answer.

Wang Chjao-gyun, who received a title Nin-hu 1 Yanchjy, gave a birth to a son Ituch-lyasy. He was a Western Jichjo-Prince.

31 In the second year of the Gyan-shy rule, 31, Huhanie died on a twenty eighth year of his reign. In the beginning Huhanie grew fond of two daughters of Huan-Prince, a senior brother of the Eastern Ichjitszy. A senior daughter Chjuankui Yanchjy gave birth to two sons; the elder was called Tszuimogui, the younger Nanchjiyas. The younger daughter was a senior Yanchjy and gave birth to four sons. The elder was called Dyaotaomogao, the second Tszuimisui, both were older than Tszuimogui; and the younger two brothers Syan and Lo were both younger than Nanchjiyas. From others Yanchjy he had more than ten sons. Chjuankui-Yanchjy was held in respect; Tszuimogui was a Favorite son of Huhanie, before the death, being ill, he wanted to declare him a successor to the throne. His mother Chjuankui-Yanchjy said to him: for ten years in the House of Huns continued an endless turmoil, and only with assistance of House of Han the tranquility was restored.

1) Shy-gu writes: Huns with acceptance of her calmed down (Nin-hu Chinese words; means Calmed Huns).
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Only recently the turmoil stopped, and people are ruined by the war. Besides, Tszuimogui is a child, and the people are not attached to him yet. There is a danger that the kingdom would again fall to disasters. With the first Yanchjy I am from one house, and our children are our common kids. 1 It is better to raise to the throne Dyaotao-mogao. Tszuimogui, said the first Yanchjy, though a youngster, but with him the nobles can run the state affairs. If now to bypass the high by origin, and to raise the low, subsequently from that will rise a turmoil. Shanuy resolved on the opinion of Chjuankui-Yanchjy, and declared Dyaotao-mogao a successor to the throne, so that he would transfer the throne to the younger brother. And so, on the death of Huhanie, Dyaotao-mogao was raised to the throne under a name Fuchjulei-Jodi-Shanuy (Lateral succession, since with no Shanuy's younger brothers, Dyaotao-mogao is the eldest man in the family. The narration about deliberations between prime wives and Shanuy is interesting to show the Chinese mentality, because by the laws of the Hun country, the Shanuy and his wives had as much to say about election of a successor as the wives of the Saudi monarch, who lives under the laws of the lateral succession, have now. For centuries, Chinese objected to that insane lateral succession order, and actively worked to undermine it. In the Chinese scheme of events, their female Trojan horse was supposed to become a first Yanchjy, produce a male heir to the throne, create succession turmoil in the state, and have the state fall into the Chinese laps without much expense on expeditionary forces. In some cases, like for example with Usuns, they were quite successful. And to their credit, practically in all cases they succeeded in inciting or abetting a succession turmoil. So much for the peace and kinship kisses).

Posting Note (N.Ya. Bichurin's explanation of Hunnic word Jodi, from page 107)

The Hunnu word Jodi (若鞮, Jodi phoneticized in pinyin by quite distorted and misleading Roji/Ruodi and the like) means respectful to parents. ( (若鞮, Jodi phoneticized in pinyin by quite distorted and misleading Roji/Ruodi and the like) .)

14. Fuchjulei-Jodi-Shanuy (31-20 BC, the Hunnu word Jodi means respectful to parents; Fuchjulei-Jodi-Shanuy was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 9th generation). Fuchjulei-Jodi-Shanuy, after taking the throne, sent his son, Western Chjilur-Prince Haitunheu to serve at the Chinese Court, and installed Tszuimisui an Eastern Chjuki-Prince, Tszuimogui an Eastern Luli-Prince, Ichjiyas a Western Chjuki-Prince.

Fuchjulei Shanuy again married Wang-tsyan and had two daughters with her. Of them the elder was called Suibu Guitsyun, 2 the younger Danyui Guitsyun (The significance of this record is unclear, maybe it indicate a disappointment of the Chinese that their agent, sent to serve as Shanuy wife and produce a pretending heir to the throne, to the disappointment of her handlers did not produce a boy).

28 In the first year of the He-phin rule, 28, Shanuy sent Western Gaolin-Prince Isemoyan with others to the Court with the new year gifts.

1) Shy-gu writes: one house means that they are sisters, common children means that the love to the children born by them should not have distinction.
2) Li ki writes: Guitsy is a female title, as in Chinese Gun-chju Princess. Wyn In writes: Suibu is a famous Hunnu House.
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25 The next year Shanuy presented a report about his desire to appear at the Court, and in the fourth year of the He-phin rule, 25, appeared at the Court for the new year, and received award of 20,000 pieces of different silk fabrics and 20,000 gins of cotton wool, and other things above those <during> the Jing-nin rule. 1

20 Fuchjulei Shanuy died on the tenth year of his reign, in the first year of the Hun-gya rule, 20, his younger brother Tszuimisui (pin. Juimixui) was raised to the throne under a name Seuse-Jodi-Shanuy (Lateral succession).

15. Seuse-Jodi-Shanuy (20-12 BC; pin. Seuxie; Seuse-Jodi-Shanuy was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 9th generation). Seuse-Shanuy, after assuming the throne, sent his son Chjuduhan-Prince Heilusyheu to serve at the Court, and installed Tszuimogui as Eastern Chjuki-Prince.

12 Seuse Shanuy, on the ninth year of his reign, 12, set out to the Court, but before crossing the border died of illness. His younger brother Tszui-mogui assumed the throne under a name Guija Jodi Shanuy (Lateral succession).

16. Guia Jodi Shanuy (12-8 BC; Guia Jodi Shanuy was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 9th generation). Guija Shanuy, after assuming the throne, sent his son Yuituchedan-Prince (likely from a mother from the tribe Yuy, as indicated by his name) to serve at the Chinese Court, installed Nanchjiyas (pin. Nengzhiyasi) as Eastern Chjuki-Prince.

8 Guija Shanuy died on the fourth year of his reign in the first year of the rule Sui-ho, 8; his younger brother Nanchjiyas (pin. Nengzhiyasi) was raised to the throne under a name Uchjulu-Jodi Shanuy (Lateral succession; the Uch in the title Uchjulu might signify a change in the structure of the state: in addition to the eastern and Western Wings, at that time shows up a third component, a Southern Wing. In Tr. Uch is three, then Uchju would correspond to Three-Juz, juz being a Türkic term for a tribal confederation, and the affix -ly is one of the similar forms indicating possession, something like Three-territorial (king), where Türkic -ly/ty corresponds to the English -al, Three-Juz-ly (shanuy)).

17. Uchjulu-Jodi Shanuy (烏珠留若提 , 8-13 BC; Uchjulu-Jodi Shanuy was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 9th generation, and a last Shanuy of the uninterrupted Mode Lan/Lianti dynastic line. Next Shanuy comes from the Uigur maternal clan, the Sui, Chinese Suibu, becomes a male dynastic tribe, and that necessitates a replacement of the female dynastic partner.). Uchjulu-Shanuy, after assuming the throne, installed a son Lo from the second Yanchjy as the Eastern Chjuki-Prince, a son Yui from the fifth Yanchjy as the Western Chjuki-Prince (to rule over his Yuy tribesmen, possibly without eligibility for succession, as a member of the maternal clan), 2 and his son, the Western Gunu-Prince Udiyas, sent to serve at the Chinese Court.

Posting Note
Uchjulu-Jodi Shanuy was buried in the cemetery in Noin Ula. Excavations at his kurgan made Noin Ula cite famous, and immensely contributed to the Hunnic studies.

1) See above year 33.
2) Shy-gu writes: these two princes are Uchjulu's younger brothers. The second Yanchjy is the above mentioned senior Yanchjy. The fifth Yanchjy also is Huhanie-Shanuy's Yanchjy (Quite a nice dynastic record for the wives of Huhanie-Shanuy, who died in 31 BC after a 27-year reign, his wives went in sequence through 3 second marriages to 3 Shanuys. And a nice record for the father of Huhanie-Shanuy, who produced enough offsprings to last on the throne for half a century. The sequence is also a historical evidence that a Levirate marriage does not have to be intended for a primitive continuation of a (male) line, in the generic nomadic Türkic society it was a tradition predicated by economic reality with expanded family responsibility for the welfare of its members. In the case of the multiple Queens, each with her own court household and certain degree of affluence, the welfare meant to ensure a continuation of the status and lifestyle after a death of a royal husband).
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The Chinese Court sent a Hunnu bailiff Hya-heu Fan and his assistant Han Yun 1 as envoys to the Huns. At this time the emperor's brother-in-law Wang Gyn, 2 was a president of the Senate. Someone presented to him that Huns have a parcel of land wedged into the China limits directly opposite Chjan-e area. On that wedge grows a very good forest suitable for arrow stems, and are eagles 3 with feathers used for the arrow vanes. It would be very favorable for the border to get this place. Gyn reported to the sovereign on the benefits of that place, and the sovereign found it necessary to demand that corner from Shanuy; but was apprehensive that a refusal on the part of Shanuy would humiliate his dignity. 4 Gyn informed envoy Fan of the will of the sovereign, and assigned to him to request this corner ostensibly for himself. Fan, on arrival to the Huns, suggested it to Shanuy. Shanuy said, this is commandment of the Son of Sky, only offered from your name, sire envoy. Fan answered, precisely, this is is a will of my sovereign; but I submit advice to you, Shanuy. Shanuy said on that: The late sovereigns Suan-di (73 - 49), and Yuan-di (48 - 33), were father-like benevolent to Huhanie Shanuy, and everything that lays from the Great Wall to the north, gave to the House of Huns. The corner of the land mentioned by you belongs to Wyn-Prince of the guards.

1) In Chinese Fu-syao-yui, a bailiff assistant.
2) Da-sy-ma Phiaoki Gyan-gyun.
3) Shy-gu writes: from a type of large eagles with yellow head and red eyes.
4) Shy-gu writes: was afraid, that his commandment would not be executed.
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I have no information neither about location, nor of the products of that corner. Allow me to send a messenger for to find out. 1 Both envoys returned to China; but later, when again were sent to the Huns, they demanded the land discussed before. Shanuy said: The fathers and brothers 2 already five times transferred the throne, and the Court did not demand this land, and now, learning about it, started demanding. Byr the information brought to me from the guard master Wyn-Prince, the feudal possessors of the western Hunnu lands 3 only from these mountains use the forest for yurts and wagons. Moreover, I do not dare to give away the lands left to me by my ancestors. After return, Fan was transferred as a ruler in Thaiyuan, and Shanuy through an envoy reported about his demands to the Court, from which in response he received that Fan on his own in the name of his sovereign demanded the land from Shanuy, and following the laws would be necessary to execute him, but on the occasion of granted two merciful manifests he is forgiven and transferred from the northern border to a post of a regional governor in Tszi-yuan.

The next year died the Shanuy's son, who was a hostage at the Court, and was returned for burial.

3 In the fourth year of the Gyan-phin rule, 3, Shanuy in a submitted report expressed a desire to come to the Court.

2 In the fifth year, 2, Ai-di fell sick. Some people presented that the arrivals of the Huns from the upper places 4 kill people: for during the rule of Huan-lun and Jing-nin in the years 49 and 46 BC, when Shanuy came to the Middle State, happened great losses at the Court.

1) Shy-gu writes: under products should understood located in the mountains plants and trees, birds and animals suitable for use.
2) Among Huns the throne was more frequently transferred to first brothers and nephews from the first brothers (Lateral succession).
3) Shy-gu writes: the lower Princes, in accordance with the Chinese expression, are called feudal possessors.
4) Fu Kyan writes: Yellow river flows from northwest; and consequently it is stated: from the upper places. Shy-gu writes: from the upper places it is stated in general, in relation to the position of the country; no reason to refer to the Yellow river.
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Therefore the sovereign was in doubt and asked for opinion of the state officials. The officials decided, for reduction of useless expenses, to refuse reject the Shanuy's <request>. The envoy already accepted leave from the Court, but has not yet left as a court official 1 Yan Hun presented to the sovereign a note where he reasoned the dangerous consequences that could happen from the rash rejection of the Shanuy.

Historical explanation. Chinese, under their legends, held their the most ancient sovereigns three Huans and five Dis. The first information on three Huans came in the ceremonies of Chjeu (Zhou, 1045256 BC) dynasty. 2 Individual historians who were writing about three Huans and five Dis did not show their names. Already scientists of the Tsin (Qin, 221 BCE206 BC) dynasty concluded that three Huans were Heavenly, Terrestrial and Human, and gave most ridiculous notions about them. Khun (K-hun) An-go, a scientist of the Han dynasty, was the first to name the sovereigns Fu-hi, Shen-nun and Huan-di as three Huans, the sovereigns Shao-Hao, Chjuan-yui, Gao-sin, Yao and Shun five Dis: but it is not known from what source he took it. Khun-tszy (K-hun) in his composition Gya-yui gives a title Di to all the sovereigns since Fu-hi. And so prior to the Tsin dynasty nobody called the sovereigns Fu-hi, Shen-nun and Huan-di three Huans: consequently Wu-fyn Hu-shy, a scientist of Sun (Song, 9601279 AD) dynasty, basing on a extensive explanation of the Book of Changes of the thinker Khun-tszy, resolved that the sovereigns Fu-hi, Shen-nun, Huan-di, Yao and Shun should be held as five Dis, which subsequently was accepted by the scientists

1) Huan-myn-han.
2) Ceremonies of dynasties Chjeu, in Chinese Chjeu-li, are a collection of civil laws written 1110 years BC.
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The son of the Sky from this presentation saw his mistake; ordered to return the Hunnu envoy, and, changing the response letter, permitted Shanuy to come to the Court; and awarded official Yan Hun for his presentation 50 pieces of silk fabrics and ten gins of gold. But Shanuy fell ill even before his departure, and sent envoy again with a report that he wishes to come next year. Before that time, Shanuy during visits to the Court was accompanied by eminent Princes and others no more than two hundred people: but this time he also presented that under wise direction of the Son of Sky, his people came to a blossoming condition, and he wishes to come to the Court with a retinue of 500 people to display by that the brilliant kindness of the Son of Sky. The sovereign has agreed to everything.

1 In the second summer BC if the Yuan-sheu rule, 1, Shanuy came to the Court. As the planet Jupiter suppresses everything overcoming, the sovereign settled Shanuy in a grape palace in Shang-lin-yuan 1 with such greeting that it is done out of Especial respect for the Shanuy. The sovereign  presented him with 370 clothes, 30,000 pieces of silk fabrics, 30,000 gins cotton wool; other things against <what was given in> the first year of the He-phin rule. 2 After the end of everything a bailiff Han Huan was sent to accompany Shanuy.

1 AD In the first year of the the Yuan-shy rule, 1, Phin-di entered the (Chinese) throne. For his juvenility, a widow sovereign-grandmother was declared a ruler.

1) The grape palace in Chinese is Phu-thao(t-hao)-gyun; Shang-lin-yuan is a name of a zoo.
2) Against the year 28. See above 28th year.
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Sin-du-heu Wang Man (Wang Mang 王莽, 王 wang = ruler, 莽 mong5 = poisonous, 4523 AD; title-name Jujun 巨君; 巨 geui6 = great, 君 kwan/ruler ≈ Great Khan/Ruler), 1 running the state affairs, wanted to flatter the widow sovereign-grandmother that her majesty and virtue is incomparably more brilliant than against the past times: so he hinted to the Shanuy to send Princess Suibu Guitsyun 2 to serve at the Court. A widow sovereign showered her with awards.

It happened that rear Cheshy possessor Geugu and Kui-hu-lai 3 Prince Tandu out of hatred to the viceroy and bailiff, taking along their families and people, fled and joined the Huns. Shanuy accepted them and placed them on the lands of Eastern Luli-Prince, and after accepting them notified the (Chinese) Court with a report, describing the circumstances. The Hunnu bailiffs were sent to tell Shanuy that the Western Territory is in a subject of China; so Shanuy should not accept people 4 and is obligated to send them (to China). 5 Shanuy in reply said: The sovereigns Suan-di, 73, and Yuan-di, 48, by their benevolence included in the concord that from the Long Wall to the south everything should belong to the Son of Sky, and from the Long Wall to the north - to Shanuy. If fortified line is attacked, to inform the (Chinese) Court; those wishing to submit not to accept. I know that my parent Huhanie-khan, boundlessly bestowed, 6 before his death said: who from the Middle State would wish submit, not to accept, and from the gratitude for the great favors of the Son of Sky to forward them to the fortified line.

