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 Yu.A. Zuev
Ancient Türkic social terminology in Chinese text of the 8th c.

Problems of Kazakhstan Archeology. Issue. 2. Almaty-Moscow, 1998. pp. 153-161.

Links

http://kronk.narod.ru/library/zuev-yua-1998.htm (In Russian)

Foreword

This posting is a tribute to late Prof. Yu. A. Zuev, who passed away on December, 5, 2006. Yu. A. Zuev produced numerous translations of the Chinese annalistic chronicles, intense scientific research of the history, culture, and socio-political life of medieval Türkic and non-Türkic peoples, and made outstanding contributions to Türkology and Iranology. Prof. Yu. A. Zuev specialty was in the ancient Chinese, Middle Chinese, and modern Chinese language, learned under a guru of the Chinese philology S.Ya.Yahontov, making him a unique expert with a first-hand knowledge of the sources. His superb knowledge of the sources allowed Prof. Yu. A. Zuev to delve into related fields of history and ethnography with unequalled depth and competence.

In his article, Yu. A. Zuev examines a particular fragment from Chinese Annals, and compares notes with other scholars who examined this document.

 Yu.A. Zuev
Ancient Türkic social terminology in Chinese text of the 8th c.
The ancient Türkic social terminology was a subject of a scientific analysis more than once. The sources for that were the texts of ancient Türkic runiform inscriptions and documents in other languages. Its main terms, relating primarily to the time of the Second Türkic Kaganate (682-745), are now known. But a significant part of it, contained in the early Chinese documents, despite of existing serious studies, is examined incompletely, and sometimes not retrieved.
(153/154)

By now already exist a reconstruction tradition for ancient Türkic own lexicon in a Chinese transcription, but accumulation of experience in that field is hindered by frequent absence of Chinese translations of the terms. From that point, an exceptional place among the other sources fills a fragment "About ranks and titles" among the early Türks. The fragment is included in chapter - tszuan 197 of historical encyclopedia Du U "Tun dyan" (Listing of common instructions of the state government), chapter 194 of historico-geographical work Ue Shi "Tai-pin huanui tszi" (Description of the world made during the Tai-pin sin-go period, 976-983), and also in the chapter 962 of a more extensive encyclopedia written in 1005-1013 "Cefu yuangui" (册府元龟The Prime Tortoise of the Record Bureau). The fragment was published by Tsen Chjunmyan in 1958 (Tsen Chjunmyan, 1958, pp. 529, 577, 578) in the "Collection of materials on history of Tutszue-Türks". A West-German scientist Liu Mau-Tsai made its German translation the same year (Liu Mau-Tsai, 1958). The  terms in the fragment are not easy to interpret: in 1899. F.Hirth attempted to its reconstruction but did not succeed (Hirth F., 1899). The ideosyncracy of the text, where the "names of various objects were given as titles with not clear functions", has recently noted M.R.Drompp, who wrote a research work on the institute of kaganship among ancient Türks (Drompp M.R., 1989, p. 24).

From first steps of their state history, the Türkic society was strictly graded. A place and political weight of a society member in many respects were defined by his title, quite often hereditary, which fixed the position of its carrier in the system of social contacts and subordination. The published text is small in volume, but informative enough to throw light on that side of the early Türkic history. The text is ancient. The first line of a fragment begins with the words: "At their (Türks) beginning, from noble to the lowest in the state were only ten ranks...", which clearly indicated the events of the middle of the 6th century, when was created the First Türkic Kaganate (as noted Du U, subsequently they grew to twenty eight). The transcription of the titles is followed by their Chinese translation, and a description of their social function, which, despite of obvious textual defects caused by a poor quality of the original, or copying mistakes, ensures a certain accuracy in the establishment of ancient Türkic correspondences. To find out the Chinese-Türkic terminological correspondences, was used B.Karlgren's research on historical phonetics of the Chinese language (Kalgren B. 1957). The hieroglyphs found in the study are listed, with a sequential number that follows the course of this article, in the Hieroglyphic Index (abbreviated HI) at the end of the article. For convenience, the description of each title is numbered in the translation and in the comments.

Translation

At their (Türks) beginning, from noble to the lowest in the state were only ten ranks; they were given by external appearance, or by complexion, beard and hair, or by wine-meat, or by names of animal creatures.

1. Among them a brave and strong is called shi-bo-lo (a), or call in-he-fu (b).

2. And a fat and thick is called  da-lo-[byan] (a). Da-lo-byan means a wine vessel similar to a tszue tripod, it is likewise thick and low. Because of similarity in body and outlines it is taken as a title. This rank is especially esteemed; only his (kagan's) sons and younger brothers carry this title.

3. Also. Old men are called ge-li, so there are ge-li da-guan (b).

5. A horse is called he-lan (a), therefore are he-lan su-ni (b) and tsue su-ni (c), these are the ranks of army commanders.

