The offered translation is a direct translation of the N.Bichurin's translation, it reflects the N.Bichurin's reading of the Chinese annals, and may differ from other translations, in phrasing, semantics, and literal rendition. The differences bear their own treasure, both for phonetical and semantical analysis. The main comment on the N.Bichurin's translation is that the text of the original Chinese manuscripts does not have any punctuation, and absent a monumental task of preliminary separation of the words, sentences, and paragraphs, a translator has to discern them on the fly, and in a few cases the N.Bichurin's parsing differ from the parsing produced by the later paleographers. The later Sinologists however fully validated the N.Bichurin's translation, and noting a mass of minor errors, also noted a remarkable accuracy of the translation as a whole, even more remarkable because the main body of the records about surrounding people is not contained in the chapters on the surrounding people in the appendixes to the chapters on the Chinese history, but is dispersed in the body of those chapters, necessitating a close reading of these mumbled chapters to extract pertinent records that contain information on the surrounding peoples. The largest contributors to correction and elucidation of the N.Bichurin's translations were N.V.Kuner (1877-1955) and V.S.Taskin (1917-1995).

The subject of the Chinese dynastic annals are the Chinese dynasties, and periodization follows the dynastic histories, not the history of the Chinese people. The main developments in the history of the Chinese people remained unrecorded if they did not have a direct connection with the dynastic events. However, both the dynastic periodization, and archeological periodization are critical in deciphering the records and reconstruction of the history, and without a proper historical perspective the reconstructions are dubitable. In particular, the following moments are substantive in the Hun's history.

At the beginning of the 2nd c. BC, Greco-Bactria consisted of a number of independent states, and Fergana ~ Da-Yan ~ Great(er) Ionia was one of them (click to enlarge). Chinese coded Bactria as Da-Xia 大夏 ~ Great Xia, and Fergana ~ Da-Yan 大宛 ~ Great(er) Ionia, possibly denoting the kinship between the first Chinese legendary dynasty of nomadic warriors Xia 夏, ca. 2000 BC, and the nomadic inhabitants Xia 夏 in Bactria.

The posting's notes and explanations, added to the text of the author and not noted specially, are shown in blue italics in parentheses (), notes and comments added in the 1951 academic publication under editorship of N.Bershtam are shown in square brackets in [maroon], grammatical clarifications in angular brackets <>. In the original publication the author's comments, to separate them from the direct translation, are denoted by larger margin, not always consistently; in the posting these author's comments are combined in the Comments section. Yellow highlighting indicates a need for verification. Page numbers are shown at the beginning of the page in blue, with associated PDF file page number. To avoid font conflicts, the Russian original is presented in modern orthography per 1950 edition. The dates highlighted by N.Bichurin are shown  in square brackets []. Additional subtitles are shown in blue. The copyright to the 1851 publication expired long ago, the publication is in the public domain. Text is reproduced from the publication: Bichurin [Hyacinth]. Collection of information on peoples in Central Asia in ancient times,  Moscow-Leningrad, USSR Academy of Sciences, Ethnography Institute, 1950//Bichurin N.Ya. 1851

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Information about Davan (Pyn. Dayuan 大宛, Fergana, 40°N 70°E, from Ionia ~ “Yona” or “Yavana” for Ionian Greeks > Dayuan = “Great Yuan”) ¹ appeared since the time of Prince Zhang Qian (张 骞, phoneticized Chjan by Bichurin). Zhang Qian was a native of Han-chung area during the reign of Gyan-yuan [140 - 135 BC] who received a title Lan. ² At that time the Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che 武帝 劉徹, r. 141–87 BC) interrogated the submitted Huns, and they unanimously indicated that the Huns defeated the Yuezhi (Tocharian) ruler and made from his head a drinking cup.