1) Sin-du-heu is a princely title of the usurper Wang Man.
2) Guitsyun, a daughter of Princess Wang Chjao-gyun [also Wang Tsyan]. See above page 86.
3) Shy-gu writes: he defected from the Huns and submitted to the House of Han, and his princely title Kui-hu in Chinese means defected from Huns; Lai means came, i.e. from Huns came to submit to China (That means that the Huns were ethnically blind, and were turning over to the Chinese their fellow tribesmen if legally obligated. Turfan basin was occupied by China in 60 BC, Kui-Hu-Lai came with family and tribe, which tends to indicate that his Huns were locals in the Turfan basin, and his tribe initially accepted Chinese occupation. To surrender to the Chinese a whole tribe, and to drive that tribe against their will to the fortified line must have been a serious police action against their tribesmen on behalf of Chinese allies).
4) Shy-gu writes: once submitted to the House of Han, <they> already cannot be vassals of the Huns.
5) Shy-gu writes: to send back.
6) By the Chinese Court.
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And these people are from foreign possessions; I could accept them. Among the Huns, objected the envoy, was a conflict between blood relatives, and their House was almost lost; only by the great favor of the Middle Court it avoided danger, and again prospers; the family ii intact also enjoys tranquility; succession continues from generation to generation. It is necessary to be grateful for the great favor. Shanuy bowed, apologized, and detained both fugitives and presented them to the envoy. The Hunnu bailiff Wang Myn was directed to meet and accept them in the Western Territory, on the border of Edunu gorge. 1 Shanuy sent envoy to accompany them, and meanwhile appealed to pardon them. The envoy reported to the Court, but was directed to refuse the request. All possessors of the Western Territory were gathered, and in their presence beheaded the guilty. After that four new articles were introduced into the old agreement with the Huns: 21) the inhabitants of the Middle State who fled to the Huns, 2) fugitive Usuns, wishing to join the Huns, 3) the inhabitants of the Western Territory who received from the Middle State a seal with tassels and wishing to join the Huns, 4) Uhuans, wishing to join the Huns not to accept. Were sent Hunnu bailiffs to deliver to the Huns four articles in an envelope with other papers 3 and to hand to the Shanuy for execution. And the old agreement concluded by the sovereign Suan-di, was taken back in an envelope (The implications of this episode, the episode with a tract of land and Huns' defined guarded border, continued Chinese militarized border with Huns, and Huns continuing collecting yasak tribute from their dependents dispel a notion of a Huns' vassalage, they are attributes of a suzerain state confederated, or allied as a junior partner, with another suzerain state. The fact of the Chinese senior partner being a dishonest ally does not change the general picture of two bordering suzerain states bound by a peace treaty. Even the acceptance of the formal modifications to the treaty does not change the status of the Hun's suzerainty).

1) Fu Kyan writes: Edunu is a name of a valley in the Western Territory.
2) Shy-gu writes: newly composed due to this circumstance.
3) Shy-gu writes: with a document with a state seal.
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At that time Wang Man presented to forbid the use in the Middle State of two-word names: so an envoy was sent to hint to the Shanuy that he presented to the (Chinese) sovereign about his desire to accept abbreviated 1 names, for which the (Chinese) Court generously rewarded him. Shanuy followed this suggestion, and wrote in a presentation to the Court: Having happiness to serve as the vassal, I admire the deep peace and wise rule. My former name was Nan-chji-ya-sy, henceforth I shall be called Chji. 2 Wang Man was extremely pleased; so he reported to the widow empress to send an envoy with response letter and a rich reward.

After insertion of four new articles in the treaty with the Huns, the Chinese bailiff in the Uhuan (Mongol) aimak announced to the Uhuan people not to pay yasak of the canvas and leather to the Huns. The Huns sent, as before, a commissioner to draw yasak from Uhuans; behind him went many people of of both sexes for trading. The Uhuans refused them, referring that article of the Son of Sky that forbid to give yasak to the Huns. The Hunnu commissioner became angry and hanged the Uhuan head 3 upside down. The angry relatives of the leader came to the Hunnu commissioner and his officials, and took away women, horses and oxen.

1) I. e. one-syllable. In the Chinese language, in relation to the European languages, are two-syllable words: for example Guan, Suan: but they are considered to be one-syllable because in all like words two vowels are uttered together, and actually two-syllable words, for example, heaven, boulder, are not present in the Chinese language. Here under two-syllable words are understood the names consisting of two letters (Chinese characters).
2) He selected a Chinese letter Chji which means I know. From that moment the Hunnu Shanuy and Princes (for the Chinese) were called by one-word names, i.e. one-syllable words (naturally, their native were not affected).
3) Lesser Prince.
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Shanuy, on receiving a news about that incident, ordered the troops of the Eastern Chjuki-Prince to go to Uhuan and to demand a report on killing the commissioner. Chjuki-Prince attacked Uhuans, and they dispersed; some fled to the mountains, others for protection to the eastern border (Of Manchu or Chinese?). The Huns killed many people, and took in captivity up to 1,000 women, maidens, weak and youngsters, and after placing them on the Eastern side, 1 told Uhuans to come with cattle, pelts, and canvas to redeem the captives. About 2,000 Uhuans arrived with cattle and things for the ransom. The Huns took the payoff, but did not return the captives.

[Houhanshu, Ch. 119]

9 Wang Man, having stolen the throne, in the first year of the Gyan-go rule, 9, sent a military commander 2 Wang Gyun (Gün, as opposed to Gun) with five military officials and a large quantity of gold and silk fabrics to deluge Shanuy with presents, and assigned to announce to the Shanuy about his acceptance of a throne from the House of Han, and on that occasion to exchange the old Shanuy seal. On the old Shanuy seal were chiseled the Chinese words Hun-nu Shan-yui-si (匈奴單于璽, Xiongnu Chanyu Xi), 3 which means a state seal of the Hunnu Shanuy; on the new seal Wang Man ordered to chisel the words: Sin Hun-nu Shan-yui chjan (新恭奴善于章, Xin Xiongnu Chanyu Zhang), which means new Hunnu Shanuy's seal (actually, Sin 新 < new dynasty> Hunnu Shanuy's 恭奴善于 seal 章, Sin 新 was a name of the dynasty Wang Man was hoping to establish, Xin = New Dynasty 新朝 ). 4 The envoys on their arrival immediately handed over to the Shanuy a seal with the cords, and demanded in the name of the sovereign the former seal back.

1) In his aimak (and where in the Eastern Wing was the Shanuy's ancestral aimak?).
2) Wu-wei Gyan-gyun.
3) Si is a name of the state seal which the state officials with certain ceremonies convey to new emperor at his inauguration to the throne. At the transfer of the throne he solemnly transfers this seal to the successor.
4) Such seal in China was given to feudal Princes and upper officials with an inscription Meu-Guan-chjy Chjan , which means a sign of such official. Ganmu 9-th year.
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9 Shanuy, accepting the decree, did a double bowing. The envoy wanted to untie and take the old seal even before the translation of the decree. Shanuy, raising it with both hands, wanted to pass it to the envoy, but the Eastern Gusi-hey Su (appear to be a Chinese title) told Shanuy from the side that without seeing the inscription on the new seal, the old should not be returned. Shanuy, stopping, changed his mind about returning, and asked envoy to remain sitting in the hall. Shanuy wanted to do bowing first: but envoy stated that the old seal with cords should be immediately sent to the sovereign . Shanuy agreed and again raised the seal with both hands. The translator Su again told him that without seeing the inscription on the seal it should not be returned. Why change the legend, Shanuy told him, and returned the old seal, and accepted from envoy a new one without looking. After that started a feast that lasted until night. A junior tovarisch (comrade) Chen Zhao said to the other members of the embassy: Gusi-heu, skeptical of the inscriptions on the seal, almost forced Shanuy not to return the old seal. And now, having inspected the change of the inscription on the new seal, they surly will demand the old seal, and we cannot refuse under any pretext. After we received the old seal, to lose it there again is a greatest ridicule for the suzerain's decree. It is better to break the old seal and preclude a cause for troubles. The envoys hesitated and could not agree. Chen Jao was a resolute and courageous man. He took chisel and broke the seal.
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9 The next day Shanuy really sent Western Gudu-heu (Gudu-Prince named Syui-budan) to notify envoy that the seal, granted to the Shanuy by the House of Han, was called Si, instead of chyan, and moreover there are no Chinese letters: and to Princes and others was given a seal with inscription Chyan, and that on new seal instead of letter Si was added letter Sin, which does not distinguish Shanuy at all from his subjects; and therefore he demanded to return to him the old seal. The envoy, pointing to the old seal, said: the new House, acting at the will of the Sky, establishes the offices: that is why we broke the old seal. Shanuy! Obeying the will of the Sky, you have to follow the prescripts of the new House, and return the seal. Shanuy saw that it is impossible to help anything, and besides he received plenty of gifts; and so he sent to the Court with the envoy his younger brother Western Chjuki-Prince Yui (Yui/Yuy, like in Yui-dan = Syui (bu)-dan, generally a child of Yui/Syui mother, or a head of Yui/Syui tribe, but not an immediate successor to the throne. In this case, either the Western Gudu-heu Syui-budan and Western Chjuki-Prince Yui is one and the same person, with one and the same post, with dual appellations for his title and position; he cannot be a junior brother of the Shanuy, because he is his father-in-law, and he is obviously older then the Shanuy; or the Western Gudu-heu Syui-budan and Western Chjuki-Prince Yui are two persons carrying the same tribal name Yui/Syui, a credible and logical scenario; then the Western Chjuki-Prince Yui can be a brother-in-law of the Shanuy, and a brother of the Shanuy's wife, and a son of the Shanuy's father-in-law, and be younger than the Shanuy; in either case neither the Western Gudu-heu, nor the Western Chjuki-Prince are eligible for the succession to the throne) with horses and oxen, and in a presentation asked to give him the old seal.

The envoy on the return trip arrived to the lands of Eastern Livu-Prince Hyan, where he saw many Uhuans, and asked the Prince about them. (The Eastern Livu Prince) Hyan explained to him. The envoy said, that in accordance with the new four articles they should not accept fugitive Uhuans, and now it is necessary to immediately return them. Hyan said, I shall hasten to inform Shanuy about that, and after i receive an answer will not delay to return them. Shanuy ordered Hyan to ask the envoy: how to return them, inside or outside of the fortified line? The envoy did not dare to answer this question, and notified the sovereign . The sovereign directed to accept them outside of fortified line.

In the beginning Shanuy refused to secede to the Court the land which Hya-heu Fan asked for; after that he asked for permission to collect yasak from Uhuans, and not receiving a desirable, he robbed them (The phrase robbed them is quite hypocritical, since Huns collected tribute that was traditional, and a result of an old peace treaty between the Huns and Uhuans concluded upon a cessation of the military conflict. The Chinese took upon themselves to take over the Uhuan tribute payments, in fact robbing both Huns and Uhuans, because as far as the Huns are concerned, Uhuans owe them their tribute, whether or not the Chinese try to collect the same tribute from the poor Uhuans. To make things worse, Uhuans had no part in the dealings or the alliance between the Chinese and their Hunnish lords, who turned to China solely to stop their intra-family internecine wars).
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From that were born the first displeasures, subsequently amplified by the changed inscriptions on the seal: so Shanuy, in indignation, sent Western Great Tszuikui (Chjuki ?) Puhulu-tszy, in total up to ten men with 10,000 Calvary, under a pretext of conveying the Uhuans, 1 and these troops hunkered down near the fortified line close to Sho-fan. The governor of the Sho-fan area notified the sovereign.

Next year Suichjili (A territorial division of the Yui/Yuy/Syui/Sui/Suy tribe is invariably mentioned as located in the Turfan basin, a perennial Uigur territory. Significantly, the Uigur tribal name could be spelled in English as Uy-gur, and in Chinese as equivalent Uy-bu and a close Yui-bu), the possessor of the posterior Cheshy (Turfan/Turpan/Gaochan 43N 89E) in the Western Territory, conceived to join the Huns. The deputy (Chinese Viceroy) Dan Tsin beheaded him. The possessor's senior brother Hulanchjy (Hu = Hun, Lan = name of dominant Hunnic tribe, chjy = Türkic affix of belonging -chi/-chy), taking up to 2,000 of his people, property and cattle, left with his whole clan and submitted to the Huns. Shanuy accepted him. Hulanchjy, jointly with the Huns, attacked Cheshy, killed the Heuchen 2 possessor, wounded Viceroy's (officer, official, etc.) Sy-ma and returned to the Huns.

During this time Sui I, (Chinese) bailiff Chen Lyan, Jung Dai, Syma-chen Han Yuan and younger Tsui-heu Jen Shang, seeing that the Western Territory is very much inclined to revolt, and the Huns are preparing for a great invasion, were frightened for everybody not to perish: so they conceived to capture a few hundreds of officers and troops, with joined forces to kill the (Chinese) bailiff Dyao-Ho and let it known to the Southern Hunnu Livu-Prince and the Southern commander (This is a first mentioning of a Southern Wing, apparently in addition to the Eastern and Western Wings, a result of either gaining control of the southern territories/tribes; or a split of the, likely Western, wing into regular/northern part and Southern Wing; because of the Turfan basin location, an unlike case is a creation of a special wing connected with the Hun-Chinese border. The level of the titles, Livu-Prince and Southern Commander/Head implicates that the appointees were not related to the dynastic succession line, but were closer to the tribal head's level.

This is also a first mentioning of a Hun's/Hunnish Prince, as opposed to the previous generic titles, with implication of the existence of non-Hunnish identical counterparts, possibly Chinese appointees for local deputy representatives, translated by N.Bichurin as bailiff ; or the ingenious non-Hunnish command structure in the Southern Wing, subordinated to their Hunnish counterparts).

The Hunnu Southern commander with 2,000 cavalry entered the Western Territory for the acceptance (of the Chinese bailiff) Chen Lyan with others. Chen Lyan and others captured all officers and troops at the Sui-i (township, detachment) Syao-yui (commander of a detachment, a title for a Chinese bailiff for foreigners, in the west in charge of Tanguts and Turkistanians), numbering up to 2,000 heads of both sexes, and have left to the Huns.

1) Shy-gu writes: it was said that for escorting Uhuans, but in reality for attacks.
2) Shy-gu writes: Heu-chen is a small princedom.
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Han Yuan and Jen Shang remained with the Southern commander, and Chen Lyan and Chjun-dai came to the Shanuy horde. The people (the Chinese subordinates of the Chinese bailiff) were specially resettled along the river Lin-vu-Shui for grain farming. Chen Lyan and Jung Dai received from Shanuy a title of Uhuan Dugyan-gyuns (moving them from the Chinese bailiff posts in the Türkic Uigur territory to the Hun's bailiff posts in the Mongol Uhuan territory. In the ethnically complex northern Chinese state, Chen Lyan and Chjun Dai could have been of Türkic Hun or Uigur extraction, in the Chinese service) and remained to live at his court. Shanuy quite often invited them to his table.

The deputy Dan Tsin reported to the Court that the Hunnu Southern commander and Western Ichjitszy made an attack on the possessions of the Western Territory: therefore Wang Man undertook to split the lands of the Huns into 15 possessions and sent a Hunnu bailiff (Chinese bailiff over the Hun affairs) Ho Bai and his assistant Dai Tszi with 10,000 cavalry and plenty of expensive things for the gifts.

Arriving to the fortified line in Yun-chjun, they have invited relatives 1 of Huhanie-Shanuy and wanted to appoint them one at a time (I.e. make appointments instead of, and bypassing the, authority of the Supreme Khan, who in their scheme was downgraded to a level of a petty Prince, a proposition Uchjulu-Jodi Shanuy did not accept and violently opposed). They sent a translator abroad to summon the Western Yulihan-Prince Hyan (Another personality from the maternal side of the dynastic union, called by transparent Great Yu Khan, likely a son and a heir apparent of the state chief executive Syui-budan). 2 When Hyan with his two sons Dyn and Chju arrived, <they> by force made him Hyao-Shanuy and presented him a chariot, a kettle-drum and a carriage, 1,000 lan (37.8 g x 1,000 = 37.8 kg) of gold, 1,000 pieces of different silk fabrics, and ten tridents (a trident as a symbol of power remained a Hunnic vestige in the Eastern Europe, It was a state tamga of the Bulgars, Ruses, and even of the early Russian state; some monarchs adopted it as their personal tamga; and even now it decorates some state coats of arms; three and four-prong tamgas are found on the coins of the early conquistadors from the Central Asia, like Kushans; the custom may have come from China, or it may have been exploited by the Chinese to imitate the traditional Türkic symbols of power) with badges; his son Chju was also made a Shun-Shanuy, <they> gave him 500 lan (37.8 g x 500 = 18.9 kg) of gold, and together with his brother Dyn took to Chang'an. Shanuy, on receiving a news about that, said with anger: The former Shanuys were receiving favors from Suan-di; it is impossible to appear ungrateful. The present Son of Sky is not a descendant of the sovereign Suan-di; on what right he received a throne? (The barbaric Hunnish royalty turned out to be way more noble then the civilized Chinese politicians; even facing an overt treachery by his Chinese counterparts, he maintained the impropriety of being ungrateful to those who helped him in his hour of trouble. These Chinese maneuvers are at the root of debasing the old title Shanuy, which used to mean supreme, but was deliberately deflated to a secondary status, creating a need for a new supreme title)

1) I. e. sons and great sons.
2) Yulihan is a princely title (Yu-li-khan; Yu = tribe Yui/Yuy/Syui/Sui/Suy, li = in titles designates a senior level), Hyan is a name of prince. Ganmu.
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11 And so he sent the Eastern Gudu-heu, the Western Ichjitszy-Prince Hulutszy and the Eastern Chjuki-Prince Lo with troops to rais the fortified line I-sheu-sai in Yun-chjun. They beat up a great multitude of officials and inhabitants. It was a third year of the Gyan-go rule, 11. After that Shanuy proscribed all Eastern and Western bordering Princes and the heads of the clans to plunder the Chinese border. The large parties comprised up to 10,000, medium a few thousand, and small a few hundreds people. They killed regional governors and Du-yui in the Yaimyn and Sho-fan, heisted cattle and property, and took in captivity a great multitude of officials and inhabitants. The border areas were completely emptied.