5. Black color is called ke-lo (a), therefore are ke-lo cho (b); a rank very high, obtained only in advanced years.

6. A beard is called so-ge (a) and consequently are so-ge tu-tun (b); this is similar to a ruler of area.

7. Wine is called fu-ni (a); fu-ni je-han (b) watch for observation of laws and sequence (at serving wines).

8. Meat is called an-chan (a), therefore are an-chan tszui-ni (b); they operate affairs of a [kagan] House, it is similar to a post at the dynasty.

9. Sometimes (they) establish fu-lin kagans; [fu]- is a name for a wolf. Because of their greed and propensity to murders (they) give such name.
(154/155)

10. Also exist kagans of lower denomination e-hu (a); still it happens that [leaders] of large tribes in the state call each other i-kagan. The Türks call a house u (b); it means a kagan of a house.

Comments

1 (a). The transcription [HI 1] shi-bo-lo (<SÍ-PUÂ-LÂ) matches * ŚÏBARA/ÏŚBARA (Sanscrit IŚVARA) - (Pelliot P. 1929, p. 211); compare Middle Pers. AŠPARA. The title yshbara is known from ancient Türkic inscriptions (Ancient Türkic... 1969, p. 220; Tsen Chjunmyan, 1958, p. 899). The term ysbar with the meaning "furious" was preserved in the Uigur titulature of the Mongolian epoch (Pozdneev D. 1899, p. 144).

(b) The spelling in-he-fu is erroneous; should be, as in the "Prime Tortoise", [HI 2] mo-he-fu (<MÂK-γ Â-PIUT <*BAHAPUR~BAHPUR). The term goes back to Sogd. βγ PUR "son of Sky", from Parthian (Smirnova O.I. 1963, p. 42). In turn, as believed H.Sheler, the word BAHPUR "son of God" (GOTTESSOHN) came to the Middle Persian language from the language of "true Tochars" who were Yuejis (Schaeder N.N. 1938, p. 593-599). In addition to the ancient Türks, the title mohefu is recorded among Kidans, Shivei-Tatars and Syanbi-Ulohou (Liu Mau-Tsai 1958, . II, p. 565).

2. The beginning of the phrase is given following the text in the "Description of the world": "As for the fat and thick, (they) call him da-lo-[byan]". In other versions the post-verbal pronoun chji "his" (in a combination wei chji "call him") is erroneously replaced with a very similarly written character san "three", which is perceived as a beginning of a transcription: "... Call San-da-lo", as was done by Lu Maotsai ("... der Dicke wurde san-ta-lo benannt"). In the opinion of M.Lewicki , the transcription [HI 3] da-lo-byan (<DE-LÂ-PIÄN) corresponds to the title terbin of Mahmud Kashgari (Mahmud Koshgari 1966, p. 408) and cherbi[n] of the Mongolian epoch (Lewicki M. 1949, p. 211). In the "Secret history of Mongols" one of the carriers of the title cherbi carries a Türkic name Tolun - "Stout" (Poucha P. 1956, S. 52, 11). A Persian author Djuzdjani (born 1193) informed in "Nasyr's grades" that Tamurchy, a Türk heading the Mongolian army during the capture of Otrar in the February, 1220, had a title cherbi (in the manuscript used by Reverti, JAZBI): "and this word in the language of Mogols means hadjib - a governor of imperial court" (Jurjani, 1976, p. 978, 979). A Chinese historian Han Julin, believing that a main object in the word da-lo-byan is an idea about wine, correlates it with Mong. DARASU(N) "sweet wine from fruits or grains". To a similar opinion is inclined Drompp, noting  that this title was borrowed by the Türks "from another ethnic sphere" (Drompp R. 1989, p. 111, 112). Compare Hot.-Saka, Iran. TCARBA, Sogd. CRP "fat".

A son of Muhan-kagan had a title name Da-lo-byan, who under a name Apa-kagan received one of uluses of the state to govern. He did not have a right to succession of the central throne, because his mother was of a "low origin". A "low origin" was any origin except for a katun clan. Nevertheless, in 581 Da-lo-byan, whose possessions reached from the Golden mountains (Mongolian Altai) to the Utuken (Khangai uplands), actively participated in a struggle for the great throne, and was one of the initiators of the "great turmoil". L.N.Gumilev thinks that the name Da-lo-byan corresponds to Toremen, "restored from Chinese Dalobyan and Greek Toremen" (Gumilev L.N. 1967, p. 58). This reconstruction is untenable. The Türkic ruler Turum mentioned by Simokatta is the kagan Dulan (<T'UO-LÂM <*TORUM) of the Chinese annals. He legitimately received the great throne in the fourth moon of the 7th year of Kai-huan period (587 AD) (Wei Chjen, 1958, p. 161 (l. 236).