Historical supplement. The Yuezhi (Tochar) ruler was killed by Hunnic Khan Mode (209 BC); after his defeated, his son left to the west with his people, where he also was killed by Laoshan, a second Hunnic Khan (174 BC); it was his grandson who conquered Kabulistan. Here the story of the Huns refers to the second Yuezhi (Tochar) ruler. From his skull was made a lacquered drinking cup (second time Tochars were beaten by Usuns, who presented the lacquered skull drinking cup to Laoshan).
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The Yuechjy (pyn. Yuezhi ~ Tocharian) retreated and often regretted that he could not find allies for a joint attack on the Huns. Then the House of Han was thinking about means for destruction of the Huns. On hearing that, it decided to open a communication link with Yuechjy via an embassy; and as it was inevitable to go through the Huns' land, it was seeking someone suitable for sending. [148] Zhang Qian, yet at the rank of the Lan, announced a desire for the call, and was sent (138 BC) to Yuechjy with Tani Hunuganfu (a Hunnu named Tangi Ganfu 甘父). ³ At the Lung-xi they crossed into the land of the Huns, but the Huns captured them and delivered to the Shanyu, ⁴ who, having detained them, said: Yuechjy are to the north of us; what right the House of Han has to send there an envoy? If I wanted to send a messenger to Yue [a possession in southern China], would the House of Han agree to my desire? Shanyu, having detained them for about ten years, married Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) to a Hunnish maiden, from whom he had a son. However, Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) has not lost a bunchuk (Türkic staff with horse hair crown) of his Court, and having enjoyed full freedom during his stay at the Huns, fled with his companions to Yuechjy. Making his way to the west in a few tens of days, they came to Davan. The Davan ruler long heard of the House of Han riches, and wanted to open a relation with it, but was unable to. On seeing Zhang Qian, he was delighted and said, how can he achieve his desire? Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) said this: “having been sent as a messenger from the House of Han to Yuechjy, I was detained by the Huns, and now I have fled them; order your seniors, emperor, to guide me, and if I ever return to my motherland, the House of Han would send you myriad of gifts”.
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The Davan ruler believed these things, and ordered his seniors to conduct him to Kangju (康居, Kangar) by post, and from the Kangju they were forwarded to the Great Yuechjy (Uzbekistan and Bactria). At the time, the Huns killed the ruler of the Great Yuechjy, and the throne was erected his older son, who subjugated Dahya (Bactria, Pyn. 大夏 Daxia) and lived there. Living in the freewheeling country, rarely experiencing hostile raids, he settled to lead a peaceful life, and with the distance from the House of Han, did not reckon of revenging the Huns. Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) returned from Yuechjy to Dahya (Bactria) without a positive response from the Yuechjy. Having spent there over a year, he finally returned to the southern mountains, planning get to China via the Kyan's land (Taklamakan and Tarim), and was again detained by the Huns. In a year the Shanyu died (127 BC). ⁵ A Chjuki-Prince of eastern side defeated the heir in a battle (Türkic “ükü”/“Jükü” = wise; Eastern Jükü was a lawful successor, who was a pretender is not stated), and ascended the throne. In the horde rose a strife. Zhang Qian, using the moment, fled with his wife and Tangi-fu, and so returned to China. The Son of Heaven [149] awarded both with noble titles. ⁶ Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) had physical strength, was generous, and gained abroad general trust; and foreigners loved him. Tangi-fu was a Hun by birth, he was artfully shoting of a bow. In extreme need, he the was hunting birds and animals, and supplied food. On his departure, Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) had more than a hundred people, after 13 years only two have returned.
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Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) went through Davan (Fergana, 40°N 70°E), Great Yuechjy (Kabulistan, Kabul, 34.5°N 69.1°E), Dahya (Bactria, 38°N 68°E) and Kangju (Kangar, 44°N 72°E). He had heard there that five or six large states were around; and he wrote in a report to the Emperor: “Davan (Fergana) lies from the Huns to the west, ⁷ nearly 10,000 li (3000-4000 km) ⁸ from the capital ⁹ straight westward. Davanians (Ionian Greeks) lead sedentary life, they are farming, sow rice and wheat. They have wine. Plenty of argamaks (thoroughbred riding horses, Türkic örgamak = “amble-make”, in Tatar such horses are called “bloodline horse”). ¹⁰ Тhese horses have bloody sweat, and descend  from the breed of the heavenly horses. ¹¹ There are cities and houses. Davan has up to 70 large cities and small towns, population extends to several hundred thousands. Weaponry consists of bows and arrows, and they are skilled in mounted shooting.
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North of Davan (Fergana) lies Kangju (Kangar), in the west are Great Yuechjy (Kabulistan), in the south-west lies Dahya (Bactria), on the north-east lies Usun (44°N 75°E), in the east are Ganmi ¹² and Yutian (于阗 Yutian, 37°N 81.7°E). From Yutian in the west rivers flow to the west, and [150] fall into the West sea (depression in the western end of Taklamakan; Western Sea is Caspian). ¹³ From Yutian in the east rivers flow eastward and run into the Salt Lake (Lake Lobnor/Lop Nur, 40°N 90.5°E). The Salt Lake flows underground, and in the south produces headwaters of the Yellow River. Plenty of jade. ¹⁴ Yellow River runs into the Middle Kingdom. Leulan and Gushy have cities on the banks of the Salt Lake (Lobnor/Lop Nur). The Salt lake lies 5,000 li from Chang-an. ¹⁵ The west side of the Huns stretches from the Salt Lake to the east to the Great Wall in the Lunxi; in the south they border Kyans (Qiang 羌族, Tibetians), blocking the way to China.