Man Sin 1 after assuming the throne, counting on riches in the treasury chambers and bread shops, has resolved to instill fear and appointed twelve corps heads, demanded the best troops from the whole state, took the best weaponry from the arsenals, and appointed each corps a known place for gathering, ordered to transfer the bread to the border. The council resolved to raise an army of 300 thousands men, supply it with vital supplies for ten months; the whole army set out at one time by ten roads, and to drive the Huns to Dinlin (Tele tribes occupied mountainous and forest-steppe lands north of the Huns). 2 After that subdivide the lands of the Huns and install fifteen Shanuys from the descendants of the Huhanie-Shanuy. A commander Yan Yu 3 submitted presentation of the following content: It is known that the Huns from the old harm us, but it is not seen that in ancient times <they> went with a war against them.

1) Wang Man.
2) Shy-gu writes: to drive Huns from the lands of Dinlins (pin. Dinglings).
3) Yan Yu was appointed as a Supreme commander of all corps assembled on the northern border.
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During subsequent times three Houses: Chjeu (Zhou, 1045-256 BC), Tsin (Qin, 221-206 BC) and Han ( Han, 206 BC-220 AD) had a war with them, but none of the mentioned Houses had a better plan. House of Chjeu had a middle, House of Han a last, and House of Tsin had no plan. In the reign of Suan-wan from the House of Chjeu, Hyanyuns (another spelling of the word Hun?) invaded China, and penetrated to Gin-yan. The commanders, sent against them, pursued them to the border and returned. At that time the attacks of the nomads were viewed as a bite or a sting of mosquitoes; <they> were content with expulsion only. The empire thought such measure is reasonable (Chinese did not have cavalry, nor yet hired mercenaries haughtily called vassals), and it was the middle plan. Wu-di, the sovereign from the Han house, selected commanders and trained an army which with light attire and food provisions entered far into the interior of the enemy lands and though <they> gained victories and received exactions, but the Huns paid the same, and the war disasters lasted for more than 30 years. The Middle State was fatigued, exhausted, but the Huns also received deep wounds. The empire counted the plan of the Wu-di sovereign the last one. Tsin Shy-huan-di, without a slightest shame, not appreciating the efforts of the people, concocted the Long Wall for 10,000 li. The delivery of provisions was made even by the sea. But when the fortification of the border was completed, the Middle State on the inside was completely exhausted in strength , and the House of Tsin lost the throne. That is a result that the House of Tsin had no plan. Now the empire suffers from poor harvest, continued for some years, especially in the northwestern limits.
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To collect 300 thousand army, produce provisions for them for ten months, for this is necessary to borrow in the east from the sea, in the south to receive from the rivers Gyan (Yangtze) and Huai 1; otherwise it is impossible to produce. By the distance estimates for the places, is hardly possible in a whole year to accomplish it. Soldiers, who came before, will live under open air. Troops will lose a first heat, the weapons will spoil and become unusable. This is the first obstacle. As soon as the border places are exhausted, <they> cannot supply the army with food; and it is impossible to deliver from the inner areas and fiefs at the same time. This is the second difficulty. Assuming that for a maintenance of one men for ten months is needed 18 hu, 2 one oxen is needed for transportation of such quantity; two hu should be added for feeding the ox, that would make twenty hu weight. The Huns' soil is sandy and salty, many places do not have neither grass, nor water. Judging by the past experience, no more then in three months from the onset of the army abroad, the oxen will die, and the food freight will still remain so large, that the people cannot carry it on themselves. This is the third difficulty. The Huns' places in the autumn and in winter can be very cold, and in the spring and in the summer happen strong winds. Carrying along plenty of buckets and boilers, firewood and charcoal will be an immeasurable weight. Using dried cooked rice and drinking water for a whole year is dangerous because in the army will appear epidemic diseases; so in the past the war with Huns was waged for no more than a hundred days, not because that they did not want to advance, but were not able to do that.

1) I. e. would be required delivery of bread by the sea and channels from the remote countries of the southern China
2) Probably, in this place is a mistake: hu is written instead of deu.
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This is a fourth difficulty. If the transport will follow the army, the light and best troops will be few, because it will not be possible to move fast. The enemies will be evading little by little, and catching up with them will be impossible. If we happen to come across the enemies, we still will be weighted down by the transport caravan. If we encounter dangerous and difficult passes, the head should stay inseparably with the tail, 1 and the enemies can lock us up from the front and from the rear. Then it would be impossible to determine the degree of danger. This is a fifth difficulty. And with extreme stress of the population strength the war not always end favorably, this is what I worry about.

In coming war the troops that came before should be sent first, so that they penetrate further into the interior, and by a suddenly blow on the Huns, could force them into a havoc.

Wang Man did not listen to him. The gathering of the army and accumulation of the provisions continued as before. The empire was shaken into a movement.

Hyan, who received from Wang Man a title of the Hyao-Shanuy, speedily went abroad and, returning to the horde court, notified Shanuy about his involuntary appointment. Shanuy in contrast appointed him Yuisuchjichjy-heu (Yuy = tribal name, su = army, ji> ju > juz = union, chjy > chy/shy = personal affix from a noun ~ in charge of; + heu = Ch. ruler; altogether Yuy-su-chji-chjy in Chinese transcription is a commander of the Yuy tribe's tribal militia. Not a small position, considering that Yuy/Syuy tribe was one of the three mightiest Hunnish tribes, it would be a main force to beat off the Chinese, but in the Chinese eyes it was way down the line from the top of the Hunnish hierarchy). It is a low post among the Huns.

Subsequently, Chju died of Illness, and Wang Man gave the title Shun-Shanuy to his brother Dyn. The military commander 2 Chen Tsin and the military commander 3 Wang-syun encamped in Yun-chjun near the fortified line Ge-se-sai. During that time, Huns a few times attacked the Chinese borders; killed military leaders of the troops, plundered people, and heisted cattle in great multitude.

1) I. e. the wagon pole of a horse behind the tail of another horse, with no space neither for a cart to pass across, nor for a cavalry to line up. Ganmu.
2) E-nan Gyan-gyun.
3) Chjen-di Gyan-gyun.
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Captured enemies unanimously said that Go, a son of Hyao Shanuy Hyan, attacked a number of times. Both commanders reported about that to the Court.

12 In the fourth year, 12, Wang Man in the presence of aliens beheaded Dyn (pin. Deng), the son of the Hyao-Shanuy [i.e. Hyan], on the plaza in Chang'an. Since the times of the sovereign Suan-di, for several generations, the signal bonfire lights were not seen on the northern borders of China. The population increased; the pastures became covered with horses and horned livestock. But as soon as Wang Man brought about confusion and initiated hostile relations with the Huns, many border inhabitants were beaten down, dispersed, or taken into captivity. Moreover, the army of twelve corps stood by for a long time, without going for a campaign. The leaders and troops came to disorder. The northern border after several years became completely empty. In the fields laid unburied bones.

13 In the fifth year of the Gyan-go rule, 13, died Uchjulu-Shanuy, on twenty first year of his reign. A Hunnu noble running the state affairs, the Western Gudu-heu Suibudan (This statement confirms that the social structure of the Huns conformed to the traditional Türkic social organization of: exogamic marriages; dualistic dynastic system of matrilineal and patrilineal union; a state chief executive belonging to the maternal line, in this case the head of the Uigur tribe Yui/Yuy/Syui/Sui/Suy, representing and personifying the people of the state, in this case Syui-budan (Tr. budun = people, folk, Syui = name of the tribe, in our lingo Uy (gur) tribe); Shanuy being a son-in-law of the head of maternal tribe Syui-budan; lateral succession, when a younger brother becomes a next son-in-law by marrying his older brother's wife; assignment of a third post in the state to the head of the maternal tribe, in this case Syui-budan, behind the acting Chanuy and the Chanuy-in-waiting, because he is not eligible for the succession, which is reserved for the male dynastic line) and Yun's son-in-law Wang Chjao-gyun who married Imo-guitsyyun, a daughter of the Princess Wang Chjao-gyun (N.Bichurin explains Yundan as Syuibu-dan, Yun = Syui/Sui = tribal name; so the son-in-law of Yun = son-in-law of Syui, i.e. of Syui-budan; the letter n' in the name Yun could be suspected of being due to the inflections of the Russian language that deformed the underlying Chinese character Yu, but the following re-statement of the name as Yun dispels that possibility). Yun (Syui-budan) always desired to conclude with China peace and kinship (treaty); besides, before he was in close connection with Hyan (The chief executive of the state from the tribe Yui/Syui, a non-elective position, and the Great Khan of the tribe Yui/Syui, these two are likely to have tight bonds of a father and a son); and since Wang Man already appointed Hyan a Shanuy, Suibudan bypassed Yui, raised Hyan (Yuysuiichjy Hyan, in the Chinese 18th c. articulation of the 1st c. Chinese transcription) to the throne under a name Ulei-Jodi Shanuy.

Posting Note

The head of the Yui gurs (using the Ogur gur for the tribe) executed a palace coup, raising his ineligible elder son to the Shanuy throne, and for a time ending a dynastic line that may be called a House of Huns, and establishing a temporary Yui tribe dynasty, a House of Yui. Though the Chinese annals have some confusing elements in their account, this main line is quite clear, but the dark spots abound.

A personality of the Yui who was bypassed by Yui/Syui-budan is puzzling: if the bypassed Yui was bypassed, he was closer in the pecking order then Yui Hyan, but then he can't be a younger brother of the Yui Hyan, because the pecking order is a seniority order. The only way for the bypassed Yui to be ahead of Yui Hyan is to be eligible, i.e. to descend directly from a late Shanuy on his father side, while Yui Hyan is ineligible. However, the Houhanshu calls the bypassed Yui a younger brother.

Then the Yui Hyan as Ulei-Jodi Shanuy Hyan appoints the same bypassed Yui as Eastern Luli Prince, indicating that the bypassed Yui is in the line of succession. A true dynastic coup-d'etat involves a complete shakedown of the ruling staff: those on the west go to the right, and those on the right either go westward, or disappear from the stack. By appointing Sutuhuben, a son of a late Uchjulu Shanuy, as a second in line for succession, an Eastern Chjuki Prince, and the bypassed Yui as Eastern Luli Prince, the new dynasty creates an imminent possibility for the restoration of the old House of Huns, a scenario totally impossible, because immediately after restoration the injured side wipes our the plotters and their offsprings as a matter of cleaning the house.

If Sutuhuben is appointed a Hunnic Prince of Wales, he is a senior in line after the death of the Uchjulu Shanuy, it was him who must have been bypassed by Yui Hyan, not his younger bypassed Yui.

One can't be demoted by becoming an Eastern Chjuki Prince, it is a highest position in the state after Shanuy. The change-over from the male dynastic line to the female dynastic line is a palace coup, under a fig leaf cover that the Chinese monarch made it natural and legal. So, the succession is neither agnatic nor lateral, it is a coup, unless there was a clear understanding that the brother-in-law of the lawful successor was Shanuy only in name, to deflect the incipient Chinese aggression, and his factual position was that of a Regent, a place-holder in time of troubles, also known as Gostun/Custodian and Ilchi.

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18. Ulei-Jodi Shanuy Hyan (13-18 AD; from Uigur maternal clan; the Sui, Chinese Suibu, becomes a male dynastic tribe. R. de Crespigny: Nengzhiyasi/Nengjiyasi; Hyan = pin. Xian?). Ulei-jodi Shanuy Hyan, after assuming the throne, installed his younger brother Yui as Eastern Luli-Prince (in line for succession, but with chances remote and just above the horizon), Sutuhuben, a son of Uchjulu-Shanuy, as Eastern Chjuki-Prince (legal successor, an ancient Prince of Wales), his younger brother Luhun who born from Chjuki-Yanchjy, a Western Chjuki-Prince (2nd in line for succession, behind Sutuhuben; the wise Yanchjy must be a second Yanchjy of the Shanuy, or a first Yanchjy of the Chjuki-Prince).

During the life of Uchjulu-Shanuy died a number of Eastern Chjuki-Princes (Legal successors, ancient Princes of Wales). For this reason the name Chjuki was recognized as unfortunate, and the Eastern Chjuki-Prince was re-named Hyuui (orig.: ). Hyuui means excellent, and he should inherit the title of the Shanuy, so Uchjulu-Shanuy gave his senior son a name Hyuui, with an intention to leave him the throne.

(Ulei-Jodi Shanuy) Hyan, being unhappy with the Uchjulu-Shanuy for diminishing his status, did not want to pass the throne to the son of the late Shanuy, and demoted him to the Eastern Chjuki-Prince (instead of his rightful Shanuy throne). Yundan (N.Bichurin explains Yundan as Syuibu-dan, Yun = Syui/Sui = tribal name, bu = branch/tribe, dan = title of a position within the tribe; this gives an opportunity to link the preceding name of the tribe Yu =Yun with the later name Syui/Sui; both names of the tribe are used with a connotation of a great importance in the Hun's confederation; the head of the tribe is mentioned as a father-in-law of the Shanuy, a head of the maternal half of the Hun's dynastic line) advised (Ulei-Jodi Shanuy) Hyan to conclude a peace and kinship (with Chinese).

14 In the first year of the Thyan-fyn rule, 14, Yundan (Syuibu-dan) sent a messenger to the Si-he to the Chje-lu-sai border in Hu-myn 1 to inform the border military chiefs that he wishes to see Ho-tsin-heu. Ho-tsin-heu was a nephew of Princess Wang Chjao-gyun, a son of her elder brother. Du-yui of the middle aimak notified the Court, and Wang Man sent Wang Hi to congratulate Shanuy with assuming the throne. Wang Hi offered rich gifts of gold, clothing and silk fabrics; with a deceit he said that Dyn (pin. Deng), his son, is still alive, and then convinced him to turn over the military officials Chen Lyan, Jung Dai and others.

1) Shy-gu writes: Hu-myn is a name of a district, on the border of which laid the fortified line Chje-lui-sai .
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Shanuy assembled four men and Chji In, the killer of bailiff Dyao Hu, with families, numbering 27 people, turn them over to their envoy in cages, and sent Chuweigusi-Prince Fu (looks like the Türkic aiguchi = councilor, chancellor, adviser, or less likely Gusi-Prince of Chuwei tribes, Chinese generic for dangerous tribe) with 40 men to escort Wang Hi and Wang Fyn to China. Wang Man burned them alive on a plaza. He called off the commanders from the border, and left garrisons headed by Yu-tszi and Du-yui. 1

Shanuy craved the gifts from Wang Man, and consequently in appearance did not want to break off the former ties with China, but on the inside aspired to attacks and robberies; moreover, learning from the returned envoy, that his son Dyn (pin. Deng) has already died, became indignant without measure. The attacks and robberies from the Eastern side continued uninterrupted. The envoy asked Shanuy about the reason for the attacks. Shanuy answered, the Huns and Uhuans 2 have no reasons, but the villains from the people jointly raid the borders, like the rebels do in China. Hyan, after assuming the throne, has not yet earned the trust and respect among the people, and consequently by all measures tried to prohibit the attacks, and did not dare to be hypocritical (i.e. serve both masters, the Hunnu people, and the Chinese bureaucracy).

15 In the 2nd year of the Thyan(T-hyan)-fyn rule, 15, in the fifth moon Wang Man has also sent Wang Hi, Wuwei-gyan Wang Hyan, Fu-yan, Din E, altogether six people to escort the western Chuweigusi-Prince (Türkic aiguchi = councilor, chancellor, adviser?); and on this occasion returned the bodies of the executed Shanuy's son Dyn (pin. Deng) and his nobles on ordinary wagons. When this embassy approached the border, Shanuy sent Yundan's son Nyan, and a Great Tszui-kui (another phonetic presentation of Chjuki ?) She to meet Wang Hyan with others.

1) During this time for border there was a great famine so people each other ate. Ganmu.
2) . century possessors from houses Hunnu and Uhuan.
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Envoys offered Shanuy rich gifts in gold and precious things, and with that were inducing him to change the name (in the Chinese records!) from Hunnu (匈奴 Huns) to Gunnu (新恭奴 Huns), Shanuy (單于) on Shanuy (善于) (匈奴單于璽, Xiongnu Chanyu Xi to 新恭奴善于章, Xin Xiongnu Chanyu Zhang). 1 He was granted a seal with cords. Gudu-heu Yundan received a princely title Heu-an-gyun, Yundan's sons Nan and She received princely title Heu-an-heu. Shanuy, craving for expensive gifts from Wang Man, agreed with everything without objections, but the attacks and robberies continued as before. Wang Hyan and Wang Hi gave to Yundan gifts for turning over Chen-lyan with others, and tasked him with distribution at his discretion. In the twelfth moon, envoys returned to the border. Wang Man was extremely pleased and awarded Wang Hi with two millions. 2

18 Shanuy Hyan died on the fifth year of his reign, in the fifth year of the Thyan-fyn rule, 18. His younger brother, the Eastern Chjuki-Prince Yui, was raised to the throne under a name Hudurshi Dao-gao Jodi Shanuy (lateral succession, if he was his younger brother from Yui tribe). The Hunnu word Jodi (若鞮, Jodi phoneticized in pinyin by quite distorted and misleading Roji/Ruodi and the like) means respectful to parents. Since Huhanie time, when he got close with the House of Han, the Shanuys, seeing that the Chinese sovereigns add to their names the word Hyao (pin. Xian?), which means respectful to parents, grew fond of this word, and started to be written Jodi.