3 (a). The Middle Chinese designation [HI 4] ge-li (<KÂ-LYI) goes back to the ancient Türkic QARY "old", "aged", "elder". A carrier of a rank Kary in the 617 AD, when "chaos started in Celestial", was a Tang military leader Chjan Chansun. "Joining the Tutszue-Türks, he was awarded with a rank Kary- tegin" [HI 5: ge-li <*K'ÂT-LYI <*QARY] (Lu Sui (Xu Liu) 1958, p. 902 (l. 2). Can be likely accepted that it is present in the name title of the Western Türkic client in the "Tochar" princedom Kucha, a local ruler *Khary-besh-shadapyt (Chinese Heli-bushibi) (Lu Sui (Xu Liu), 1958, p. 902 (l. 2). In the Kidan (Kithan) time was known an Uigur dignitary *Kary-oge (Chinese Koli-uiyue) (Toto 1958, p. 33 (l. 6).
(155/156)

3 (b). The transcription [HI 6] ge-li da-guan (<K'Â-LYI D'AT-KUAN) goes back to the ancient Türk. QARY TARQWAN. Form TARQWAN matches Sogd. TARKHWAN of the most ancient Bugut inscription (Türkic-lingual, in Sogdian script - Translator's Note),  the ancient Türk. TARQAN. A word tarkan in the Türkic language can't be etymologized, social function of this term is also not clear. V.I. Abaev recognizes behind it a Scythian origin (<TARK-ANA-) and writes: "From Scythian (Alanian) comes the Türk. honorary title (originally the judge?) TARXAN, Mong. DARXAN, Hung. TARCHAN OLIM JUDEX..." (Abaev V.I., 1965, p. 19) (Abaev "X" = "Kh"; It is odiously funny that Abaev deduces this common known Türkic, Mongolian, and Hungarian word from unknown Scythian and Alanian linguistic stores. His line of speculations must  be that if that Türkic word is in his native Ossetian, it must have come from Alanian, which is a dialect of Scythian, a totally inverted logics that ignores literary evidence and academic dictionaries, and instead of directly stating a presence of Türkic word in Ossetian, runs in murky circles. More on Abaev's methods see Abaev book. Yu.A.Zuev presentation on etymologizing the word "tarkan" is untenable, just the opposite, a number of Türkic etymologies were suggested, one of them Tor+qan, semantically exactly a judge, from "Tor"=Türkic traditional law, "qan"=one of dialectal forms for accepted spelling "khan". Social function varied across the space, tribe, and time, no always designated a very significant non-military position in the state: a judge, a local ruler, a tax-exempt ruler. Unlike a Khan elected position, one can't be born a Tarkhan, at least initially it is an appointment. It would be a fair statement that the social function is well known and well documented, for different times, dialects, and functions - Translator's Note)

4. The expression "Horse is called [HI 7] he-lan" (<HA-LAN) is repeated in the "Prime Tortoise" in the same meaning, but it is delineated by a variation in the composition of the Tang geographer Tszifu: "Skewbald [horse] is called he-lan" (Li Tszifu, 1957, Ch. 4). Proto-Türkic form *HALAN was analysed in a number of works (Zuev Yu.A. 1962, p. 106-108), it matches the late Türk. ala "motley", "skewbald". In another place of his work Du U noted: "Türks call skewbald horses [HI 8] he-la" (<HAT-LAT <*HALAT~ALAT ~*ALA- "skewbald horse"). Insufficiently qualified analysis of records about variations in the transcription of the term ala is made in the A.G.Malyavkin's work. To relates to them, for example, [HI 9] he-la (<HÂ-LÂP), which actually reflects a social rank term at "hero", "heroic" in the title of the Basmyl leader Hela-pitszya-kehan (Alp-bilge-kagan) (Malyavkin A.G. p. 324, 325). A known since the 4tth century proto-Türkic word *HALAN (Bazin L. 1950, P. 291) also preserved in this archaic form during the Kaganates, as a nominal designation of a fighting horse in general. In favor of such interpretation testifies a presence of ranks (4 b) *HALAN-SÜNI (Chinese suni <SUO-NYI; the ancient Türk. SUNI "spear") and (4 c) *KÜL-SÜNI (Chinese. tsue suni <K'IWAT SUO-NYI). Apparently, the subject is the ancient Türkic armor-clad cavalry. In the rock drawings of the Upper Yenisei a Türkic mounted knight looks like this: "...A heavily armed horseman, dressed in the lamellar armor from a neck to a hip, with sleeves to the middle of forearms, with round shield on a breast, with a sword and a quiver on a belt, and with a battle ball in the right hand, aims a spear decorated with a small banner, at a bowman, who is shooting kneeling..." (Gumilyov L.N. 1967, p. 69; Nesterov S.P. p. 27, 28).