Usun ¹⁶ lies nearly 2,000 li from Davan to the northeast  (basin of Ili river, Jeti-su, 45°N 75°E). It is a nomadic possession, whose people follow cattle from place to place. Their habits are similar to the Huns'. Usun has few tens of thousands army (100-150,000 population), ¹⁷ brave in battle. Usuns were previously under the dependence of the Huns: but when they grew stronger, they gathered their vassals and refused to come the Huns' Horde.
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Kangüy (Kangar) lies nearly 2,000 li (600-800 km) north-west of Davan. This is also a nomadic possession;  the habits are perfectly alike with Yuechjies'; it has up to 90,000 troops (450,000 population). Kangüy (Kangar) is adjacent to Davan, and due to their weakness recognize in the south Yuechjies' power over them, in the east the Huns' power.

Yancai (Abzoya, Aral area) lies nearly 2,000 li (600-800 km) from Kangju (Kangar) to the north-west. This nomadic possession by the habits is perfectly similar to Kangüy. Army is more than 100,000 troops (over 500,000 population). It lies by a large lake, which does not have high banks. This is the Northern Sea (Aral). ¹⁸ [151]

Greater Yuechjy (Uzbekistan and Bactria) ¹⁹ is located nearly 3,000 li (900-1200 km) from Davan to the west, north of the river Gui-shui (Amu Darya, 妫 水河 = Gui-shui). South of it lies Dahya (Bactria), to the west Ansi (安溪 /安息 Pyn. Anxi, Parthia), to the north Kangju (Kangar). It is also a nomadic possession. Following their cattle, they move from place to place. In habits they are similar to the Huns. It has from 100,000 to 200,000 troops (500,000-1,000,000 population). During its former power it despised Huns. Mode, on ascending the throne, struck Yuechjy, and the Hunnic Laoshan Shanyu, his son, killed the Yuezhi ruler, and of his skull made a drinking cup.
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The House of Yuechjy originally occupied the country between Dunhuan and ridge Tsilyan-shan (蔥嶺 Pin. Congling; WG Ts'ung-ling or “Onion Range”, Onion Mountains = Pamir, i.e. the Taklamakan and Tarim); and when the Huns struck it, it withdrew from there, and moved to the west of Davan, ²¹ struck the Dahya (Bactria) and conquered that possession: as a result it entrenched on the north side of the river Gui-shui (Amu Darya). A small part of the Yuezhi people could follow the others, and remained in the southern mountains. Kyans (Qiang Tibetians) called it Lesser Yuechjy (Hyao-Yuechjy).

Ansi (Parthia 安溪 Pyn. Anxi , the character “an” stands for “ar”, the correct translitersation is “Арси”, pyn. Arxi) lies several thousand li (600-1200 km) to the west from the Great Yuechjy (Kabul, 34.5°N 69.1°E). There is settled life and farming; they sow rice and wheat, make wine from grapes. The cities are like in Davan. Ansi has hundreds of large and small cities, occupies several thousand li (600-1200 km) of space, and is considered a greatest state.

Along the Gui Shui river (Amu Darya) live traders and merchants (Sugd, Sogdiana), who by land and water carry about their goods to the neighboring possessions — even several thousand li away. They have silver coins with an image of a sovereign, on the death of the sovereign they cast coins with the face of a new sovereign. Notes are written on vellum with transverse rows. ²²

From Ansi (Parthia) to the west lies Tyaochzhi (Anatolia), to the north Yancai (Abzoya. Aral area) and Ligan (Rome).

Tyaochzhi (Anatolia) is several thousand li (600-1200 km) from the Ansi to the west, near the western sea (Black Sea, in Turkic Black = Western, Chinese calqued a Turkic name Kara Dingiz). ²³ The climate is hot, the soil is moist; they farm, sow rice.
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There are [152] bird's eggs the size of a pail. Population is very large. Plenty of small rulers, who albeit depend on the Ansi (Parthia), are held as foreign rulers. Residents are skilled in magic tricks. The Ansi (Parthia) elders tell that Tyaochzhi (Anatolia) has dead water and Si-wang-mu, ²⁴ but they have never seen them.