1) The word Hun-nu (匈奴) in Chinese letters means malicious slave; Gun-nu (新恭奴) in Chinese letters means Respectful slave (Good Yui in B.S.Taskin reading, 1984, pp. 305-306, supported by examples of semantically identical application of the name Yui). Here is changed not the original national name of the Mongols (Türks; at that time the authentic folk name of Mongols did not exist; nor existed an authentic folk name of the Türks; in the Shanuy lingo, his subjects were Huns and Uhuans, two separate people; modern science determined that Huns were Türkic-speaking, and Uhuans were Mongolic-speaking; many other Türkic-speaking tribes were not called Huns, and many other Mongolic-speaking tribes were not called Uhuans), but the phonetic rendition of the name in the Chinese (written) language. In the word Shanuy (善于) the former (Chinese) letter Shan (善) which did not have a meaning, was replaced with a (Chinese) letter Shan (善), kind (This note seemingly contradicts N.Bichurin's other citation about explanation of the character Shan, in Shanuy, the annals stated the phonetic rendition translated into Chinese had a meaning of Great, Huge, Infinite: Shanuy means greatest, in Chinese Syan-t'khan/Syan-tkhan. In that respect the Türkic Shan in Chinese has the same meaning as Tengiz/Dengiz/Chingiz, Kul/Kül, etc. The same meanings are attributed to the character Ka in Kagan, where the Chinese adjective 可 /kě/ stands for great, making it a Chinese version of the Great Khan, 可汗. ).
2) Chohs (strands of copper coins) which = 2,000 lan (37.8 g x 2,000 = 76 kg) of silver.
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Posting Note

A number of reconstructions of the part Shan in Shanuy were offered, mostly from the Mongolic standpoint: dengui, delgegüü, dargan, sayin (respectively Siratori, Rammstedt, Suhbaatar), Türkic yavgu/yabgu, tamgan (Clauson, Panov). All of them were more than suspicious. K. Csornai suggested 單于 danhu: tan/tan-gįwo/jįu GS: 147a. 97a < tarqan = tarχan, with references to Pulleyblank and Pelliott.

B.S.Taskin, 1984, p. 306 offered a most suitable solution: Shan-uy is a rendition of the Türkic San-uy, where San is respect, honor, and uy is house; Shan-uy = San-uy = Respected or Honored House. This interpretation allows to read another Hunnic title: Hu-yui in Türkic is Guarding the House, Guard of the House, that was a title introduced by Uchjulu Shanuy. This interpretation is also close to the Suhbaatar's suggestion, because the Mongolian sayin = good, best is a derivative of the Türkic san = respect, honor, but the part uy coming from the Mongolian language remaining unexplained. Semantically, the Respected or Honored House is consistent with the Ban Gu's explanation of Great Yui

19. Shanuy Yui (18-46; from Uigur maternal clan; the Sui, Chinese Suibu, becomes a male dynastic tribe). Hudurshi Shanuy Yui, after assuming the throne, craving for profits and awards, sent Great Tszuikui (Chjuki ? pin. Jukui) She (second mentioning of the Great Tszüiküi/Jukui name, the first at about 10 AD, named Puhulu-tszy, and She here is named 9 years later in 19 AD) with the others 3 as envoy to Chang'an to present gifts. Wang Man sent Ho-tsin-heu Wang Ho that he, with the prince She and others, on the fortified line Chje-lu-sai met with Yundan 1 and brought him to Chang'an by force. The younger Yundan's son found a chance to flee from the border, and returned to the Huns, and Yundan arrived to Chang'an. Wang Man appointed him Suibu-Shanuy and wanted to organize a large army to enthrone him. The army was not assembled yet, and the angry Huns with joined forces intruded into northern limits of China, and the northern border was devastated. It happened that Yundan died of an illness.

Wang Man gave out his out-of-wedlock daughter Lu-lu Jen for Heu-an-gun She, 2 and he extremely liked and respected him, and by all means wanted to send an army to enthrone him. It happened, that the Chinese troops killed Wang Man. Yun-she also died.

26 At the end of the second year of the Gyn-shy rule, 26, the Chinese Court sent to the Huns a Hunnu bailiff Prince 3 Tszun-i (pin. Zun-yi) and a military commander 4 Chen Tszun (pin. Zun) (Suibu-dan) to return to the Shanuy the old state seal with the cords, to the Princes simple seals with cords, and at the same time to escort relatives and elders that accompanied Yundan. Shanuy Yui was beaming, and in conversation with Tszun (pin. Zun) Li said: The House of the Hunnu (Huns) used to be brothers with the House of Han. With time a turmoil started among Huns. Suan-di assisted Huhanie-Shanuy to receive the throne: therefore Huhanie out of respect for the House of Han was calling himself a vassal.

3) Abbreviated by excluding proper names.
1) Suibu-dan.
2) Li Ki writes: Lu-lu is a name of a small town. Man changed a Chinese word Gun Chju, Princess, to jen. (The person) She was titled Heu. Man, marrying him (She) to his daughter, raised him to a title Gun. Heu-an Gun is a title of the rank.
3) Gui-de-heu.
4) Da-sy-ma Hu-gyun.
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Now in the House of Han also happened great turmoil because Wang Man stole the throne; and Huns also raised their weapons against Wang Man, and cleared the border areas. Now the empire is in disarray, inspired for the House of Han. That finally Wang Man vanished, and the House of Han rose again, for that you are obliged to my forces, and in return should respect me. Tszun (pin. Zun) argued against that, but Shanuy remained with his opinion.

27 Tszun (pin. Zun) returned in the summer of the next year, 27. But it happened that Red-Browed 1 entered Chang'an, and Gyn-shy perished.

Taken from the History of the Senior House of Han.

1) In the year 18 in the province Shandong appeared gangs of robbers. By the end of the year they united and attracted attention of the government. In the year 27 these rebels, to distinguish their army from the imperial army, became dyeing their eyebrows, from which came their nickname Red-Browed, Chi-mei.
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DURING 189 YEARS REIGNED TWENTY KHANS (average reign 8 years)

The History of the Senior House of Han states directly: account on the Huns, without separation of their House onto a Northern and Southern. Here, the Huns are called Southern, and by that is clearly implied the existence of the Northern Huns. But because the the Southern Shanyus were more loyal to China, in a praise of their submission, this section was titled as accounts on the Southern Huns. In the Dun-guan-ji [the name of the composition] this section is called accounts on the Southern Huns' Shanyus. Fan Hua [the author of Hou han shu, from which this account is taken] dropped the word Shanyu. P.I.

[Houhanshu, Ch. 119]

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I. Shanyu Bi (48-56 AD; Hiloshy Chjodi-Shanyu was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 10th generation). Hiloshy Jodi-Shanyu of the Southern Huns, called Bi, was a grandson of the Huhanie Shanyu.

Historical explanation. The History of the Senior Han dynasty says: Shanyu means: the greatest, i.e. in greatness like the Sky. Huhanie was a descendant of Mode-Shanyu in eighth generation; a son of Huilui Tsuanui-Shanyu (Huilui Quanui), by the name Giheu-Shyan. The notes entitled Dun-guan-ji say: Shanyu (Bi) was a descendant of the northern Hun Tuman in 18th generation. From Tuman-Shanyu to Bi during the first ten generations the throne passed from a father to son, and the Shanyus, who followed one another, were 18 generations (Chinese apparently used a linear succession model, instead of actual lateral succession, and both the statement about succession order and count of generations contradict other records of the Chinese annals). P.I.

Son of the Uchjulu Jodi Shanyu.

Historical explanation. In the language of the Huns a respectful of his father is called Jodi. After as the Huhanie-Shanyu submitted, the Huns were close-knit with the House of Han. Seeing that Chinese emperors after death are given a name Hyao, respectful to the parents, they liked this name; and his son Fuchjulei-Shanyu, and after him also the others were all called Jodi. The Southern Shanyu Bi, and after him the others were called Di (Di as abbreviated Jodi; in alternate phonetization they are Ti and Joti respectively). P.I.

After Huhanie his sons inherited the throne by the order. The younger Bi's uncle by his father, Shanyu Yui, installed Bi a Western Yugyan-jichjo-Prince, to rule the generations along the southern border and Uhuans (pin. Wuhuans).

25 In the first year of the Gyan-wu rule, 25, when Phyn (P-hyn) Chun raised a revolt in Yui-yan, the Shanyu, joining with him, has recognized Lu Fan as an Emperor, and wanted bring him to Wu-yuan.

Historical explanation. By the Dun-guan-ji notes, Lu Fan was a native of the An-din area. A few thousands of Turkistanians in dependent possessions raised a revolt in Senmani. Lu Fan, following them, falsely accepted a surname Lu 1 and a princely title. 2

1) Lu was a surname of the reigning then in China House of Han (China had taboos; neither the Türkic, nor the Mongolian people had taboos; the name of the Chinese emperor was under taboo).
2) Si-phin-van (P-hyn).
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Historical explanation (continued). It happened, that the Hunnu Geulin-Prince subdued Senman Türks. Lu Fan together with them left to the lands of the Huns, and lived there for a few years. As the tranquility in the Middle State has not been yet reinstated, Shanyu endevoured to sponsor Lu Fan to receive the throne. He sent Muleitszyui-Prince to Wu-yuan, to enter negotiations on this subject with fake commander Li Hin and others. Li Hin set out north to the Shanyu horde court to receive Lu Fan. Lu Fan beyond the border had a support in the Huns, Li and in China in the commander Li Hin with others: and therefore could become stronger in the northern provinces. P.I.

30 Guan-vu in the first years of his reign mostly tried to restore a tranquility in China and had no time to engage in foreign affairs. Already in the sixth year, 30, a Prince 1 Lu Li was sent as an envoy to the Huns; respective with that the Huns also sent an envoy with gifts. The Court also sent a Hunnu bailiff Han Thun (T-hun) with a response and plenty of gold and silk fabrics to sway the Shanyu for renewal of the old friendship.

Historical explanation. Under old friendship was meant the aliance of the peace and kinship, concluded by emperors Suan-di and Hodi with the Huns. P.I.

With a proud air, Shanyu was comparing himself with Mode, and in conversation with the Chinese envoy was expressing his contempt.

Historical explanation. Mode was a son of the Hunnu Shanyu Tuman, a descendant of the kings of the Hya (Xia) dynasty. The ancestor of their House was called Shun-wei. From Shun-wei to Tuman is thought to be more than 1,000 years. Mode, during the reign of the sovereign Shy-huan, 209 BC, shot Tuman with a whistle arrow, and ascended the throne after him. He had more than 300,000 troops, and in his might was equal with the rulers of China. In a haughty manner, he brought Gao-tszu in a tight position, and offended empress Lyui-heu. See the History the of Senior House of Han. P.I.

1) Gui-de-heu.
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Historical explanation (continued).

24 By the History of the Senior House of Han, in the second year of the Gyn-shy rule, 24, in the winter was sent a Hunnu bailiff Prince 1 Li Lu and a military commander 2 Chen Tszun to deliver to the Shanyu a seal with cords, made like the Chinese state seal. The Shanyu was proud and in conversation with Li Lu said: The house of the Huns was considered to be brothers with the House of Han. At some time at the Huns arose internal turmoil. Hyao-suan-di helped Huhanie-Shanyu to receive the throne: so Huhanie, out of respect for the House of Han, conceded to being his vassal. In the House of Han now also happened great turmoil because Van Man stole the throne; so the Huns also raised their weapons against Van Man, and cleared the border area. Now the empire is anxious, desirous of the House of Han. That Van Man perished, and the House of Han revived again, with that you are obligated to my forces; and on the contrary should respect me. How much Tszun tried to argue with Shanyu, he remained with his opinion. Here pertain the words: was talking with contempt. P.I.

The Emperor in relation to the Shanyu behaved as before, and the normal relations through the embassies were not interrupted. But the Huns and Lu Fan a few times attacked the northern limits (of China).

33 In the ninth year, 33, a military commander 3 Wu Han with others was sent against them, but for a whole year he had no success; the Huns, on the contrary, became stronger, and from day to day increased robberies and furies.

1) Gui-de-heu.
2) Da-sy-ma Hu-gyun.
3) Da-sy-ma.
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37 In the thirteenth year, 37, they staged a raid on He-dun, and the regional heads were powerless to stop them: so is little by little the border inhabitants moved from the Yu-chjeu and Bin-chjeu areas to the lands laying east from the fortresses Chan-shan-guan and Gyui-yun-guan 1, and the Huns from the eastern aimak again resettled within the the limits of China. The government was anxious and increased the border troops by several thousand in each area; built forts everywhere and re-established signal fires (beacons).

40 The Huns were notified that the Chinese Court wishes to take Lu Fan from them; so, eager to receive gifts, they sent him to China, and expected rewards, 40. But Lu Fan, wishing to gain accolades by a volunetary submission, did not disclosed that he was sent by the Huns. Shanyu was abashed to open the (Lu Fan's) deceit; and consequently did not receive the expected award. 2 After that he become strongly upset and extended raids far into the interior of China.

44, 45 In the twentieth year, 44, he reached Shan-dan, Fu-fyn and Thyan-shui (T-hyan); in twenty first year in the winter, 45, also attacked Shang-gu and Chjung-shan, beat, plundered and captured a great multitude. On the northern border 3 were seen no quiet years. Before that, the Shanyu's younger brother, a Western Luli-Prince Itu-chjyasy in his turn had to take a post of the Eastern Chjuki-Prince, and the Eastern Chjuki-Prince was considered to be a hair of the Shanyu.

1) By the History of the Senior Han dynasty, in Dai-gyun is a fortress Chan-shan-guan, in Shang-gu is a fortress Gyui-yun-guan. P.I.
2) Lu Fan in the year 42 again went to the Huns, and died there of illness. Ganmu.
3) It says that in the border areas was not a quiet year. P.I.
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But the Shanyu wanted to pass the throne to his son, so he killed Chjyasy. Chjyasy was a son of a Princess Wang Chjao-gyun. That Princess adult name was Tsyan, she was born in the southern area. 1 She was accepted to the palace at a selection of noble maidens still during the reign of the sovereign Yuan-di. At that time Huhanie arrived to the Court. The Emperor ordered to give him in present five maidens from the inner palace. Chjao-gyun arrived to the palace several years earlier and was not introduced to the sovereign yet, so in frustration she asked to transfer her to the country palace. During a large assembly at the Court on the occasion of Huhanie-Shanyu departure, The emperor called for five maidens for presentation. Chjao-gyun was among them dressed in a magnificent costume, and everybody was struck by her beauty. The Emperor, after seeing her, was extremely astounded, and wanted to leave her, but was ashamed to break the promise. In the house of the Huns Chjao-gyun gave birth to two sons. After Huhanie death to the throne ascended the son of the Senior Yanchjy, and he wanted to marry Chjao-gyun. The Princess asked the (Chinese ) sovereign for the permission to return to China, but Chen-di proscribed her to conform to the customs of the (Hun) people, so she become Yanchjy of the following Khan. Bi, on receiving a news that Chjyasy was killed, said in outrage: by the brother's line the Western Luli-Prince, and by the offspring line I, as a senior son of the late Shanyu, should inherit the throne. This way he gave in to distrust and started evading from the trips to the horde assemblies. So Shanyu also started to suspect Bi and sent two Gudu-heus to monitor his troops.

Posting Note

The word Gudu in the title/position Gudu-heu the Chinese annals explain as son, which is probable, but unlikely, first because the annals also state that the position does not belong to the male dynastic line, these are the sons that are not eligible for succession, so as son the term would bear an objectionable derogatory connotation, like a bastard son; secondly Gudu play extremely prominent role in the operation of the state apparatus incompatible with ostensibly derogatory title of the position; thirdly the term continues its life in the titles of the Great Khans in post-Hun's period which definitely excludes both the semantics of the son and a negative connotation; and fourthly, we have a form Gudulu where the Chinese rendition of the determinate -lu stands for Ulu/Ulug, meaning Great, which in a combination with son also would not fit the title of a Great Khan. Semantically, the Türkic word Güdü meaning drive, spur, motivate better fits the functions and the semantics of the title, making it the equivalent of a Bailiff for Gudu, and Great Inspirator, Great CEO for Gudulu. It would be quite logical for the Shanyu Yui, who killed Bi's father, to send Gudu bailiffs to monitor Bi's movements, it is quite logical that the bailiffs would not be successors to the throne, and it is quite logical that Istemi Yabgu was a Great Executive Gudulu, and Ilteres-Kagan was also a Great Executive Gudulu Kagan 阿史那骨篤祿 Ashina Gudulu. N.Ya. Bichurin noted that Gudu (骨都) are the nobles not from the Shanuy clan; K.Csornai parallels the Hunnic gudu with the modern Mongolian kudu = in-laws.

Noting that the Gudu boys were not eligible for the succession, and at the same time occupied vitally important and prominent position in the Hunnic state, it would be logical to suggest that they belonged to the maternal half of the dynastic line, that they were the sons of the heads of the maternal line, and were known to the Chinese as the sons , in contrast with the fathers who were the CEO's of the Hun's state.

The Chinese annals dwell on the paternal half of the dynastic line, giving the titles and the political appointments, but are almost completely silent on the state administrative machinery, its hierarchy, backlands of its functionaries, and all other details. At the same time they make clear that the political appointments are not the machinery of the state, their role is supervisory, to head and not to work. In contrast, the Gudu are the working bees of the state, its muscles and its sweat.