5. In the "Listing of common instructions of the state government" a copyist, under an influence of previous transcription da-lo-byan (see 2 above) inserted the last hieroglyph (byan) into a designation of black color among Türks: "they call black color ke-lo-[byan; HI 10]". In the text of the "Prime Tortoise" instead of it is a narrative hieroglyph [HI 11] fu "again ", "repeating",  not included in the transcription. Therefore the line is read: "they call black color ke-lo (<K'Â-LÂ <QARA) and again for the same reason among them are [HI 12] ke-lo cho (<TSÜÄR <ČOR), a rank very high, only in advanced years (they) become them" (Lu Maotsai translation: ""Schwarz" hiess k'o-lo-pien. darum gab es den Titel k'o-lo-tscho, der einera sehr bestagten verliehen wurde"). From a common point of view a respected person in advanced years in the Türkic society is considered gray-haired and white (compare ak sakal "a white beard", "the leader of a clan" and the like), but not black. In the texts of ancient Türkic runiform inscriptions of Talas valley (8, 10) Kara-chor is designated as the instructor of an age consortium crew-thirty (otuz-oglan). According to a Narshahi composition, Kara-chor, a son of a Türk, was a leader in Talas (Smirnova O.I. 1981, p. 32). In the system of dual co-rule kagan "emperor" - katun "empress" in Western Türkic and then in Turgesh Kaganates, the Talas with adjoining area, including the right bank of Syr-Darya, was considered as a residence of katun and a residence of the tribes belonging to the katun fraternity. Katun was considered to be an embodiment of a Moon and Night deity (Kara). The whole group of the tribes in the jurisdiction katun fraternity, was designated by an epithet Kara (Chinese hei sin "black surnames", Kara-Turgeshes). In the form [HI 13] ge-lo (Kara) in 708 AD this term was a part of a Turgesh title for an elder (Cefu yuangui, Ch. 974, p. 11443 (l. 14b). The age consortium of boys/young men before a performance of initiation ceremony (dedication as men-soldiers) was under a trusteeship of the katun fraternity, which delegated to it an instructor from its own members, which can explain the existence of a title Kara-chor.
(156/157)

6 (a). The transcription [HI 14] so-ge (< SÂK-Â) definitely goes back to the Türk. SAQAL "beard", therefore the designation registered in the Du U text [HI 15] fa "hair" should be  viewed  as a mistake instead of similarly looking [16] hu "beard", which is reflected in suggested translation. Anothers transcriptional variation of the term sakal is [HI 17] so-ge. Sakal-kagan (706-716) was a senior son of the Turgesh kagan "Leader of crew-hundred" *Yuzlik (Chinese Uchjile) (Ouyang Xiu , 1958, p. 1508 (l. 8b). And Sakal-kagan himself had a rank of "leader of crew-hundred", yuzlik. From the message, it appears that in 708 (i.e. two years after a death of the dynasty founder Yuzlik) Beshbalyk underwent a joint attack of Eastern Türkic kagan Mochjo (Kapagan-kagan) and Turgesh Uchjile (Yuzlik) detachments (Tsen Chjunmyan, 1958, vol. 1, p. 369), which could only be a son and successor of the *Yuzlik state founder, Sakal-kagan, Yuzlik. Connection of the first Turgesh dynasts with the "crew-hundred" institute is confirmed by their identical Scythian name sada (Chinese sha-to < ŚA-D'A) in the message of a Sui dynasty writer Chjen Tsyao: "Shato (Sada) it is the leaders of Turgeshes from among the foreigners in the Northwest" (Chjen Tsyao, Ch. 29, l. 13). In Scythian language the word sada/sata meant "hundred", "centurion" (Abaev V.I. 1979, p. 302) (Another Abaev's inverted invention, however, Dr. Abaev did not have to dive into unknown, 100=sto=sotnya is in all Slavic languages, Centum-Satem =100 isogloss division is known to anybody, including philologists like Dr. Abaev. Shato may be derived from Manichean "sad"=100, but what antique Scythian has to do with Manichean Early Middle Age proselytizing vocabulary is a puzzle  - Translator's Note).

6 (b). ""Crew-hundred" men-soldiers" always settled outside the nuclear yurt, and one of its main duties after achieving a military age was the defence of the borders. Therefore is also logical the title sakal-tudun given in the document [HI 18] (Chinese gu-tun <T'UO-D'UEN <TUDUN); two signs of last transcription mean accordingly: 1) "to repulse"; 2) "to assemble as a military settlement to fortify a border".