Dahya (Bactria) lies more than 2.000 li (600-800 km) from Davan (Fergana) to the south-west, on the south side of the river Gui-shui (Amu Darya). They live settled life; have cities and houses; in customs they are similar with Davanians (Ionian Greeks). They do not have a supreme ruler, and almost every city installs its ruler. Their troops are weak, timid in battle. Residents are skilled in trade. When the Great Yuechjy (As-Tokhars) in their move to the west defeated them, they submitted to the House of Dahya. Population in Dahya (Bactria), extends up to a million, the capital is called Lanshy. In this city is a market with a variety of goods. From Dahya (Bactria) to the south-east lies the possession Shendu, otherwise Indu (India)”.

Explanation. — Davan is Kokand (40.5°N 71°E), the city and the possession. Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian), in his account of his travels in Middle Asia, took Kokand as a point from which he showed the distance and location of other possessions, according to the information of the natives, that even in relation to the present Kokand city is fairly accurate; for example, the town Chigu, a capital of Usun, lay north-east of Temurtu-nor (Issyk-kul, 42.4°N 77.2°E), north-west from Kucha (41.7°N 82.9°E) on the southern side of the river Ili: hence, the road from Kokand to Chigu could not be more than 2,000 li (600-800 km). The possession Kangju (Kangar) occupied steppes from the Sir-Darya to the north, where are now coaching the Senior and the Middle Kazak [Kazakh] Hordes.
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One must assume that the Cossack generations, now known in Russia under a name Kirgiz-Kaysaks (Kirgiz-Kayisaks), recently adopted a folk name Kazak, because the papal envoys, who visited Kuyuk-khan in the Shara ordo [Karakorum] in 1246, still called them Kangits (Kangar, with Mong. pl. ending “t”). The possession Yancai (Abzoya, Aral area) lay 2.000 li (600-800 km) lay northwest of the Kangju. The capital of the possession Yuechjy was located 3000 li (900-1200 km) from the Kokand directly to the west, on the right bank of Chjeyguni (Cheihun, Chaihun, Syrdarya). ²⁵ It is very clear that the Yuezhi Khan lived in Khiva (41.3°N 60.3°E) and ruled the steppe space lying between the Amu-darya, Sir-darya and Kokand. the state Ansi (Parthia) [153] occupied the lands of the eastern Persia, etc. Note that the word Ansi is somewhat consonant with Farsi. The state Dahya (Bactria) lay 2,000 li (600-800 km) south-west of Kokand on the south, or left bank of the Chjeyguni (Syrdarya) to the south, and extended south-east to the Indostan. Apparently, Dahya (Bactria) occupied the current (1850) Kabulistan and a part of the Bokhara. Possession Tyaochzhi (Anatolia) lay in the current Asia Minor. Location Ligani is defined unclear, but elsewhere explained that Ligan is the other name of the Folin, or Daqing, i.e. the ancient Rome. This possession lay to the north of Tyaochzhi (Anatolia), and at one time was famous for its magicians. Kuei-Shan, the then capital of the Kokand, was located either in the present Kokand, or in the another nearest city, this is unknown.
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Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) in a report to the emperor said in passing: “when I was at Dahya (Bactria), I saw there bamboo staves from Tsun (Qiong) and canvases from Shu, ²⁶ and asked where do they get it from? The inhabitants of the Dahya (Bactria)kingdom told me that their merchants trade in Shendu (India), and Shendu lies several thousand li (600-1200 km) south-east of the Dahya (Бактрия); there people lead sedentary life and are much alike the Dahya people. The place is lowland, very hot. People there are fighting from elephants. The capital lies at a large river. In my opinion [i.e. Chjan Qian's], Dahya (Bactria)lies 12,000 li (3600-4800 km) south-west of Chang-an; the Shendu (India) kingdom lies several thousands li (600-1200 km) south-east of Dahya (Bactria); it has things from the Shu [now Sichuan]; hence it should be close to Shu. If to send now an embassy to Dahya (Bactria)through the rough Kyan (nomadic Tibetans) mountains, that would be unpleasant for the Kyans (nomadic Tibetans), and if the embassy would detour somewhat northward, it would be intercepted by the Huns. It is more convenient to leave right from the Shu (Sichuan). On that road attacks also do not happen”. Thus, the Son of Heaven received information that Davan (Fergana), Dahya (Bactria)and Ansi (Parthia) are large states, they have many rare things; that there they lead sedentary life, and in the arts [art craft] are very similar to the Middle Kingdom; they have weak army and cherish Chinese things; that north of Shendu (India) lie the Great Yuechjy (As-Tokhars) possession and Kangju (Kangar), with strong army, which can be hired into service; and if a case would come to persuade them  [154] to subjection, the Chinese possessions could be extend for nearly 10,000 li. Then with translators of nine ²⁷ languages it is ​​easy to learn the customs different from the Chinese customs, and extend the influence of China to the four seas.
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He [the Son of Heaven] (Wudi Liu Che 武帝 劉徹, r. 141–87 BC) believed the Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) report with admiration, and ordered him to simultaneously send envoys ²⁸ by four different roads from the Shu and Gyan-wei provinces. And so from four places were sent the embassies: from Man, from Zhang, from Si, and from Tsi (Qiong) and Tszi (Ji). These embassies went for 1000 to 2000 li (600-800 km): but in the north they were stopped by the aliens Di (Türkic Tele) and Tszo (Zuo, Mountain Tibet), in the south by the aliens Sui and Khun-min. The residents of the possession Khun-min do not have a sovereign, are prone to robbery and murder, and the Chinese envoys could not pass through their land. However, there they were told that a little over a thousand li (300-400 km) to the west of them is a state whose residents ride elephants. That state is called Dian-yue, and the merchants from Shu, secretly traveling with the goods abroad, sometimes reach there. So, to get to the Dahya (Bactria)kingdom, Chinese Court decided to first pave the way to Dian, and for that to open communication with the south-western foreigners; but after many expenses could not open the road. and postponed this enterprise. But when Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) again introduced a possibility to penetrate to the Dahya (Bactria), then again they turned attention to the south-western foreigners. Meanwhile, Chjan Kyan in the position Xiaoyu ²⁹ was assigned to the Supreme Leader ³⁰ who wasgoing to march with an army against the Huns. As he knew the places with plenty of grass and water, the army did not suffer lack of anything, and he was awarded a princely title Bo Wang Heu [In the following, Tszhan Kyan (Tsyan) (Zhang Qian {Qian}) is called exclusively with that title]. It happened in the sixth year of the Yuan-sho reign [123], in the 123 BC.
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The following year, 122, Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) received a position of Wei-yu, and with Commander Li ³¹ set out from Yu-Bei-phin [now Yung-ping-fu in Zhili (Hebei) Province] against the Huns. The Huns surrounded commander Li, and most of his troops perished. Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) was late for the appointed time, and was sentenced to beheading [155], but escaped from the [121] death with a loss of rank and titles. In 121 BC a Chinese commander Hokyuy-bin broke the Western Wall [name of a fortification or wall by the mountain Lin-chung in Shofan province near the turn of the Yellow River to the east] at the Huns. ³² Some tens of thousands people (the Huns) came [120] to the Tsilyan-shan (Qilian) mountains. The following year, 120, Hunshe-prince with his subjects submitted to China. ³³ After that in the Gin-chen, Ho-hsi, and from the southern mountains to the Salt Lake [Lobnor] [119] Huns disappeared from view; and even their patrol units rarely showed up. The following year, in 119, the Chinese defeated the Shanyu himself on the northern side of the sandy steppe. ³⁴ After this, the Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che) used to ask frequently the Prince Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) about Dahya (Bactria)and other possessions.