1) China. 116
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46 In the twenty second year, 46, Shanyu Yui died, and his son, the Eastern Chjuki-Prince Udadi-heu, was raised to the throne (Agnatic succession). But he soon died, and his younger brother, the Eastern Chjuki-Prince Punu, was raised as a Shanyu (Lateral succession). Bi, not receiving the throne, become strongly outraged. Meanwhile, in the land of the Huns for a few years were droughts and locust; the land laid naked for thousands of li. The trees and grasses withered. A famine brought about infection that pilfered cattle from a greater half 1 of the peoples. The Shanyu was anxious that the Chinese Court would not take advantage of its hapless state, so he sent an envoy to Yui-yan to ask for peace and kinship, and therefore the Court also sent on this occasion a Hunnu bailiff Li Mao with an answer.

47 Meanwhile Bi secretly sent with a Chinese Go Hyn [47] a map of the Hunnu lands to the (Chinese) Court, and in the twenty third year, 47, himself came to the regional governor in Si-he, and announced his desire to submit to the Chinese. Both Gudu-heu clearly saw his intention; and in the fifth moon, when they arrived to the assembly in the Lun-tsy, they informed Shanyu that Yugyan Jichjo is seldomly coming to the conclaves and apparently is conceiving something unsound. If he would not be executed, he would cause a turmoil in the state. At that time, the Bi's younger brother Tszyangyan-Prince, who was near the Shanyu court, heard about the delation and went hastily to notify Bi. Bi was frightened; so he gathered 40 to 50,000 people belonging to eight generations located along the southern border who were under his conbtrol, and waited for the return of two Gudu-heus to kill them.

1) Greater half in Chinese is da-ban, it means: two thirds. P.I.
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After their return, Gudu-heu soon learned about Bi's intention, and gallopped away without any cargo, to inform Shanyu. Shanyu sent a 10,000 cavalry to attack Bi, but the leader, seeing the superiority of the forces against him, did not dare approach Bi, and returned.

48 In the twenty fourth year, 48, the elders of eight generations conferred about declaring Bi a Huhanie-Shanyu; and because his ancestor found peace under the protection of China, they wished that he would also receive his former title. After that they came to the border in Wu-yuan and declared their desire to eternally be a stronghold for repelling the Northern Huns. The Emperor, following an advice of the military commander Gyn Go, agreed to their desire.

That winter Bi pronounced himself a Huhanie-Shanyu. 1

49 In the twenty fifth year, 49, in the spring, Shanyu Bi sent his younger brother the Eastern Chjuki-Prince Mo with 10,000 cavalry against the Northern Shanyu. Mo attacked the younger Shanyu's brother Yugyan, a Eastern Chjuki-Prince, and took him a prisoner; then struck the Shanyu court capturing up to 10,000 of his people, captured a booty of 7,000 horses and up to 10,000 heads of various horned livestock. The Northern Shanyu was scared and retreated a 1,000 li. From the Northern Huns, Yugyan Gudu-heu and Western Gudu-heu with about 30,000 peoples switched to the Southern Shanyu. The Southern Shanyu also sent an envoy to the Court.

50 He called himself a border vassal, sent to the Court different expensive objects, and asked the messenger to deliver <them>; on top of that, he sent his son as a hostage to renew the old treaty.

1) The Dun-guan-ji notes say: in the 12-th moon, Khoi-cheu, the Huns divided into Khanates Southern and Northern. [The year under cyclic sign Khoi-cheu (Guichou) corresponds not to the year 49, but the year 53]
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50 In the twenty sixth year, 50, the Court sent a Hunnu bailiff Duan Chen and a comrade Van Yu to convey to the Southern Shanyu to station his horde in Wu-yuan 80 li from the border of the Western aimak. Shanyu met the envoy away from the encampment. 1 The envoy said that Shanyu should accept the decree with genuflection to the ground. Shanyu was staring for a time, and then genuflecting to the ground, called himself a vassal. After the end of obeisance, he told the envoy through a translator that being a recently installed, he is truly ashamed before his subjects, and asks the envoy to not humiliate him in an assembly. Gudu-heu and others, looking at him, have shed a few tears. Duan Chen, contrary to the imperial instruction, allowed the Southern Shanyu to lodge in Yun-chjun. Shanyu sent an envoy with a report, and with the occasion presented the Court with two camels and ten striped horses. 2

In the summer Yugyan the Eastern Chjuki-Prince with his people, and five Gudu-heu from the southern generations numbering 30,000 people, captured by the Southern Shanyu, rebelled and fled; they stopped 300 li short from the Northern horde, and with a general a consensus declared Yugyan Chjuki-Prince a Shanyu, but in a month started an internecine war. Five Gudu-heu fell in battles, and the Eastern Chjuki-Prince commited suicide. The sons of the fallen Gudu-heu shielded separately by their troops.

In the autumn the Southern Shanyu sent his son to the Court for service.

1) Now, the Mongolian Princes meet envoys with decrees from the Chinese Court in the same way.
2) By explanation of a scholar Du-Yui, a dappled horse is called striped. P.I. Nothing is said about the hue of the pelt.
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As fast as the Court received his report, the emperor directed to grant Shanyu a hat, belt, dress, a state golden seal with purple cords, quiet carriage, feather parasol, a set of four horses, precious sabre, a bow, arrows, three black bunchuks, two parading horses, 10,000 pieces of brocade and different silk and cotton fabrics, 10,000 gins of cotton wool, musical instruments, cattle-drum, spears, armour, dining utensils; on top of that to supply from He-dun 25,000 bags of dried cooked rice, and 36,000 large and small horned livestock. The Hunnu bailiff was prescribed to appoint officials, and to give them 50 armed people released from punishment, to forward all that to the horde, perceive thoroughly into disputed cases, and to monitor the movements.

At the end of one year, Shanyu sent a report, and sent his son to serve at the Court. The Hunnu bailiff sent a military official accompany him. The Court sent a courier to accompany the former hostage back to the Shanyu horde. The brothers met on the road. For the new year, after the end of the court congratulations and service in the temple of ancestors, the emperor sent to the Shanyu with a courier a 1,000 pieces of silk fabrics, four pieces of brocade, ten gins of gold, various palace supplies, oranges, pomegranates, lun-yan and li-chji [names of southern Chinese fruits], also sent 10,000 pieces of silk fabrics to the Shanyu mother, all Yanchjys and Shanyu's sons, Eastern and Western Chjuki-Princes, Eastern and Western Luli-Princes and deserving Gudu-heus. Above that decreed to send to the Huns the same number of gifts annually.
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The Huns had a custom to gather three times a year in Lun-tsy 1 [Lun-sy], where in the first, fifth and ninth moon in the day, called syui, were made sacrifices to the Spirit of Sky (Tengri; judging by the Chinese rendering Chenli, pronounced with silent g,Tenĝri/Tenri, as it is still pronounced by the descendents of the Caucasian Huns and Bulgars). The Southern Shanyu, since the time of his submittal to China, added a fourth sacrifice to the Chinese emperor. On these assemblies the chiefs (elders) of generations discussed the state affairs, were entertained by horse races and camel races.

Of the elders (elders is a misnomer, these are the political appointees) the most honored were considered the Eastern Chjuki-Prince and Luli-Prince, after them the Western Chjuki-Prince and Luli-Prince. They were called four horns. Then followed the Eastern and Western Jichjo-Princes, then Eastern and Western Vynyuidi-Princes, then Eastern and Western Chjan-gyan-Princes. These were called six horns. They all are Shanyu's sons and younger brothers, who in sequence had a right for the Shanyu's throne.

The nobles from the outside clans were Eastern and Western Gudu-heu, then Eastern and Western Shychjo-Gudu-heu; other officials called Jichjo-Tszyuikyui and Danhu differed in the rankings by the scope of power and the number of their people.

The Shanyu was called Heilyandi; 2 of the most famous outside clans at the Court were considered four: Huan, Heibu, Tsiolin and Lan. 3 These four Houses at the Court were considered most famous and always were in marriage union with Shanyu. 4 The House of Huan was considered to be the senior, the House of Lan and Heibu were considered to be the junior.

1) In Chinese language: a temple of dragon.
2) By the history of the Senior House of Han, the Shanyu surname was Luandi, and he was titled Chenli Hutu, In the language of the Huns Chenli is the Sky, Hutu means son. Here the surnames do not agree (with other Chinese records). P.I.
3) During Mode-Shanyu were three main Houses: Huan, Lan and Huibu. P.I.
4) Shanyu took maidens <in marriage> only from the mentioned four Houses. This custom also existed during the reign of the Chingis-khan's dynasty in China (and in all Türkic states and tribes, and at present among tribal Türkic people).
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The decisions on the disputs, incoming complaints, and punishment verdicts were presented to the Shanyu verbally; there were no letters, nor any scribes.

In the winter the sons of the previously rebelling five Gudu-heus with 3,000 souls of their people went back to the southern generations, but the cavalry sent by the Northern Shanyu in pursuit of them, captured the whole a detachment. A troop detachment sent by the Southern Shanyu joined a dogged battle but had no success, so the emperor instructed Shanyu to move again to Si-he in Mei-gi, and the chief bailiff Duan Chen and his comrade Van Jo received an instruction to remain in Si-he for protection and to open an office for correspondence. The governor of the Si-he province was instructed to send annually a 2,000 cavalry and 500 criminals released from punishment to assist the bailiff in protecting Shanyu. Were assigned troops to be stationed only in the winter, and in the summar to evacuate from their posts, and that remained an invariable decision. After all eight border areas returned, the Southern Shanyu settled in Si-he and lodged his Princes to maintain security garrisons in eight areas. They all with their generations served as patrol guards in the provinces and districts. The Northern Shanyu saw a danger, and returned almost all captured Chinese, wishing to demonstrate by that his kind disposal. Each time when the Northern Huns were coming to raid against southern generations, on the return way passing by the border sentries, they were saying that they came to attack the escaped Yuigyan-Jichjo, 1 and do not dare to attack the Chinese.

1) Shanyu Bi.
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51 In the twenty seventh year, 51, the Northern Shanyu sent an envoy to Wu-wei to ask about peace and kinship. The Son of Sky charged state officials to review it, but the Council have not decided anything. Only a successor to the throne in a presentation wrote to the sovereign that the Southern Shanyu recently submitted, and that the Northern Huns are afraid of a war, so they attentively listen in, and are eager to turn to the candor duty. Now we are not able to undertake a campaign, and on the contrary are thinking of allying with the Northern Huns. Cautiousness is needed, for the Southern Shanyu not to conceive opposite ideas; in that case the Northern Huns, who already have submitted, will not come to us any more. The emperor found the presentation of the successor to be solid, and directed the governor of the Wu-wei area to not accept envoys from the Northern Shanyus.

52 In the twenty eighth year, 52, the Northern Huns again sent an envoy to the Court; they presented horses, furs, and again asked for peace and kinship; also asked to send musical instruments, and to permit visitors from the possession of the Western Territory to come with their embassy, to present gifts. The emperor gave it for consideration to the ministers, and the Council decided to agree to the offers. But Sy-thu (t-hu) 1 Yan Ban-bu submitted the following note: It is known, that Hyao Syuan Huan-di in proscription to the military border commanders said: the Huns constitute a great state, they are very changeful and cunning. If in the relations with them to gain their devotion, they abandon hostility and try to respond with true fidelity; and if to be caught in their schemes, on the contrary they conceive lowly and deceive.

1) Title of the Finance Chamber's president.
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Now the Northern Huns, seeing, that the Southern Shanyu submitted to us, are heedful of attempt at their state; and thereforeasked a few times about peace and kinship. Above that, they drive from afar oxen and horses for trade with China; twice sent to the Court their upper Princes with many gifts. All this is done to show riches and strength, and to deceive us. In my opinion, a many of their gifts prove a great poverty, and the repeated desire to unite is a sign of a great fear. But because we have not yet completely protected the south, we should not break off the connections with the north yet. With an objective tie them, it is necessary to respond courteously, i.e. we need to deliberately increase awards that they would match their gifts, and to present them in a clearest form the former actions of the government in respect to Huhanie and Chjichjy. 1 The responce should use expressions which would mostly aim to external circumstancess: so the draft letter should add: the Shanyu, remembering the benevolent acts of the House of Han, and the ancient treaty of the ancestors, wishes to renew the peace and kinship, to secure himself and ensure tranquility for the state. The intention is very commensurate and honours the Shanyu. During past times turmoils were frequent among the Huns .

1) Huhanie-Shanyu, becoming a vassal, was receiving awards; Chjichjy, becoming our enemy, was destroyed. These two actions should be presented in a clear form. Chjichjy was a senior brother of Huhanie-Shanyu Hutuus, he proclaimed himself a Shanyu, and struck Huhanie-khan. P.I.
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Huhanie and Chjichjy were hostile against each other. Hyao Syuan-huan-di extended to them his favor and saved both of them; so both sent their sons to the Court as hostages, and naming themselves vassals, took upon to protect the fortified border. Subsequently, Chjichjy by his aggravation blocked the source of the imperial favor; Huhanie, on the contrary, by his loyalty proved more strikingly his fidelity and offspring obedience. The Han destroyed Chjichjy. 1 By this fashion Huhanie retained the throne and transferred it to his successor, and his descendants reigned hereditary. Now the Southern Shanyu with his people turned to the south, approached the fortified border, and allied. He, as a lawful and senior in the Huhanie clan, under the kinship order should be a Shanyu; but deprived by the throne predator, has mutual distrust; so he is asking for an army for a return, to wipe the Northern horde. This circumstance was already considered in subtlety from different angles, but we do not wish yet to accept one side exclusively. Above that, in the past years the Northern Shanyu presented gifts, with an expression of desire to conclude a peace and kinship treaty, but we did not give a consent, 2 pending for the feeling of fidelity and filial obedience to firm up in the Shanyu. The Han rules peoples in the world with fear and fidelity. 3 All living under the sun and moon are its subjects.

1) During the reign of the sovereign Yuan-di, Chjichjy killed envoy Go Gi. A viceroy Gan Yan-sheu and his assistant Chen Than (T-han) with troops of the Western Territory destroyed him. P.I.
2) I. e. to the presentation of the Southern Shanyu.
3) Fear of punishment, fidelity in execution of promises.
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Among the peoples with different traditions he, guided by fairness, does not distinguish those who are close from the distant; awards the obedient, punishes the rebellious. Huhanie and Chjichjy are the proofs of consequences of the good and evil. Now the Shanyu wishes to renew the peace and kinship. The sincerity of humility was already expressed; but why to solicit to represent gifts together with the possessions of the Western Territory. 1 Are the possessions of the Western Territory under authority of the Huns, or under authority of China, there is no distinction. The Shanyu had a war a few times, saw internal turmoils; the state is exhausted. The gifts are being sent for expression of courtesy. Why present horses and furs? Now I am sending to the Shanyu 500 of different silk fabrics, a bow, saidak (Türkic: an arms set of a mounted warrior), a quiver (Türkic: kolchan, N.Bichurin is using a Türkic word) and four valleys of arrows. Above that, in reward for presented horses I am granting the Eastern Gudu-heu and the Western Luli-Prince each a 400 pieces of different silk fabrics and one horse-slashing sword (the letter is using a Türkic word: kingrak, meanning a double-edged sword, in Chinese transcription tszinlui (pyn. qinlui) and tsinlui (pyn. kinlui). F.Hirth. 1908, cosiders it to be the most ancient Türkic borrowing in Chinese dating to the 12th c. BC, and the most ancient documented Türkic word. The word is also borrowed into Slavic languages handjar, kinjal). 2 Shanyu earlier reported that the musical instruments presented by late emperors to Huhanie-Shanyu are spoiled, and asked to send new ones. Now the tranquility in the Shanuy state was not restored yet, and at every step are military problems. In these circumstances good bows, sharp sabres are more necessary than musical instruments; and consequently the instruments are not sent.

1) The possessions of the Western Territory, i.e. Eastern Turkistan, were under the Northern Huns state, and the Khan, under a pretext of presenting gifts from them, meant to receive more gifts from the Chinese Court: and the Chinese Court saw the Khan's presentation as injurous for itself.
2) A horse-slashing sword is called a sharp broadsword palash (for sword N.Bichurin is using a Türkic word palash, meaning sword) able to hack horses. P.I.
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I do not like trifles, and wish to give what is more necessary for the Shanyu. The report should be send with mail. The emperor approved everything without any exceptions.

53 In the twenty ninth year, 53, the Southern Shanyu was granted few tens of thousands of sheep.

55 In the thirty first year, 55, the Northern Huns also sent an envoy as before. The Court answered them with a letter with a state seal, and granted silk fabrics, but has not sent an envoy.

Shanyu Bi died on the ninth year of his reign. 1 The shief bailiff Duan Chen went with a military detachment for consolation and sacrifice, and brought for this wine and rice under a military cover. A younger brother of the deceased, Eastern Chjuki-Prince Mo was raised <to the throne> (lateral succession).

2. Shanyu Mo (Kufeuyu-di, 55-56 AD; Shanyu Mo was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 10th generation). The emperor sent an envoy to hand over to the Khan, with a document with a state seal, a state seal with cords; <he> sent him a hat, belt, three purple caftans without lining, a kid's, i.e. a small dagger and a cloth belt; also granted 4,000 pieces of silk fabrics for distribution to the Princes, Gudu-heu and others, and put into law to always send henceforth upon the death of a Shanyu the same quantity of things both for sacrifice, and for consolation. 2

56 Kufeuyu-di Shanyu Mo died in the first year of the Chjun-yuan rule, 56, after one-year reign. To the throne was raised his younger brother Han (lateral succession).

1) The text about the death of the southern Khans reads: palled, the Hun (became lefeless; the Chinese lexicon had a number of standardized expressions for died, depending on the status of the deseased; in this case is used an expression below that of a Chinese emperor and foreign dignitaries).
2) The gifts are sent for sacrifice to the deceased and for consolation if newly raised Shanyu. P.I.
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3. Shanyu Han (Ifayuilyuidi, 56-59; Shanyu Mo was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 10th generation).