7 (a). The important historical and cultural word is here registered in the form [HI 19] fu-ni (<BUEK-NI <*BEKNI/BEGNI) bekni "wine". In the Mahmud Kashgari "Divan" its meaning is given as "intoxicated drink from millet or barley", "beer" (Mahmud Kashgari 1960, p. 408). Probably, it is mentioned for a very first time in the Chinese source in beginning of the 1st century BC. In particular, it says that in gratitude for a certain service a younger brother of a Sünnu Shanuy ruler awarded a "horse, fu-ni and tsunlu tent" to a tribal Chinese Su U, who lived on a coast of Northern Sea (lake Baikal). The word [HI 20] fu-ni (< ’IU-NIEK) in the Han time was held as Sünnu word, and was not known in China. One of the early commentators of the "Histoy of Han dynasty" Men Kan thought that it meant a bellied clay vessel with narrow neck and a square bottom, that served for storage of wine and sour milk (Ban Gu 1958, p. 679 (l. 18b); Taskin B.C. 1973, p. 104, 156). The word bekni/begni is comparable with a Sogd. BHNI "intoxicated drink", Horezm. BAKANIN "beer", Persian. BAGNI "beer from millet or barley" (Abaev V.I. 1958, vol. 1, p. 245) (About Türkic drink "buza", in addition to Sogd, Horezm, and Persia, 18901907 Brokgause and Efron Encyclopedic Dictionary names locations Cairo, Armenia, Ossetia, Turkestan, Basra, Siberia, Serbia and Russia, and also names Xenophon, ca. 430 - 354 BC among the first informers - Translator's Note).

7 (b). Apparently, the copyist of the examined list did not know Türkic language and incorrectly included a title in the name of the wine [HI 21] je-han (<ŃŹ IET-HAN <JARHAN) - yargan "ordering", "commanding", "deciding". The term yargan is also known in another Chinese rendition [HI 22] je-han in the title of yargan-tegin (je-han te-tsin), given to one of Sogdian tarkuans (i.e. tarkhans - Translator's Note), in service of the Eastern Türkic court (Tsen Chjunmyan 1958, vol. 1, p. 110, 112). The combination bekni-yargan is explained in the Chinese text fully enough; to that would be possible to add a meaning "(royal) wine steward". Some idea about functions of a wine steward can be gained by comparing this record with a ritual of serving koumiss at a court of the Uzbek Khans from its description in work of a Balkh encyclopedist scientist Mahmud ibn Veli (17th century) . The assembly was sited in fixed order and divided into two wings, left and right. The ranking order at the assembly repeated the social grade system in hierarchical interdependence in the society and state. The drink was served accordingly. Any deviation from "incalculable rules and prescripts of drinking" was strictly punished. "Such order is observed until the end of the assembly; they are obligated to avoid anything that in the eyes of noble people resembles levity and impatience. If somebody without a valid reason would break the etiquette, a culprit  is removed to a place by the doors, where the visitors leave their top footwear; he drinks twelve large goblets from the hands of the wine steward, and serves himself wine to the steward a goblet of apology then he is subjected to reproaches and reprimands; the wine steward has a right of judgment and punishment  of him, and the culprit  can be subjected to any punishment, except for a death penalty" (Bartold W.W. 1964, p. 398).
(157/158)

8 (a). A graphic version of the "Tun dyan" has an obscure phrase: "Meat is called an-chan, therefore are an-chan tszui-ni; they run the affairs of a [kagan] house, it is similar to a post at the dynasty". The spelling [HI 23] is corrected by the form [HI 24] an-dan of the "Prime Tortoise". A distortion is also seen in [HI 25] jou "meat", and, according to a context of the description, it should be reconstructed with a graphically similar [HI 26] nei "imperial court". Then the transcription an-dan (AN-TAN) approaches without difficulty a Persian type word HANEDAN/HANDAN - handan "family house", "dynasty", that came to the Türks, apparently, through Sogdian and is noted only in the analyzed fragment. In that case the phrase is read: "Imperial (kagan) court is called an-dan, therefore are an-dan tszui-ni; they run the affairs of a [kagan] House, it is similar to a post at the dynasty". In ancient Türkic runiform monuments of the Second Kaganate period to the word handan corresponds the word eb "house" in sense "court of dynastic Kok-Türks". During large military campaigns the battle-able male population was leaving the eb (where the horde court was also located). In the court remained the katun-empress, following her in the rank spouses of the kagan, senior relatives, daughters-in-law and concubines (Ktb, 48) (A somewhat curious idea that suggests a Sogdian word for a Türkic title that was never met again, a stand-alone instance in a foreign language, and with a suitable native word recorded, altogether a tenuous idea. Adopting this suggestion goes a long way toward the casual usage of Sogdian language at the Türkic court. At the same time, considering that serving of meat in the Kagan court was no less regimented then the service of drinks, a position of a meat server would be exactly identical to the position of a wine steward suggested in paragraph 7b. The elaboration of the meat serving is known for Attila court, Almush court, etc., and translation "(royal) meat steward" would not need to reach to a Sogdian word. How this alternative would fit the phonetics would remain open  - Translator's Note).

8 (b). The transcription [HI 27] tszui-ni (Q'IU-NIEI) goes back to the Türk. *KÜNI (KÜN "surname", "clan", "people") (Scherbak A.M. 1959, p. 68), therefore the combination *HANDAN-KÜNI is understood as "Khan  court's clan" ("meat steward' s people", maybe?  - Translator's Note).