After losing his princely title, Chjan Kyan (Zhang Qian) submitted the following: "during stay with the Huns, I heard that the title of the Usun ruler is Gunmo; the father of this Gunmo had a small holding at the Hunnic western end. The Huns killed his father in a battle, and Gunmo, just born, was thrown into the field. Birds pecked insects from his body; a she-wolf was coming to feed him with her milk. The Shanyu was amazed, and took him for a spirit; so he took him, and brought him up, and when Gunmo grew older, Shanyu made ​​him a leader of the troops.

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Gunmo repeatedly distinguished himself in the campaigns: so Shanyu restored to him thy possessions of his father, and charged him with oversight over the Western Wall sentry service. Gunmo devoted much care to improve the state of his people, and subjugated surrounding small towns. He had several tens of thousands of battle-experienced troops. On the death of the Shanyu (Laoshang, r. 173-161), Gunmo with his people seceded and stopped performing pilgrimage to the Huns' horde. The army, secretly sent by the Huns against him, had no success, it deemed Gunmo to be a spirit, and withdrew, so the Huns, although they had an influence on him, did not attack him too much. Now, we again brought Shanyu (Gunchen 單于, r. 161–126 BC) into a tight position, and the former lands of the Hunshe-prince remain unpopulated. The nomads are usually susceptible to the Chinese things. If now, with rich gifts, to persuade Gunmo to move east to the former Hunshe-prince lands and enter into marital relation with the House of Han, hopefully it will be successful; and if successful, we thereby [156] would cut off the right arm of the Huns. ³⁵ And when we annex Usun, we'll be able to sway to our subjection Dahya (Bactria), and other possessions in the west”.
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The Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che) came to believe that; he gave him the position of a Hunnic bailiff ³⁶ 300 troops with two horses each, and up to 10,000 heads of bulls and sheep, gave him many different expensive things, and subjected to him to many assistants with horsetail bunchuks - to be sent as envoys to different possessions along the travel road.

So Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) arrived to Usun. The Usun suzerain Gunmo received him as a Shanyu. Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) felt very ashamed; but knowing the greed of uneducated foreigners, he said, “The Son of Heaven sent gifts. If you, sir, would not kowtow, then return gifts”. Gunmo, rising to his feet, kowtowed to the gifts; the rest went as usual. Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian), explaining the purpose of his assignment, said: if, suzerain, you would agree to relocate to the east to the Hunshe-prince land, the House of Han would send you a princess as a spouse. — The Usun possession was fragmented, the ruler grew old, and moreover was far from China. He still did not know that his servants have long been under the dependence of the Huns; moreover his elders, being in proximity to the Huns, were fearful of them and did not want to relocate; and the ruler could not rule with full powers; and therefore Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) could not get from him a decisive response . Gunmo had up to ten sons. The middle of them, called Dalu (Tr. offshoot, branch), was endowed by body power and was held to be a skilled commander. He alone had 10,000 cavalry. Dalu's older brother was declared а heir to the throne. He had a son Sentszu (Senču ~ endearment of “you”/sing.). The heir died long ago, but before his death he asked his father to declared Sentszu a successor, and not to give the throne to someone else.
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Out of pity, Gunmo gave him his word, and Sentszu upon the death of his father was proclaimed a heir to the throne. Dalu was offended that he was not proclaimed a heir, so he gathered [157] his kins and people, and intend to attack Sentszu and Gunmo. Gunmo got old and always feared that Dalu would kill Sentszu , so give Sentszu 10,000 cavalry and detached him; and for his guard he also retained 10,000 cavalry. Thus, the Usun possession was divided into three parts, under a supreme authority of Gunmo. For this very reason, Gunmo could not act with full authority negotiating with Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian). After this, Chjan Qian sent his assistants as envoys to Davan (Fergana), Kangju (Kangar), Great Yuechjy (As-Tokhars), Dahya (Бактрия), Ansi (Parthia), Shendu (India), Yutian, Ganmi (Taklamakan) and other surrounding possession. The Usun Gunmo dispatched chieftains and interpreters to escort Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) back to China, and sent with him a small embassy with dozens of horses, allocated in gratitude to the Chinese Court. With that, Gunmo instructed his envoy to observe the Chinese Court and gauge its size. On his return, Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) assumed an important place among the government officials; and in a year he died. ³⁷ The Usun envoy, who had seen the magnitude and wealth of the Chinese people, on return reported to his sovereign, and from that time the Usun Gunmo set to respect the Chinese Court. In a year returned the envoys that Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) dispatched to Dahya (Bactria), and other possessions, and brought with them embassies from those possessions.
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Thus, China has opened communications with the states to the north-west of it. But since Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) first opened the way to the western lands, the later envoys to the west generally alluded that with his candor Bo-Wan-Heu ³⁸ was gaining favor at foreign courts, and for that reason foreigners trusted him. On the death of Bo-Wan-Heu Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian), the Huns, on learning about the House of Han connection with the Usuns, intended to attack them. And when the Chinese envoy one after another began to show up in the Davan (Fergana) and Great Yuechjy (As-Tokhars), bypassing Usun on the south side, the Usun Gunmo became concerned, and  sent an envoy with gift horses, at that expressing a desire to enter into marital relation with the House of Han through his marriage to a royal princess. The Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che) surveyed the opinions of his ranks, and the ranks concluded that the Usun Gunmo first should send prenuptial gifts, and then a bride will be sent to him. [158]

After defeating the Huns in 121, the Chinese government began building a fortified line from Lin-gyuy [in the south-west of the Lyanchzhou (Gansu), now Suzhou (Gansu)] to the west. At the beginning, i.e. in 121, was open the Jiu Quan (Suyde, 37°N 110°E) area, to connect with the north-western states: so were again sent embassies to the Ansi (Parthia), Yancai (Abzoya. Aral area), Ligan ( Rome), Chao-chih (Anatolia) and Shendu (India). But the Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che) fell in love with Davan horses, and envoys one after another followed on the road to Davan (Fergana). Of the embassies sent to the foreign countries, the large had a few hundred, and the small had no less than a hundred people.
17