57 Ifayuilyuidi Shanyu Han was installed in the second year of the Chjun-yuan rule, 57.

59 In the second year of the Young-phin rule, 59, to China submitted Heyuisu of the Northern Huns, with 1,000 of his people.

59 Shanyu of the southern aimaks died on the second year of his reign. To the throne was raised Di, a son of Shanyu Bi (lateral succession).

4. Shanyu Di (Itunshy, 59-63; Shanyu Di was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 11th generation). Itunshy-chjo-heu Di Shanyu Di was installed in the second year of the Young - phin rule, 59.

62 In the fifth year, 62, in the winter, the Northern Huns crossed the fortified border in Wu-yuan with six or seven thousand cavalry; after that they staged a raid on Yun-chjun and in the south penetrated beyond Yuan-yan. 1 The Southern Shanyu repulsed them, and when Ma Nan, a governor of Si-he province, came to his aid, the enemies went back.

63 Shanyu Di died on the fourth year of his reign; was raised a son Su of Shanyu Mo, under a adult name Kuchugyuilin-di (Kuchug Yui = Türkic Little Yui, Kuchug Yuilin = Türkic Little Yuilin; Di, as elsewhere, is a tribal name in Chinese, usually a first sillable of the name; Kuchug/Kuchuk was a popular component of Türkic titles) Shanyu (lateral succession).

5. Shanyu Su (63-63; Shanyu Su was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 11th generation).

6. Shanyu Chjan (pin. Zhang, Husyeshy Chjan, 63-85; Shanyu Chjan was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 11th generation). Shanyu Su in a few months died. Was raised Chjan, a younger brother of the Shanyu Di (lateral succession).

63 Husyeshy Chjohu-di Shanyu Chjan was installed in the sixth year of the Young-phin rule, 63. At that time, the Northern Huns became strong again, andattacked a few times the limits of China. The government was anxious.

65 It happened that Northern Shanyu wanted to open trade with China, 2 and sent an envoy to ask about peace and kinship treaty. Syan-tszun, believing that with opening of communications the attacks would stop, agreed to the presentation.

1) Yuan-yan is a name of a district in the Yun-chjun province. P.I.
2) In the year 64. Ganmu.
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65 In the eighth year, 65, the emperor sent north a military commander, 1 Chjen Chjung with an answer. The Southern Heibu, Gudu-heu and other learned that the Chinese Court contacted the northern enemies, started doubting, and planned to secede, so they secretly asked the Northern Huns to send an army to accept them. Chjen Chjung after coming abroad took to suspicion about contrivances, and started to observe. He in fact caught people sent from Heibu, and informed the sovereign that in addition shoul be installed a head officer for supervision, so that the Northern and Southern Huns did not communicate between themselves.

After that for the first time was set up an observational camp, and the control of the camp was entrusted to the chief bailiff Wu Than (T-han) . 2 Reporting to him were an assistant Lai Miao, senior Syao-Yui Yan Chjan, junior Syao-yui Chjan Go with a detachment from a Hu-a-in corps in Li-yan were stationed in Man-bo in the Wu-yuan province; 3 also Ki-duyui Tsin Phyn (P-hyn) with a detachment was stationed in Mei-gi.

In the autumn of that year, the Northern Huns really sent 2,000 cavalry for to monitor the Sho-fan, and for the crossing of the secessionists from the southern generations were prepared boats made from horse pelts. But because from the Chinese part were taken safety measures, they returned and again a few times plundered the border areas, burnt cities and settlements, struck and captured a great number of people. The cities in Hesi were locked up even in the daytime [in case of a sudden attack]. The emperor was anxious.

73 In the sixteenth year, 73, he moved the border troops in a great number, and ordered commanders to set out abroad by four roads against the Huns.

1) Yue-ki Sy-ma.
2) Observational camp in Chinese Du-lyao-in. A chief bailiff Du-lyao Gyan-gyun was a head of the camp.
3) Han-guan-i says: Guan-vu with troops from Yu-chjeu, Tszi-chjeu and Bin-chjeu provinces restored tranquility in the empire: so he founded in Li-yan a 1,000 cavalry corps for himself.
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The enemies, upon receiving news about the campaign of the Chinese troops, left to the north across Shomo. Phyn (P-hyn) and Than (T-han) were both accused that have not reached up to Shoe and dismissed from their posts, and Lai Miao was assigned a post of a chief bailiff of the Southern Huns.

83 In the eighth year, 83, Gilus Sanmuleutszy, an elder of the Northern Huns, coached up to the border in Wu-yuan and submitted to China. He brought 38,000 people, 20,000 horses and more than a hundred thousand heads of large and small horned livestock.

84 In the first year of the Yuan-he rule, 84, Myn Yun, a governor of Wu-wei province, informed the sovereign that the Northern Shanyu again wishes to open trade with China. With a decree a governor Jun is directed to send a currier with a notification. And so the Northern Shanyu sent Great Tszyui-kyui Imotszy-Prince to drive 10,000 bulls and horses and to open exchange trade with the Chinese merchants. Some of Princes and elders came to advance to the appointed areas and districts to prepare lodging inns, expecting awards from the Court. The Southern Shanyu, as soon as he learned about it, sent a light cavalry from Shang-gyun, which beat off the cattle and drove it inside the border.

85 In the first month of the second year, 85, an elder Gyuilichjobin and others from the Northern Huns, numbering 73 clans, fled into the limits of China. At this time the Northern Huns have weakened, because the unanimous people came to disagreement, and divided. The Southern generations attacked them from the front; Dinlins attacked them from the rear; Syanbinians attacked from the east, possession of the Western Territory attacked from the western side. 1

1) Hired by China.
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After that the Northern Huns could not stand alone, and withdrew far away. Shanyu Chjan died on twenty third of his reign. To the throne was raised Syuan, a son of Shanyu Han (56-59; lateral succession).

7. Shanyu Syuan (pin. Xuan; Itu Yuilyui-di, 85-87; Shanyu Syuan was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 11th generation).

85 Itu Yuilyui-di Shanyu Syuan was installed in the second year of the Yuan-he rule, 85. In the winter Myn Yun in a presentation to the sovereign wrote: the Northern Huns before this concluded a peace and kinship treaty; and the Southern Huns again robbed them, so Northern Shanyu holds the act of our government as deceit, and plans to attack the limits of China. A justice demands to calm the Shanyu by return of the cattle, stolen by the Southern Huns. Su-tszun, on advice of the minister Yuan An, agreed with the presentation, and in a decree on this circumstance said: Of old the Yanyun and Hunyui 1 were enemies of the Middle State. During the past time, though there was a peace and kinship, but we from that did not see even a hair of benefits. The defenders of passes frequently were buried in ashes. A father fought in front, a son was dying behind, weak women stood on border forts, minor children cried on the roads; aged mothers and widows suffered in vain and, pouring tears, turned their sights to the shadows [i.e. to the gods] that fell in sandy steppes. Is this picture sorrowful? Now between us and the Huns are established the rights of a sovereign and a vassal. The expressions are not confronting, 2 the treaties are clear.

1) During Chjeu dynasty (Zhou Dynasty 1045256 BC) were called Yan-yun, in days of the sovereign Yao (Yao/T'han 尧, 2358 - 2258 BC, source Tsain Chjo Ancient history Shu-gin) were called Hun-yui, during the Tsin dynasty (Qin Dynasty 221 BCE206 BC) were called Hun-nu. P.I., i.e. the Yanyun, Hunyui and Hunnu are the names of the same people, now called Mongols (i.e. Türks).
2) I. e. the Huns in diplomatic negotiations with China were expressing as subjects before a sovereign.
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The gifts are always delivered to the Court. Should after that fidelity be breached and indignation be voluntarily brought upon? To enjoin the chief bailiff of the Southern Huns and the military commander Phan Fyn to renumerate the Northern Huns in doube for the cattle that was taken away from them by the Southern Huns; and to give the southern Huns the awards due for killed and captured by them.

After that the Southern Shanyu again sent Yugyan-jichjo-Prince Shizi abroad with several thousand cavalry. The Prince, attacking surprisingly the Northern Huns, struck and captured up to thousand people. The Northern Huns saw clearly that the Chinese Court patronizes Southern generations; besides they hear that a few thousand of them 1 annually switch and submit to China.

87 In the first year of Chjan-ho (Zang) rule, 87, the Syanbies entered the eastern lands, won a complete victory over the Northern Huns, killed Yulu-Shanyu (Itu Yuilyui-di Shanyu Syuan), skinned his body, and returned. In Northern Horde arose a great turmoil. Guelan, Chubinu, Dusyui (Dusyui sounds like Dürt Yui, Türkic for Four Uigurs), totaling fifty eight generations, believed to contain 200 thousand souls and 8 thousand of field army, came to Yun-chjun, Wu-yuan, Sho-fan and Bei-di, and submitted (to China). Syuan died on a third year of his reign; Tungtuhe, a younger brother of Shanyu Chjan (pin. Zhang), was raised to the throne (lateral succession).

88 Hulan-Shychjo-heu di Shanyu Tungtuhe was installed in the second year of the Chjan-ho rule, 88.

8. Shanyu Tungtuhe (88-93; Shanyu Syuan was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 11th generation).

88 At that time at northern enemies were occurring great upheavals, to which joined a famine from a locust. Continually were coming those wishing to become subjects. The Southern Shanyu had in his sights to annex the Northern Horde; but at that time Su-tszun passed away, and a dowager empress Deu Thai-heu took over the rule.

1) I.e. from the Northern Huns.
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In the seventh moon of the current year the (Southern) Shanyu submitted to her a presentation to declare a war to the Northern Huns, and to destroy their House.

89 The dowager empress followed his opinion. In the first year of the Yung-yuan rule, 89, Chen, appointed as a leader of the western army, and his comrade, a commander Deu Hyan, set out from Shofang with 8,000 Chinese cavalry and 30,000 Southern Shanyu cavalry, and the observation camp. They attacked the northern enemies and gained a complete victory. The Northern Shanyu fled. Up to 200,000 enemy people were captured.

90 This event is described in the account about Deu Hyan. In the spring of the second year, 90, Dyn Hun was promoted to Dahun-lu. Huan Fu-lyn, a governor of Din-syan province, was appointed an acting chief bailiff for the Southern Huns.

The Southern Shanyu again asked to destroy the Northern horde, so was sent the Eastern Luli-Prince Shizi with 8,000 cavalry from eastern and western aimaks. The Prince set out from Sho-fan through the Gi-lu-sai. 1 The bailiff 2 Gyn Than (T-han) sent his assistant to cover him. Leaving the transport at the Shoe mountains, they were separated into two columns of light cavalry, and went forward by two roads. The left column, passing in the north the western sea (Ch. Si-hai/Xi-hai, Aral Sea; but in the context of the campaign this reading is unsuitable; the Issyk-kul and Balkhash interfluvial is much more realistic; under the Hunnu-he, not elucidated by the commentators, can be suspected the Ili river, as the largest tributary of the Lake Balkhash, but the rivers Karatal, Aksu, Lepsy, and Ayaguz can't be excluded as the stealth rout of the Southrn Hun's army approaching the Hunnich fort), came to the northern side of the Heyun gorge; 3 the right column, following the western side of the river Hunnu-he, rounded the Heavenly mountains [Tien Shan] and crossed the river Ganwei toward the south.

1) Gi-lu-sai, a fortified border in the Sho-fan area, north from the fortified border Yuihun.
2) Chjung-lan-gyan.
3) Heyun is a gorge name in the land of the Huns. P.I.
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There, both columns rejoined, and at night surrounded the Northern Shanyu. The greatly frighten Shanyu with a 1,000 men of selected troops resolved to fight. Weaken by wounds, he fell from the horse, but mounted again and fled with several tens of light cavalry. By that he have salved.

<They> received his jade state seal; took Yanchjy with a family of five of both sexes, hacked up to 8,000, captured a few thousand people, and returned.

At that time the Southern Huns won in succession a few victories, received a great number of captives and of those <already> submitted. The Southern Shanyu had 34,000 families, 237,300 souls (numbers do not jibe, with 7 persons per family), 50,170 men of a field army: so instead of one were assigned two bailiffs as assistants to the chief bailiff: but as the number of newly submitted was great, Gyn Than (T-han) presented to add twelve more assistants to the bailiffs.

91 In the third year, 91, the Northern Shanyu was additionally defeated by the western bailiff Gyn Khoi and fled, whereabouts unknown. His younger brother, a Western Luli-Prince Yuichugyan, pronounced himself a Shanyu (lateral succession), and with other Princes and elders totaling several thousand people stopped at the lake Phu-lei-hai (Syui valley at the lake Barkul, 43N 93E, the reading should be Fu-lei = Barkul, a last stand in the ancestral lands; Barkul mountains are the eastern-most ridges of Tian Shan/Pamir), from where he sent an envoy to the Chinese border. The Supreme commander Deu Hyan presented (to the Chinese Court) about endorsing Yuichugyan as a Northern Shanyu. The Court agreed to the presentation and sent Gyn Khoi to hand over a state seal; above that were sent to him four precious sabers, and four feather parasols. The bailiff Jen Shang was appointed with bunchuk to protect the Shanyu, stationing in the Ivu, by a former example with the Southern Shanyu.
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93 The government conjured to help Shanyu to return to the Northern Horde, but it happened, that Deu Hyan was executed; and in the fifth year, 93, Yuichugyan seceded and went back to the north (without Chinese assistance). The emperor ordered the governor of military staff Van Fu with 1,000 cavalry, together with Jen Shang to pursue him. They convinced (the Northern) Shanyu to return, and killed him, and destroyed his army. 1

1) So ended the reign of the Northern House of Huns. Its descendants had small possessions in the northwestern limits of Mongolia. From these descendants was famous the House of Dulga (N.Bichurin phoneticized (Cyrillized) the Peking vernacular of the 1800's Ming period as Dulga, the later 19th-20th cc. Romanization was Tuküe, and the present Pynin version of the Peking vernacular is Tujüe/ Tujue; the bulk of the literature on ancient Türks is using the term Tukue, with a narrow meaning of Ashina Türks, and an expanded meaning of the peoples of the Türkic Kaganates, their nearest descendents. For the later Middle Age and to the near past were used terms Türks/Turks and Turkic; in the late 20th century a significant usage gained the term Türkic, meaning Türkic-speaking people inclusive those historically unrelated to the Turks).

(This is the end of the account on the Northern Huns. The following account covers anly the Southern Huns)

Shanyu Tungtuhe died on the sixth year of his reign; Ango, a younger brother of (the Northern) Shanyu Syuan, was raised to the throne (lateral succession).

93 Shanyu Ango was installed in the fifth year of the Yung-yuan rule, 93.

9. Shanyu Ango (93-94; Shanyu Ango, pin. Anguo, was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 11th generation). Shanyu Ango was before an Eastern Chjuki-Prince, and was not known. On the contrary, the Eastern Luli-Prince Shizi was brave, and very informed. The late Shanyus Syuan and Tungtuhe loved him for resolve, and sent him a few times with an army abroad to attack the Northern Horde, and rewarded him after his return. The Son of Sky was also distinguishing him; so in a horde everybody respected Shizi, and did not obey the Shanyu Ango. Ango begun hating him, and was looking for a chance to kill him. Shizi frequently robbed the newly submitted Huns when they still lived beyond the border; so most of them looked at him with discontent. Ango, using their detestation of Shizi, joined in a plot with them. When Ango was raised to the throne, Shizi in his turn took a post of Eastern Chjuki-Prince (The traditional Lateral Succession order in action). Shizi saw that Shanyu has joined in a plot with newly submitted Huns, so he trekked away to the border in Wu-yuan.
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When Shanyu in the horde court was opening a convention to discuss affairs, Shizi was invoking an illness, and did not attend. Huan Fu-lyn knew that, and not only did not send him, but on the opposite was protecting him; Shanyu was even more annoyed.

94 In the sixth year, 94, in the spring, Huan Fu-lyn was dismissed; a military commander 1 Chju-wei (pin. Zhu-wei) was appointed to the post of acting chief bailiff. At that time Shanyu was in conflict with Hunnu bailiff Du Chun, and reported to the sovereign on him. Du Chun hinted a governor of Si-he province to incapacitate the Shanyu's means of sending letters to the Court, and himself with Chju Wei presented to the sovereign that Shanyu Ango started distancing from the Old Huns, and became close to the newly submitted Huns, that he was conceiving to kill the Eastern Chjuki(pin. Tuqi)-Prince Shizi and the Eastern Tszyuikyui (pin. Jukui) Luli (The juxtaposition, in the Hou Han Shu Ch. 119 year 94 AD, of the concurrent Chjuki [pin. Tuqi] and Tszyuikyui [pin. Jukui], with the form Jukui being totally analogous with the Türkic Jükü = Wise, testifies that these two words are different, and the V.S.Taskin's equating Chjuki-Zhuki-Tuqi with the Türkic Jükü = Wise needs a deeper look. A hint on distinction, which may not found reflection in the archaic Chinese rendition, could be the Japanese/Chinese/Korean borrowing juku with a semantical meaning of education, learning; then Chjuki/Jükü may stand for Wise, and Jukui/Jukin for Learned. Unlike Chjuki/Jükü that was explicated in the Chinese annals as Wise = Xian, the Jukui was not explicated). With him are plotting the submitted from the western aimak, and they induce Ango to raise weapons and secede. He asks that for safety he should be given the Si-he, Shang-gyun and An-din provinces.