9. A transcription fu-lin [HI 30: fu-lin PIU-LIEN] matches the archaic BŐRIN "wolf" (Pritsak O. 1955, pp. 52, 53, 94) with the usual ancient Türkic [HI 31] fu-li (PIU-LYIE BŐRI) "wolf". The chronicler rendered with a similar character the name Fuli/*Bori of a lesser Khunmi ruler of the ancient Usuns, the origin of which was traced to a mythical she-wolf pra-mother (Ban Gu 1958, p. 1169 (l. 7b). The word fuli/bori "wolf" is also noted in the language of a Helyan tribe. In the opinion of V.Bang, this word "cannot be explained with the help of Turkological means", it has Indo-Iranian prototypes. Bori ia an euphemized designation for a wolf, the original "ancient Türkic" word for which was considered sacral and was tabooed. The Usun genealogical myth is documented in the legends about the origin of Tutszue-Türks (Zuev Yu.A. 1960, p. 123). The ruling coalition of the First Türkic Kaganate was held as a She-wolf dynasty (Li Fan 1959, vol. 3, p. 2364), whose emblem was a banner with an image of a gilded wolf head above the kagan's court horde; the kagan's horde leib-guardsmen (bodyguards) also were called fuli/bori - ostensibly in memory of the descent from she-wolf (Linhu Defen 1958, p. 425 (l. 4b). The tradition of assigning a "wolf" name to the kagans has its history. In 572 Taspar-kagan appointed his younger brother of Ju-dan a ruler of the western ulus, and gave him a title name [HI 32] Bu-li (B'UO-LYIE) - Bori-kagan (Li Yanshou 1958, p. 425 (l. 4b). In the 629 was known a "military leader of a separate ulus" Bori-Shad (Buli-she) (Lu Sui (Xu Liu) 1958, p. 1436 (l. 1b), and soon after that a same rank had a Türkic viceroy in the subjugated Oguz tribe Si on the east slopes of Great Khingan (Ouyang Xiu  1958, Ch. 215a, p. 1501 (l. 8). It was recorded that a younger brother of the Western Türkic Ashbara-Terish-kagan, Bori-Shad (Boli- she), in 636 "protected" the dependent Tochar state Agni (Yantsi/Yanqi/Yenki, Karashar) (Lu Sui (Xu Liu) 1958, Ch. 194, p. 1445 (l. 3b), and the father of Western Türkic Helu-kagan (Aru-kagan  - Translator's Note) was *Er-bori-shad-yyakui-tegin (I-buli-she-egui-tele) (Lu Sui (Xu Liu) 1958, p. 1446 (l. 4b). Bori-Shad (Bulishe) was a son of the puppet Western Türkic Buchjen-kagan, Husrau (Huselo) (Kosrau/Kosrow  - Translator's Note), who received a number of court ranks while in Tang service, and subsequently became a kagan himself (Lu Sui (Xu Liu) 1958, Ch. . 194, p. 1447 (l. 71). In the examined cases is traceable a general rule: the title bori "wolf" was inherent to a certain age category, it was given to a younger brother of a reigning kagan, a future or probable candidate for the kagan throne. To a certain extent it symbolized a passage by its carrier of a course of military and conquest ("wolf") academy before his future advance to the rule of the whole state. On the other hand, this rule reflected the existence of a matrilineal succession order following a principle "senior brother - younger brother - nephew (a son of the first brother)", recorded in the Chinese documents and formulated in the texts of the ancient Türkic inscriptions (Ktb 5). In other words, the social and age category bori supported and reenforced the idea that originated in the period before our era, on the origin from the She-wolf Pra-mother of the ancient Usuns and subsequently Tutszue/Türks.
(158/159)

10(a). The transcription [HI 33] e-hu (YEP-HOU) matches yabgu of ancient Türkic inscriptions. Judging by the text of Bilge-kagan epitaph (BK 28), in the ancient Türkic states a barer of a title yabgu was a second person after the Supreme ruler - kagan. Mahmud Kashgari defines the title identically ("grade two steps below hakan") (Mahmud Kashgari 1960, vol. 3, p. 39; compare: Golden P. 1980, p. 188-190).