The pay was the same as in Bo-Wan-Heu time. Subsequently, these embassies have become commonplace, and diminished in statue. The Chinese Court some years was sending more than ten, and in other years five to six embassies. The envoys were returning from the distant states after eight or nine years, and from the neighboring states after few years. During that time, China has completely conquered the country Yue [southern China (Guangdong)]. The foreigners living south-west from the Shu (Sichuan province) were scared, and asked for permission to appear at the Court. After that, in 109, was opened the I-chzheu [now Yun-nan-fu] (Yunnan province), the districts Yueh-sui [now Ning Fu-yuan (Sichuan)], Zang-ge [now Chu-ching and Kuang-ning in Yunnan], Chen-li [now I-chou-fu] (Sichuan province) and Wyn-shan [Zhang possession (see above)] (Sichuan province), to extend the line of continuous communication to the Dahya (Bactria). And so by that road were sent up to ten embassies a year; but the areas newly opened on the road to Dahya (Bactria), were again locked up. In the Khun-min (Yunnan province) country continued killings and plunder, and rich gifts could not reach Dahya (Bactria); so the Chinese Court banished criminals of the capital area, and some tens of thousands from Ba [Chung-ching in Sichuan] and Shu (Sichuan province), and under a command of generals Guo Chang and Wei Guang sent them to strike at those people in the Khun-min (Yunnan province) country who blocked the way for the Chinese Embassies. ³⁹ The commanders beat up and took prisoner some tens of thousands people, and came back. Subsequently, another embassy was sent via Khun-min (Yunnan province), and it was again plundered, and could not get through. In contrast, by the north road from Chiu Chuan [Su-chou] (Suyde, 37°N 110°E) was reached Dahya (Bactria). But as embassies became too frequent, the gifts bore the foreign countries, and the China art works valued little.
18

At the time when Bo-Wan-Heu Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian) opened the way [159] to the foreign countries, the envoys were respected. Then the clerks and the staff who previously accompanied embassies, ​​vied to submit to the Court reports that enumerated rarities in the foreign countries, and asked to be sent as envoys. The Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che), believing that few are willing to go for far travels, tended to accept their suggestions, and was giving them horsetail bunchuks authorizing them to hire people to assemble ambassadorial missions - without examining the status. The round way could not do without plundering of the gift items. If the messengers acted incongruously with their assignment, the Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che) showed them indulgence, and when their misdeeds by the consequences were major, inflamed with wrath and ordered that they bought off the punishment and sought again to be sent as envoys. Pretexts for excuses were in abundance. The foreigners also complained about the Chinese envoys, and spoke of them not in a good light. Figuring out the that Chinese troops can not reach them because of remoteness, they denied envoys the provisions, and by that were bringing them to the extreme. The envoys, tormented by hunger, sometimes became embittered to the point that it came to mutual clashes. In small principalities, like Leulan and Gushy (lake Lobnor), ⁴⁰ on the steppe roads envoys were robbed, and there Wang Khoi especially suffered. The Hun flying patrols persistently attacked the envoys sent to the western states.
19

The envoys one after another reported that foreign possessions suffer from natural disasters, that in all domains have cities, and their forces are weak ⁴¹ and an attack on them would not encounter great resistance. So the Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che) sent the Prince ⁴² Chao Pho-nu with cavalry of the dependent (Türkic) possessions and tens of thousands of the Chinese troops. Pho-nu, upon arrival to the river Hun-hе [Sün-he], wanted to attack the Huns, but the Hun ducked from him. The following year, 108, he went to Gushy. Pho-nu with 700 light cavalry first went to Leulan, and took prisoner the ruler, and then defeated Gushy, and with rhe roumors of his victories brought fear to Usun and Davan (Fergana). Pho-nu, on his return from the campaign, received the princely title Cho-ye-heu. ⁴³ Van Khoi, ⁴⁴ several times [160] sent as envoy, was cornered in Leulan, ⁴⁵ and reported on that to the Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che). The Son of Heaven sent an army, and ordered Khoi to help the commander Pho-nu in the attack on Leulan; so he was also raised to the princely title Khao Heu.⁴⁶ After this, in Jiu Quan were set up military posts to the fortress Yu-myn-kuan.
20

The Usun suzerain sent 1,000 horses to get a spouse wife from the House of Han; the House of Han dispatched to him a princess of the dynastic line called Gyan-du princess. ⁴⁷ The Usun sovereign Gunmo made her a younger wife. The House of Hun also sent a princess for a wife, and Gunmo made her a senior wife. Gunmo said: I am already old; so he ordered his grandson ⁴⁸ Sentszu to marry the princess.