Ho-di sent that for assessment of the state officials. The Council generally believed that by inconstancy, peculiar to the foreigners it is difficult to predict something in the future; however, if to mobilize an army, they would hardly make any moves. Nowan auditor should be sent to the Shanyu horde, and to charge him with a survey of the Huns' situation together with Du Chun, Chju Wei and the governor of Si-he province. If there is no change in the thoughts, to order Du Chun and others to go to Ango, gather the elders from his generation, and to announce to them that for a wilfulness that would endanger the border, all of them will be executed.

1) Title of his military rank is Chji-gin-wu.
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And if they would not obey, than take measures depending on the circumstances, and after the end of the affair to distribute awards as to the guests. 1 It also would be enough to lodge a fear in the foreigners.

The emperor agreed with their opinion; so Chju Wei and Du Chun went to the Shanyu horde with an army. At night, Ango received a news about the arrival of the Chinese troops, and from a great fear abandoned the compound and left; after that, gathered his army and the newly submitted, and wanted to execute Shizi. But Shizi learned about it beforehand, and with his people left to the city Man-syan-chen. Ango pursued him down to the city, but could not enter the city because the gate was already shut. Chju Wei sent officials to reconcile them; but Ango did not listen; and because he could not take the city, retreated with his troops and stationed in Wu-yuan. Du Chun and Chju Wei gathered a cavalry from the generations (Hun tribes), and closely pursued him. His people were horrified. The Gudu-heu Siwei, an uncle of Shanyu Ango from the maternal side (a direct statement that Gudu, who are not eligible for succession, but constitute an upper level of the state administration, belong to the maternal side of the dynastic union), and others, seeing an inevitable execution of everybody, killed Ango. Ango reigned for one year; to the throne was raised Shizi, a son of the late Shanyu Di (lateral succession). Tindushy Chjohu-di Shanyu Shizi was raised to the throne in the sixth year of the Yunyuan rule, 94.

10. Shanyu Shizi (94-98; Shanyu Shitszy, pin. Shizi, was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 12th generation). From five to six hundred of the submitted Huns at night unexpectedly attacked Shizi. The Antsziyan-Prince Tyan, in command of the guard troops, joined a battle and defeated them. After that, the newly submitted Huns came to a fear, and fifteen generations, comprising up to 200.000 people, rebelled.

1) I. e. to award with gifts.
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They installed as a Shanyu, against his will, a son of the late Shanyu Tungtuhe, a Western Yugyan-Jichjo-Prince Fynheu; then beat up and captured border officials and inhabitants, burnt forts, postal yards, and yurts, and, took their property, and went to the Sho-fan, intending cross to the northern side of the steppe. After that the military commander 1 Dyn Hun, military commander Phyn-Chju 2, chief bailiff Chju Wei with border troops, Jenshan with Uhuans and Syanbies, altogether 40,000, set out against the rebels. At that time the Southern Shanyu (Shizi) and the Hunnu bailiff Du Chun were in a small town Meu-shy-chen. (The rebel Shanyu) Fynheu with 10,000 cavalry attacked them, but could not take the small town. In the winter Dyn Hun came to Mei-gi, and Fynheu on ice croosed the gorge to the Man-i-gu valley. The son of the Southern Shanyu (Shizi) with 10,000, Du-Chun with 4,000 cavalry and Dyn Hun attacked Fynheu on the fortified border Da-chen-sai; killed up to 3,000, took away cattle, captured up to 10,000 of submitted people. Phyn Chju, who was also pursuing Fynheu, attacked his other generation and killed up to 4,000 people. Zhan Shang with 8,000 Uhuans and Syanbies struck the Fynheu cavalry in the Man-i-gu valley, and completely defeated him. Fynheu lost in all battles 17,000 people killed; so with his people he left abroad, and the Chinese troops could not catch up with him.

(This is a resusitation of the Northern Huns, at least for the time being, under a leadership of the Shanyu Fynheu.)

95 In the seventh year, 95, in the first month, the Chinese troops returned. Phyn Chju with Hu-a-in corps camped in Wu-yuan. The Syanbies, Uhuans and Tanguts were dismissed.

1) Che-ki Gyan-gyun [in the N.Bichurin's text the footnote is not marked].
2) Yue-ki Syao-Yui [in the text the footnote is not marked].
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Subahoi was raised to a princely status with a title Shuai-chjun-wang and rewarded with gold and silk fabrics. Dyn Hun after returning to the capital was accused of the losses caused by his slow actions, and died in prison. 1 Afterwards, the emperor found out that Chjui Wei and Du Chun, breaching good relations with the Huns, blocked their way for submission of presentations, and through that caused their indignation; so both were sent to a court and died in prison. Phan Fyn, the governor of province Yai-myn, is appointed to the post of acting chief bailiff of the Southern Huns.

Fynheu after his exit abroad divided his people into two columns; with the western column he settled in the Shoe mountains, and the eastern column stopped northwest from Sho-fan several hundred li from the first column.

96 In the eighth year, 96, in the winter, the Huns of the eastern column, bacause of mutual distrust, rebelled and returned to the border in the Sho-fan. Phan Fyn received them tenderly. In that column were up to 4,000 troops and up to 10,000 weak and minors. All of them submitted and were placed in the areas along the northern border. The western Vynyuidu-Prince Ugyuichjan 2 participated in the plot with Ango, and the Southern Shanyu wanted to interrogate him with tortures; so Ugyuichjan with several thousand people rebelled again, left abroad to the mountain valleys, and from there disturbed the border inhabitants. In the autumn Phan Fyn and Phyn Chju with troops of different generations attacked Ugyuichjan, and his people submitted; so his people, together with the others who submitted again, numbering 20,000-plus people, were placed in An-din and Wei-di. Phyn Chju returned and was transferred to another post.

1) Under military laws, beheading is the punishment for delay and cowardice. P.I.
332 Ugyuichjan is a name of Vynyuidu-Prince. P.I.
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The people who left with Fynheu suffered much from famine, on top of that suffered attacks from Syanbies, and did not know where to shelter; so one after another they fled back inside the Chinese border.

98 Shanyu Shizi died on the fourth year of his reign; to the throne was raised the son of Shanyu Chjan (pin. Zhang) Than (T-han) . Wangshyshy Chjodi Shanyu Than was installed in the tenth year of the Yung-yuan rule, 98.

11. Shanyu Than (T-han, pin. Tan, 98-124; Shanyu Than was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 12th generation).

104 In the sixteenth year, 104, the Northern Shanyu 1 sent an envoy with gifts and with an appeal for peace and kinship treaty, based on the ancient treaty with Huhanie; but because he previously also was not capable to conform to the requirements of decorum, [the emperor] Go did not agree to the request, but generously awarded the envoy and dismissed him without an answer (the fact that Chinese controlled a main fraction of the Huns, and were in position to use their Huns against the independent Huns pales against the high considerations of the Chinese decorum).

105 In first year of the Yuan-sin rule, 105, the Northern Shanyu again sent an envoy to the Dun-huan with gifts for the Court, and the envoy apologized that the Shanyu in his poverty cannot do what is required by decorum, and asks to send him an ambassador with whom his son will come to the Court as a hostage. The dowager empress Dyn Thai-heu, who was ruling in that time, also dismissed the envoy without an answer, but only generously rewarded him.

114 In the first year of the Yuan - Chu rule, 114, an Uhuan bailiff Dyn-Tszun is appointed a chief bailiff for the Southern Huns.

117 Dyn-Tszun was a relative of the dowager empress; and consequently he was the first appointed as a credentialed official. 2

1) From history is not known where he was located.
2) From the time as was established the position of the chief bailiff for Southern Huns, everyone was appointed to that post as temporarily acting. Dyn Tszun (as a relative of the dowager empress) was the first to be appointed as credentialed chief; and after him everyone was credentialed. P.I.
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117, 118 In fourth year, 117, Fynheu suffered a defeat from the Syanbies. His people dispersed and left to the Northern Huns (this statement indicates a tripple dismemberment of the Huns: those subordinated inside the borders, those ca 200,000 outside the borders aspiring to the bribes of the peace and kinship treaty, and completely independent Northern Huns, still controlling the Western territories, not mentioned previously). In the fifth year, 118, Fynheu with a hundred riders fled back to the border in the Sho-fan, and again submitted to the bailiff Dyn-Tszun. He was placed in the In-chuan province. 1

121 In the first year of the Gyan-yuan rule, 121, Dyn-Tszun was dismissed from the post, and Gyn Khoi again took a place of the chief bailiff for the Southern Huns. At that time, the Syanbies were attacking the limits of China, so Gyn Khoi and Vynyuidu-Prince Huguwei with newly submitted (Huns) went every year abroad to attack the Syanbies; and upon return everyone again was settling down in fortified places on the border. 2 But Gyn Khoi's orders were burdensome; so the newly submitted hated him and were conceivingi a revolt.

Shanyu Than (T-han) died on twenty seventh year of his reign; his younger brother Ba was raised to the throne (lateral succession). Gyn Khoi was again dismissed from the post; in his place was appointed Fa Du, a governor of Thai-yuan province.

124 Ugiheu-shy-chjodi Shanyu Ba has entered on throne the third year of the rule Yan-guan, 124.

1) Fynheu was a son of the late Shanyu Tungtuhe, <he was a> Western Yugyan-jichjo-Prince. About 10,000 of submitted Huns forced him to serve as a Shanyu. When he was defeated by the Syanbies, his people dispersed. If Fynheu was left with the Huns, they could have gathered again; and consequently he was transferred to Yin-chuan. P.I.
2) After returning placed submitted again in the important places on border. P.I.
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12. Shanyu Ba (124-128; Shanyu Ba was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 12th generation). Before that, the fortified border from Sho-fan to the west in many places was dilapidated; so the Syanbies raided frequently. In the southern generations was killed Tszyangyun-Prince. 1 (The Southern) Shanyu, foreseeing a danger, in the first year of the Young-gyan rule asked the Court to rebuild fortified border, and Shundi agreed. And so the corps stationed in Li-yan was transferred to the northern border of Chjung-shan province; 2 the troops in the border areas were strengthened, they were posted along the fortified line, and were ordered to exersise them in bow shooting.

128 Shanyu Ba died on the fourth year of his reign, to the throne was raised his younger brother Huli Kyuide Joshy Chjodi (lateral succession). Shanyu Huli has ascended the throne in the third year of the Young-gyan rule, 128.

13. Shanyu Huli (128-143 or rather 128-140; Shanyu Huli was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 12th generation).

140 In the fifth year of the Young-ho rule, 140, in the eastern aimak of the Southern Huns, seceded Geulun-Prince Usy and Gyuinyu, and with 3,000 cavalry staged a raid on Si-he; so <they> again swayed the Western Chjuki-Prince with seven or eight thousand cavalry to besiege Mei-gi; they killed governors in Sho-fan and Dai-gyun. The Hunnu bailiff Lyan Bin and Uhuan bailiff Van Yuan, assembling up to 20,000 of Uhuan, Syanbi, Tangut and Chinese border cavalry, attacked the rebels and defeated them; after that Usy passed to other places and took some cities. The Son of Sky sent the official to reprimand Shanyu and offered benevolence convincing others to submissiveness.

1) The Huns had Eastern and Western Tszyangyun-Princes.
2) Earlier in Li-yan was stationed a detachment of troops, but because the Southern Shanyu asked to transfer it again to the fortified border, then minding the new attacks and turmoils, this detachment was posted on the northern border of Chjung-shan province. Chjung-shan now is called Din-chjeu, and Din-chjeu lays in the He-bei. P.I.
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Shanyu did not participate in the plot at all; so he stepped out from the yurt, and with a removed hat showed up before Lyan Bin with an apology. Lyan Bin was withdrawn due to an illness. Chen Gui, a governor of the Wu-yuan province, took over the post of the chief bailiff. Chen Gui imagined that the Shanyu cannot restrain his subjects, 1 so he started oppressing him.

Shanyu and his younger brother, the Eastern Chjuki-Prince, killed themselves. Shanyu Huli reigned for 13 years.

Chen Gui also wanted to transfer Shanyu's close relatives to internal areas, and the submitted <tribes> came to doubt even more. Chen Gui was court-marshalled and died in prison. 2

The Supreme Commander Lyan Shang thought that Tanguts and Huns recently rebelled, and their accomplices just joined with them; so it is difficult to pacify them with weapons, but they should be swayed to humility. And so he wrote in the presentation: The Huns, raiding and agitating, understand the immensity of the crime. The birds in crises and animals in danger know to salve from the death; moreover is it possible to completely exterminate a numerous swarm. Now the delivery of military supplies grows day by day; three armies are exhausted from the war; exhausting the interior for assistance beyond the border is not favorable for the Middle State.

1) Usy with others was taking the city. Shanyu, though he did not participate in murders, could not restrain his subordinates; and for that Chen Gui considered him unable to hold a post of Shanyu. P.I.
2) Chen Gui has forced Shanyu and his younger brother to suicide; he also wanted to relocate his relatives, which arose their suspicion. In that Chen Gui was accused by the court. P.I.
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In my observations, May Syui, the chief bailiff for the Huns, has a far-seeing scheme; on top of that, runs the affairs on the border for a long time ; knows thoroughly the state of military affairs. Each of his reports agrees with my expectations. He should be ordered to deepen moats and heighten the ramparts, by acts of kindness and fidelity to sway to submissiveness; promulgate about payoffs and awards, state the conditions clearly. By these means it is possible to deflect the insurgent, and the government will be relieved from onuses. The emperor approved the presentation and directed Syui to sway the rebellious to submissiveness.

Above that (Lyan) Shang wrote to Syui and others: The Middle State is quiet and for a long time does not know a war any more. Opposing the enemy with better cavalry in a field, under a clowd of arrows to strike a victory - in that is now the advantage of the nomadic foreigners, and the weakness of the Middle State. To sit with a tight arbalest on a city wall, or in a be steadfast in a strong entrenchment and wait till the enemy weakens - in that consists the advantage of the Middle State, and the weakness of the nomadic foreigners. More should be tried in the advantages, and in looking at consequences; to establish bribes, to open rewards, and to promulgate them for the repenting; do not seek distinguishment by minor stunts, for not upseting the important stipulations. Syui and the governors of provinces executed instructions of the minister with accuracy. After that up to 13,000 people from the Western Chjuki-Prince generation one after another came to Ma Syui and submitted.

140 In the autumn Geulun Usy with others installed Geulun-Prince Gyuinyu (pin. Guniu) as a Shanyu (Another split among the Southern Huns, making the Hun's domain at least three-partite).
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In the east they attracted Uhuans, in the west accepted Tanguts and Huns, and with several tens of thousands busted the capital's Hu-a-in corps; in Shang-gyun killed Du-Yui and Gyun-sy-ma; 1 after this plundered four areas: Bin-chjeu, Lin-chjeu, Yu-chjeu and Tszi-chjeu. And so the control of Si-he province was transferred to Li-shi, 2 the control of province Shang-gyun to Hya-yan, the control of province Sho-fan to Wu-yuan.

In the winter the Hunnu bailiff Chjan Gyn with Uhuan troops from the Yu-chjeu and others areas attacked the rebelling Gyuinyu with others. The battle took place near Ma-i. The rebels lost more than three thousand killed, excluding taken captives, a mass of horned livestock and weapons. Gyuinyu with other elders and Gudu-heu submitted; but Usy with his generation and Uhuans still continued attacks and robberies.

141 In the sixth year, 141, in the spring, Ma Syui with 5,000 Syanbi's cavalry attacked him near Gu-chen, and killed few hundreds people. Chjan Gyn was hardy and brave, skilful in attracting soldiers; in the army everybody served him assiduously. He completely defeated Uhuans, slaughtered their leaders, returned the captured Chinese, took away cattle and property of the enemies. By the summer Ma Syui was again dismissed from his post, and Chen Wu, a chief of the city gate, 3 took the place of the chief Hunnu bailiff.

142 In the first year of the Han-an rule, 142, in the autumn Usy with Yuigyan-Tajki-Tszyuikjuem-Bode and others again plundered area Bin-chjeu.

1) Names of military ranks.
2) Li-shi is a name of district in Si-he. P.I.
3) I. e. a commandant of a fortress.
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14. Shanyu Deuleuchu (143-147; unstated relationship to Mode or his father; his position as a hostage given to Chinese indicates a next generation in respect to the previous Shanyu; that suggests that Shanyu Deuleuchu was a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 13th generation, but as puppet appointed by Chinese his pedigree may be anything).

143 Hulan-joshy-chjogu Shanyu Deuleuchu previously lived in the capital; he was raised to the Khanship in the second year of the Han-an rule, 143 (Chinese selection). The Son of Sky stepped out on a porch. A master of ceremony with a bunchuk in a hand handed over to the Shanyu the state seal with cords and led him to the throne room (This is a major milestone in the Hun's history, a first record of direct Chinese involvement in the selection of a Shanyu, replacing the consent system of the elections and kurultai-type voting. The Hunnic people are bypassed and denied a say and representation. The title Shanyu is devalued and defiled, Shanyus are appointee officials of the Chinese state, they do not belong to the Hun people. From the San uy = Respected House, the Shanyu House becomes a house of disrespect).