10(b). Among the highest titles with a rank lower than the second in command, yabgu, in the First Türkic Kaganate is noted [HI 35] i-kagan (i < YWI; compare ancient Türk. EV "house", EV "yurt", "premises") not met in any other document, with a meaning "kagan of home", " domestic kagan". Lu Maotsai reconstructs the pronunciation of ÄV-YWI as the Türk. ÄV "house", and reads the whole phrase: "It was also happening that large families remaining in the houses, i.e. without posts, called each other i-kekhan. Tutszue a room (or a house) called i" The title, hence, meant "kagan of a room (or of a house)". The Chinese text does not have the words "large families remaining in the houses, i.e. without posts" which would justify some kind of a ban or house arrest of a certain derelict and his being on physical premises; such interpretation is unacceptable. Another translation gives V.S.Taskin: "... And exist members of large surnames, who live in houses, who call each other i-kehan (kagan). The Tutszues call a house i, and this name means kagan of a house". Further, giving one more reading, yui, of the transcriptional character, and comparing yui with the Türk. ÜI "house", he continues: "From that, i-kehan should be read yui -kehan, that means kagan of house i.e. a master of only a house or a family" (Taskin B.C. 1984, i.e., p. 305, 306). Convinced that the ancient Sünnu of the Central Asia were Türkic-speaking, V.S.Taskin from same position examines the Sünnu titles Shanyu ("respected house" or " esteemed house") and huyui ("protecting a house") (Taskin B.C. 1992, p. 11, 12). In a combination tszai tszya (actually, "present in tszya") the sign tszya "family", "clan", "house (as a family)" is used in a general sense: the state as a united family led by a patriarch emperor". So, in the summer of the 176 BC the Sünnu Shanyu, glutting from the victories over Yuejis, Usuns, Hutsze and other confederations, wrote that "all of them became Sünnu" (i.e. all joined the Sünnu state, explains Yan Shigu), "joined the army and became one family - tszya". Because similar examples are also well-known for the Tang time, and the "kagan of a house" is compared to such significant figures as yabgu, the interpretation of a sign tszya as a small cell ("family") is excluded. This is a state with large tribes ("big families"). In reference to the early Türkic meaning of the Chinese word sin "surname", it becomes clear, for example, from the Western Türkic sources. The known appellation from the runiform texts for the WesternTürkic Kaganate On Ok "ten arrows/tribes" (Du U. Tun dyan, 19, 30), the Chinese chroniclers always translated with a combination shi-sin "ten surnames". Despite of a known mobility of the nomadic "surname - tribe", this concept included a meaning of not only an ethno-social collective, but also a territory occupied by it. It was especially manifested during subdivision of the Western Türkic lands into districts in the 657-659. In the Uigur princedom Kocho (Turfan), the lands occupied by a noble tribe Urung-Arslan, were called dudag: "In respect to dudag, in Chinese it is a big house" (Ke Shaomin 1933, Ch. 29, l. 76), say the annals.

From the history of ancient Mesopotamia is known that, for example, the residence area of Haldeans was subdivided onto tribal "houses" territory. Each "house" lived under a leadership of a ruler who quite often called himself a "king" (Oppenheim A. 1990, p. 127). The Türkic historian Abu-l-Gazi saw the situation in ancient Iran during an interregnum period the same way: "At that time, Iran had no sovereign: Keumers has died, and Hushenga have not been proclaimed a padshah yet. Arabs call such time muluk-at-ta-va'if; and its meaning is this: each il (i.e. tribe) has its governor. Türks call such time in the head of house (ev) black (kara; a simple) person becomes a khan, each house has its khan" (Kononov A.N. 1958, lines 417-423).
(159/160)

Precisely so named Abu-l-Gazi the status in the Syr-Darya Yabgu state at the end of the 11th century, when it broke down by tribal affiliation into a number of small possessions (Kononov A.N. 1958, line 1090, 1091; Agadjanov C.G. 1969, p. 151-154). The Arabic expression muluk at-tava'if in this context, in the A.N.Kononova's opinion, meant "lesser prince" (Kononov A.N. 1958, p. 90).

The title ev-kagan had no relation to a room, premises or monogamous family, nor even to a patriarchal community as S.M.Abramzon was declined to think (Abramzon S.M. 1973, p. 300, 301). The ancient Türkic expression evde baimaiu "to head a house - ev", "to lead a house - ev" (Ktb, 48) repeated almost a calque of Abu-l-Gazi in the quoted phrase ev bashsha kara khan "in the head of a house black (i.e. simple, not a great and not a main) khan" with particular indication that the house is an il (tribe). The Türkic states always were subdivided into a number of uluses, which now, in view of the examined examples can be called "houses". In the last quarter of the 6th century only the Chinese chroniclers listed four kagans, who were ruling at the same time in different parts of the Türkic state. Actually, their number could be much higher. It can therefore be concluded that at the dawn of the Türkic history, on which the studied fragment is projected, the title ev-kagan designated the leaders of allodial tribal territories.

Hieroglyphic index

Literature

In Russian:

Abaev V.I., 1958. Historiko-etymological dictionary of Ossetic language. vol. I. Moscow-Leningrad
Abaev V.I., 1965. Scytho-European isoglosses. Moscow
Abaev V.I., 1979. Scytho-Sarmatian adverbs. // Bases of the Iranian linguistics. Ancient Iranian languages. Moscow
Abramzon S.M. 1973. Forms of family among pre-Türkic and Türkic peoples of Southern Siberia, Jeti-su and Tian-Shan in antiquity and Middle Ages. // Türkological Collection, 1972. Moscow
Agadjanov S.G. 1969. Essays on history of Oguzes and Central Asia Turkmen in the 9th-13th centuries. Ashkhabad.
(160/161)
Bartold W.W. 1964. Ceremony at Uzbek Khans court in 17th century. // Compositions. vol. 2. part 2. Moscow
Gumilev L.N. 1967. Ancient Türks. Moscow
Ancient Türkic Dictionary. 1969. Leningrad, Science.
Zuev Yu.A. 1960. Horse tamgas from vassal princedoms. // Works IIAE. vol. 8. Alma-Ata.
Zuev Yu.A. 1962. From ancient Türkic ethnonymy from the Chinese sources. // Problems of Kazakhstan and East Turkestan history. Alma-Ata.
Kononov A.N. 1958. Family tree of Turkmens. Moscow-Leningrad
Malyavkin A.G. 1989. Tang chronicles. Novosibirsk.
Mahmud Kashgari, 1960. Turky suzlar devoni (Devon lugotit turk). vol. 1, 3. Tashkent.
Nesterov S.P. 1990. Horse in the cults of Türkic-speaking tribes of Central Asia during Middle Age epoch. Novosibirsk.
Oppenheim A. 1990. Ancient Mesopotamia. Moscow
Pozdneev D. 1899. Historical sketch of Uigurs (by Chinese sources). SPb.
Smirnova O.I. 1963. Catalogue of coins from Pendjikent fortress. Moscow
Smirnova O.I. 1981. Sketches from Sogd history. Moscow
Taskin B.C. 1973. Materials on history of Sünnu (by Chinese sources). Issue 2. Moscow
Taskin B.C. 1984. Materials on history of nomadic tribes of Dunhu (Tungus) group. Moscow
Taskin V.S. 1992. Materials on history of 3rd-5th c. nomadic tribes in China. Issue 3. Mujuny. Moscow
Scherbak A.M. 1959. Oguz-name. Muhabbat-name.

In Chinese:

Ban Gu, 1958. Han shu (History of Han dynasty). Seria "Bo na". Peking.
Wei Chjen, 1958. Sui shu (History of Sui dynasty). Seria "Bo na". Peking.
Du U. Tun dyan (Listing of common instructions of the state government). Seria "Tszju Tun".
Ke Shaomin, 1933. Sin Yuan shi (History of Yuan dynasty. New edition). Seria "Tsun shu tszi chen". Shanghai.
Linhu Defen, 1958. Chzhou shu (History of Chzhou dynasty). Seria "Bo na". Peking.
Li Fan, 1959. Tai-pin guan tszi (Vast records made during the period Tai pin sin-go). vol. 3. Peking.
Li Tszifu, 1957. Yuan-he tszjun syan chji (Description of areas and districts of the Yuan-he period, 806-821). Shanghai.
Li Yanshou, 1958. Bei shi (History of Northern dynasties). Seria "Bo na". Peking.
Lu Sui (Xu Liu), 1958. Tszju Tang shu (History ofTang dynasty. Old edition). Seria "Bo na". Peking.
Ouyang Xiu , 1958. Sin Tang shu (History of Tang dynasty. New edition). Seria "Bo na". Peking.
Toto, 1958. Liao shi (History of Liao dynasty). Seria "Bo na". Peking.
Yuan Chjunmyan, 1958. Tutszue tszi shi (Collection of materials on history of Tutszue-Türks). vol. 1, 2. Peking.
Chjen Tsyao. Tun chji (Common description).

In European languages:

Bazin L., 1950. Recherches sur les parlers t'o-pa // "T'oung pao". Vol. XXXI, livr. 1-4.
Drompp M.R., 1989. Supernumery souveregns: superfluity and mutability in the elite power structure of the early turks (tu-jue) // Rulers from the steppe. Vol. II. Los Angeles.
Golden P., 1980. Khazar studies. An historico-philological inquairy into the origins of the Khazars. Vol. II. Budapest.
Hirth F., 1899. Nachworte zur inschrift des Tonjukuk // "Altturkischen inschriften der Mongolei", z. f.
Karlgren ., 1957. Grammata serica recensa // Reprinted from the MEA, bulletin 29. Stockholm.
Lewicki ., 1949. Turcica et mongolica // "Rocznik orientali styczny". vol. XV, 1939-1949. Krakow.
Liu Mau-tsa, 1958. Die chinesischen nachrichten zur geschichte der Ost-turken (t'u-kue.) Bd. I-II. Wisbaden.
Pelliot P., 1929. Neuf notes sur des questions d'Asie centrale // "T'oun pao". vol.26.
Poucha P., 1956. Die geneime geschichte der Mongolen. Praha.
Pritsak O., 1955. Die sogenannte bulgarische furstenliste und die Sprache der Protobulgaren. Wiesbaden.
Schaeder N.N., 1938. Ein verkannte aramaische proposition // "Orientalische literaturzeitung". Bd. 41. Leipzig.
Jurjani, 1876. The Tabakat-i-nasiri. Transl. from persian by H.G. Raverty. Vol.2. London.

 

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Yu. A. Zuev Early Türks: Essays of history
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