144 The Emperor presented to him a dark gray horse, chariots, a saddle horse, a knife and a sabre, different greenstone objects, two thousand pieces of silk and cotton fabrics; also presented rich gifts to the Shanyu's Yanchjy with others, and sent a military dignitary with a bunchuk to escort the Shanyu to the southern horde; directed officials in Thai-chen and Dan-hu-lu with hostages from different possessions to treat Shanyu behind Guan-yan-myn gate, 1 144, where with accompaniment of music were shown different games as animal fights. Shun-di himself watched them from the Hu-thao-gyun country palace.

In the winter, the Hunnu bailiff Ma Shi killed Geulun Usy through bribed villains, and forwarded his head to Loyang (capital at that time; the annals do not note the fate of Usy's tribe).

144 In the first year of the Gyan-khan (k-han) rule, 144, he struck other accomplices (of Usy) and killed up to 1,200 people.

Uhuans numbering 700,000 souls came to Ma Shi and submitted. They had incredible multitude of transport and cattle.

Shanyu Deuleuchu on the fifth year of his reign died.

147 Ilinshy Chjo-di Shanyu Gyuigyuir ascended the throne in the first year of the Gyan-ho rule, 147 (apparent Chinese selection).

1) Guan-yan-myn is a name of a southwest gate of the Loyang city. P.I.
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15. Shanyu Gyuigyuir (pin. Guiguir, 147-172, no known pedigree; logically, a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 13th generation).

155 In the first year of the Young-sheu rule, 155, the Hunnu Eastern Yuigyan Taiki Tszui-kyui Bode and others rebelled again and plundered the dependent possessions in Mei-gi and An-din. Du-Yui Chjan Huan (Zhang Huan) defeated and subdued them. This event is described in the account about Chjan Huan (Zhang Huan).

158 In the first year of the Yan-hi rule, 158, all generations of the Southern Shanyu rebelled, and joining with Uhuans and Syanbies, staged a raid on nine border areas. Chjan Huan was appointed a Supreme Commander for their suppression. All Shanyu's aimaks submitted. Chjan Huan, finding the Shanyu unable to control the state affairs, detained him. 1

172 The sovereign installed as Shanyu an Eastern Luli-Prince. 2 In this manner, the dismissed Shanyu Gyuigyuir died on twenty fifth year of his reign. To the throne was raised his son such-and-such (Chinese selection). 3 Tude-joshy-zhuogu Shanyu such-and-such ascended the throne in the 1st year of the Hi-phin rule, 172.

16. Shanyu such-and-such (172-178; logically, a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 14th generation).

177 In the sixth year, 177, the (Southern Hun's) Shanyu and Hunnu bailiff Tszan Min set out from Yai-myn against Syanbi's Tanshihai and were completely defeated.

178 Shanyu, after return from the campaign, died in the same year; to the throne was raised his son Huchjen (Chinese selection). Shanyu Huchjen was raised to the throne in the first year of the Guan-he rule, 178.

17. Shanyu Huzheng (aka Huching 呼徵, 178-179; logically, a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 15th generation).

179 In the second year, 179, the Hunnu bailiff Chjan Sju (Zhang Xiu) quarreled with the Shanyu and executed him on his own, and installed a Western Chjuki-Prince Kyangaoi (also transcribed Kyankyui, Qiangqu, Qiangqui 羌渠) as a Shanyu in his place (Chinese selection; the name indicated an extraction from a tribe Kiyan 羌 , outside of Mode dynastic line; only if Kiyan is a personal name after a mother from the Kiyan 羌 tribe, against indicated by his non-eligible position of  Western Chjuki-Prince, Kyankyui may belong to the Mode line, in 15th or 16th generation; otherwise the Kiyan/Qiang tribe likely was or have become a maternal dynastic line of the previous Shanyus).

1) I. e. arrested.
2) Chjan Huan in his presentation asked to install the Eastern Luli-Prince as a Shanyu. P.I.
3) The word such-and-such is needed to be explained that historians omitted the name of the Shanyu: the nomads did not have records; hence neither the laws, nor decrees exist; and consequently a word such-and-such is was written instead of a name.
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179 Because Chjan Sju (Zhang Xiu), without a presentation to the sovereign, executed Shanyu on his own, he was brought to the capital in a cage, and was sentenced to death. Shanyu Kyankyui was raised to the throne in the second year of the rule Guan-ho, 179 (Chinese selection).

18. Shanyu Kyankyui (Qiang Qu, 179-188; logically, a descendent of Mode Shanuy in 15th generation).

187 In the fourth year of the Chjung-phin rule, 187, rebelled Chjan Shun, the former governor of the Chjung-shan province, and, joining with Syanbinians, staged a raid on the border areas. Lin-di directed to send troops of the Southern Huns and to attach them to Lu Yui, a governor of Yu-chjeu province. Shanyu sent to Yu-chjeu the Eastern Chjuki-Prince with cavalry. But the elders were alarmed that Shanyu will be frequently sending troops.

188 In the fifth year, 188, in the western aimak rebelled Ilo with others, numbering 100,000 people, and killed (the Southern) Shanyu. Shanyu Kyankyui died on the tenth year of his reign; after him to the throne was raised his son, a Western Chjuki-Prince Yuifulo (probably a Chinese selection). 1 Chichjishy-chjohu Shanyu Yuifulo was raised to the throne in the fifth year of the Chjung-phin rule, 188.

19. Shanyu Yuifulo (Yufuluo 于夫罗, 188-195; a fake unelected Shanyu; appears to be from the Uigur tribe Yui/Sui/Hui, from ineligible Western Chjuki-Prince position, and Yui name; title Hyuibu [pin. Xubu] Gudu-heu Shanyu).

The nobles (elders), who killed the Shanuy's father, rebelled, and with a consensus installed Shanyu Hyuibu Gudu-heu as a Shanyu, and Yuifulo came to the Court with a delation on himself. At that time the emperor Lin-di died. Great turmoils arose in the Empire. Shanyu (Yufuluo) with several thousand cavalry joined rebels in Bai-bo and attacked He-nei province.

1) Yuifulo is an ancestor of glorious Lu Yuan-hai (Liu Yuan 劉淵), a founder of the Senior dynasty Chjao (Han Zhao 汉赵, also Former Zhao state 前趙, pinyin Qianzhao). The Chjao (Zhao) dynasty reigned in China in 304-330. Yuan-hai lead the turmoils during Tszin (Jin) dynasty.
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At that time the people stood fast in the entrenchments, and the robberies did not produce benefits, and the troops, suffering from failures, wished to return home, but the elders did not accept them; and so they stopped in He-dun. 1

Hyuibu (pin. Xubu) Gudu-heu Shanyu died after one year, and the southern horde evaporated. A senior Prince took Shanyu's place for the current affairs. Shanyu Yuifulo died on the seventh year of his reign; to the throne was raised his younger brother Huchutsuan (lateral succession, with a caveat). 2

20. Shanyu Huchutsuan (Huxuquan,  Hu Chuquan, 195-215).

195 Shanyu Huchutsuan ascended the throne in the first year of the Gyan-an rule, 195; but his senior brother expelled him (i.e. he was appointed by the Chinese, who bypassed the rightful succession order, and he was not accepted by the people as a legitimate ruler, they held his yet unnamed senior brother as a Shanyu, and the puppet Shanyu Huchutsuan had to lodge at the court, a situation repeated a number of times), he could not return back to the horde, and a few times was robbed by the Syanbinians. 3

In that year the emperor Syandi return from the Chang'an to the east. 3

The Western Chjuki-Prince Kyuibi with Han Lo, a rebel leader in Bai-bo, 4 was guarding the Son of Sky, and fought with commanders Li-kio and Go-Fan. When the Son of Sky returned to Loyang and was transferred to Hei, Kyuibi returned to his horde in Phin-yan (Pingyang). 5

215 In the twenty first year, 215, Shanyu (Huchutsuan) came for appointment to Tsao-tsao (Cao-Cao), who detained him in Ye; 6 and (Tsao-tsao) sent Kyuibi to rule his Horde.

Taken from the History of latter House of Han.

1) In He-dun in Phin-yan province. P.I.
2) Yuifulo was an ancestor of the Prince Lu Yuan-hai (Yuanhai, Liu Yuan 劉淵 of Han Zhao, d. 310); hence Huchutsuan was his grandfather by a side line.
3) To Loyang, the eastern capital. At that time the military governors also controlled the civil affairs, they waged a severe war between themselves, trying to take the emperor prisoner; because the one of them, who had the emperor as a captive, ruled the state. The Northern China was a theatre of these internecene conflicts.
4) Bai-bo is a name of a valley in Si-He. Han Lo previously was a leader of the rebels in that valley. Ganmu 190.
5) In Phin-yan in He-dun. P.I.
6) Shanyu Huchutsuan was detained in the Ye, and Kyuibi was sent back in Phin-yan to rule the five generations remaining in the horde.
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Addition about Lu and Shi, two Southern Hun Houses who subsequently reigned in northern China.

Lu Yuan ( Liu Yuan 劉淵), with adult name Yuan-hai (元海), was a son of an Eastern Chjuki-Prince Lu-Bao (Liu Bao; the name sounds like Ulu Bei/Ulug Bek, Türkic Great Prince). Still in the childhood he had unusual talents. Being brought up at the Chinese Court, he gained great successes in the Chinese literature; as the militarian, he also was trained in tactics, had a great power, a giant height (The statues and other body parameters for those uncounted ancient Huns, killed by the thousands in the grinders of the incessant wars and uprisings, and their Chinese, Mongolian, Tibetian and Tungus neighbors we know next to nothing).

279 In the year 279, after a death of his father, he was installed a head of the Eastern aimak (Eastern Chjuki-Prince), and in the year 290 appointed a commander-in-chief of all five Hunnu aimaks resettled inside the northern China

290, 300 From the year 290 in the reigning House of Tszin (Jin) begun family rivalries, which were ending by a murder, and from the year 300 broke out a bloody war between the Princes of the reigning House, and the turmoil spread across the whole of China.

304 At that time the heads of the (remaining Southern) five Hunnu aimaks took to regain lost rights by the weapons, and at a general convention in the year 304 declared Prince Lu Yuan-hai (Liu Yuan) a Great Shanyu. Lu Yuan-hai in the same year declared himself a sovereign with a title Wang, and took a name Han for his dynasty, (in annals renamed to Chjao, Han (Zhao) 漢(趙)光文帝 to avoid confusion) and opened a war with China.

305 In the next year he transferred his capital to Phin-yan-fu, and declared himself an emperor.

310 the In year 310 (Lu Yuan-hai) died, and his son Lu Ho (Liu He) ascended the throne. The Princes inspired a suspicion in him against his younger brother Lu Tsun (Liu Cong) and attacked him in a camp, but were not successful in the enterprise: on the contrary, the troops of Prince Lu Tsun (Liu Cong) rushed into the palace and killed Lu Ho. Lu Tsun (Liu Cong) ascended the throne after him.

311 In 311 year the Huns took both Chinese capitals He-nan-fu and Si-an-fu; and after this fought with shifting success; so with all their forces turned to the north: but there their commander Liu Yio (Liu Yao) suffered a great defeat from the Syanbi Toba Ilu.
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318 Lu Tsun (Liu Cong) died in the year 318: his son Lu Tsan (Can) ascended the throne. This sovereign gave in to pleasures; so Tszin Chjung (Jin), 1 planned to seize a throne, killed him; he beheaded some on a plaza (Liu Tsun/Cong left a rich inheritance of 22 sons, 3 of them were beheaded in 318), and declared himself a sovereign with a title Wang; but at the end of the first year he himself was killed by his accomplices. The Prince Liu Yio (Liu Yao) arrived from Si-an-fu and ascended the throne.

319 In 319 he (Liu Yao) transferred the capital into Si-an-fu, and the dynasty adopted a name Chjao (Zhao). Meanwhile, his commander Shi Le declared himself a sovereign with a title Wang, named his dynasty a Later [Hou] Chjao (Zhao), and established his capital in the eastern half of the northern China in the city Shun-de-fu. That way the northern China was divided into two states, both ruled by the Southern Huns. The Yellow river (Huanhe) was a border between them.

323 Liu Yio in 323 completed his conquests in the west, meanwhile Shi Le did the same in the east.

327 In 327 Liu Yio (Liu Yao) and Shi Le begun a war, and with variable success continued it until the 328, when Shi Le defeated Lu Yio (Liu Yao) under the walls of the city He-nan-fu and killed him.

328 The next year Shi Hu, after a defeat of the Huns in Shan-in, took prisoner a successor Liu Siu (Liu Xi) with 3,000 Hun Princes and nobles, and killed them all.

There, the House of Huns that was reigning in the south in the Northern China (i.e. from Shanuy Yuanhai to Shanuy Xi, all under Chinese designation Liu) was completely wiped out. Their reign lasted for 26 years. [It was replaced by a second empire of the Southern Huns, under a name of a Later House of Zhou, founded by the House of Shi].

Shi Le was a Hun, he become a commander, and in 330 he declared himself an emperor. Under his rule was almost the whole of the northern China.

333 He (Shi Le) died in 333; his son Shi Hun ascended the throne: but Shi Hu brother incarcerated this sovereign.

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334 At the end of 334 AD, Shi Hun was overthrown from the throne, and Shi Hu pronounced himself a ruler of the state.

338, 340 In the 338 AD he defeated a Syanbi Prince Duan Lyao, and took his lands in Shun-thyan-fu (t-hyan) and Su-an-hua-fu [Peking area]: but Muyun Huan, another Syanbi Prince, treacherously defeated his troops sent to accept a submited Duan Lyao: so Shi Hu in 340 AD entered the possessions of Muyun Huan with half a million troops. Muyun Huan bypassed him from the rear, wiped out his military and food supplies, and by that defeated his enterprise.

349 In the 349 AD, Shi Hu pronounced himself an emperor; but died in three months. Before the death of the sovereign Shi Hu, the Queen Lu Shy, taking advantage of his debilitated mind, initiated a turmoil at the Court, and on his death declared her son Shi Shi a sovereign.

But a Prince Shi Tszin (Jin) killed Shi Shi with his mother, and ascended the throne himself. A Prince Shi Min 1 zealously assisted him in the accession to the throne, for which Shi Tszun gave a word to declare him his successor: but after achieving the desired he declared his son Shi Yan a successor, and decided in a secret council to ruin Shi Min.

The Prince Shi Tszyan disclosed this secret, and Shi Min, as a Supreme commander, ordered the troops to take Shi Tszun with the successor Shi Yan under a guard, and then killed both of them, and enthroned a Prince Shi Tszyan.

This sovereign saw that Shi Min is dangerous for him, and wanted to destroy him. Shi Min repulsed two attacks, and finally took Shi Tszyan under a guard.

350 In the 350 AD he killed that sovereign, and declared himself an emperor.

352 In the 352 AD he went to the north against Muyun Dzyun, who captured Peking: but was captured in battle, and was executed.

1) A Chinese.
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In this fashion fell the second kingdom of the Southern Huns in northern China, that lasted for 22 years under a name of Junior House of Chjao (Chjou). The Syanbi House of Muyun enterd in its place.

Both above articles Lu and Shi are taken from Ganmu.

External comments
Liu Yao - a younger brother of the Liu Tsun (pin. Zun) Shanyu (sovereign, leader) of the Sunnu tribes that was heading the Sunnu in the Shansi province. He was from the Yuanhai (元海) tribe, which name in some sources is used instead of his real name. He made some successful campaigns against the Tszin (Jin) empire. In 318, after a death of Liu Tsun (pin. Zun) he proclaimed himself an emperor of the Sunnu kingdom Chjao (Early Chjao, Former Zhao), the possession of which were in the central part of the Shaansi province and a southern partof the Shansi province; its capital was in Chang'an. Liu Yao (and together with him also the Early Chjao (Former Zhao) empire) fell in 329 in an internecine struggle with Shi Le (see note 216) (the biography of LiuYao see [43, tsz. 103, pp. 5541 (1)-5547 (4)]). [ , ( ) 26. ( ) // . ., . 1980 (. . . ) . . . 1980, http://www.vostlit.info/Texts/Dokumenty/China/V/Zsinschi/frametext10.htm]

Shi Le - adult name Shi-lun, a commander of Shanyu Liu Tsun (pin. Zun). Was from a tribe Tsze (pin. Jue). Initially fought against empire Tszin (Jin) together with Liu Yao. Then, entrenching in a southern part of the Hebei province, enlarged his army by drafting Chinese, and in the 319 declared himself a sovereign of the Later Chjao (Zhao) empire, which power covered the area of the lower course of the Huang He river. Starting a war with Liu Yao, in 329 he crushed the Early Chjao (Former Zhao) empire, soon after that under the rule of the Later Chjao (Zhao) fell almost all Northern China. The capital of the empire was in Yecheng (prov. Henan). The Later Chjao (Zhao) existed till 350 (biography of Shi Le see 43, tsz. 104-105, pp. 5548 (1) - 5562 (4)]). [ , ( ) 26. ( ) // . ., . 1980 (. . . ) . . . 1980, http://www.vostlit.info/Texts/Dokumenty/China/V/Zsinschi/frametext10.htm]

Contents Hunnu 1-2 Hunnu 3-4 1 7 => 1 7 =>
In Russian
Contents Huns
Contents Tele
Yu. A. Zuev Ethnic History of Usuns
Yu. A. Zuev The Strongest Tribe - Ezgil
Yu. A. Zuev Tamgas of vassal princedoms
Yu. A. Zuev Ancient Türkic social terms
Yu. A. Zuev Ancient Türks
Yu. A. Zuev Seyanto Kaganate and Kimeks
Ogur and Oguz
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