Usun has many horses, and rich people have between four and five thousand heads. ⁴⁹ While the Chinese Embassy for the first time came to the Ansi (Parthia), the Ansi suzerain ordered to meet the envoy on the eastern border with 20,000 cavalry. From the eastern border to the Ansi residence several thousand li (600-1200 km). The road passed a few dozen cities. The population is extremely numerous. When the Chinese envoy set out for a return journey, the Ansi emperor sent his envoy, who followed the Chinese embassy and came to China, to see the vastness and greatness of the Chinese Court. The envoy presented the Court with large bird eggs ⁵⁰ and Ligan (Rome) magicians. Lying to the west of the Davan small possessionс Huan-qian and Da-i, ⁵¹ lying to the east possessions Gushy, Ganmi, and Susye sent emissaries with the Chinese Embassy, to be introduced to the Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che), which made the Son of Heaven extremely pleased. Incidentally, the Chinese envoy investigated the headwaters  of the Yellow River. The source of the Yellow River runs out of the mountains in Yutian. In those mountains was collected much jade. The Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che), referring to the ancient maps, gave the name Khun-lun to the mountains where the Yellow River starts. ⁵²
21

At that time, the suzerain undertook [161] a journey to review his possessions on the sea coast (eastern), and took with him all guests from the foreign countries. Generally, where people gathered along the road, fabric and different things were generously handed out to the people, to show the wealth and generosity of the Court. After that were staged shows with fighting, theatrical performances, and various amusing things. Were gathered, as much as possible, more spectators, for them were opened wine ponds and meat groves. ⁵³ The foreign guests were allowed to observe the state depositories and treasuries, and they were amazed seeing the incredible richness of the Court. Since that time, mostly art and theatrical spectacles began rising, from year to year extremely multiplying and changing genres. The envoys of the northwestern foreign states were replaced some with others. The possessions west from Usuns to Ansi (Parthia) were close to the Huns, and Hun also had an influence on Yuechjy (As-Tokhars). If an envoy from the Huns rode by with the Shanyu yarlyk (certificate of credence), every possession forwarded him with the postal service, and did not dare not to provide with provisions, while the Chinese envoys without money and goods could not receive food supplies; if they did not buy the cattle, they could not even go. And all this was happening because China is far away, and in addition has much wealth; so only purchase could provide for the needs. Generally, the Huns were feared more than the Chinese envoys.
22

In Davan wine is made of grapes. The rich keep it up to 10,000 dans. ⁵⁴ The old wine is kept for decades without spoilage. The residents love wine as their horses like the grass mu-su. ⁵⁵ Chinese envoys brought over seeds, and the Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che) ordered to plant mu-su and grapes on fat land. As to the heavenly horses, they were mostly brought over from foreign countries; and if there were many, they were inspected somewhere away from the palace. The grapes and mu-su were planted over a large area. From the Davan in the west to Ansi (Parthia) albeit they talk in different languages, in customs they are very similar and in conversation understand each other. ⁵⁶ The residents generally have sunken eyes and bushy beards; they are skilled in the trade, and vie [162] for profits. They respect women. What would wife tell, the husband does not dare not do. In those countries is no silk or lacquer; they can't cast coins or utensils. From servants who fled from the Chinese embassies they ​​learned to cast weapons; and when they ​​received gold and silver from the Chinese, they used them for the dishes, not for the coin. The embassy consisted mostly of the lower ranks, excluding the persons who were personally known to the Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che).

It was presented to the Court was that Davan (Fergana) has excellent horses in the Ershi city, but hides them and does not want to give them to the Chinese envoys. The Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che), who fell in love with the Davan horses, accepted this report with pleasure.
23

He sent a strong man Che Lin with others to Davan (Fergana), and gave him a large amount of silver and a gold horse, to get from the Davan ruler argamaks held in Ershi. The Davan Court had many Chinese things: so the elders, having consulted among themselves, said: “China is far from us, and the Chinese envoys often die at the river Yan Shui (Hami/Kumul, 42.8°N 93.5°E). ⁵⁷ In the north they are threatened with Hun raids, in the south is a lack of water and grass; in addition, due to the small population near the road, they often are in need of food supplies. Chinese envoy's retinue is several hundred people, and always suffers a lack of food, so more than half of the people die of hunger. How then a large army could reach here? China can do nothing to us, and moreover, the horses in Ershi are priceless Davan horses”. Following this meeting, they refused to give horses to the Chinese envoy. The envoy in anger abandoned decorum in negotiations, ⁵⁸ shoved the golden horse, and left. The Davan elders were offended  by the disdain that the Chinese envoy showed them, so they let him go on a return trip, and meanwhile ordered to detain him on the eastern border in the city Yu, ⁵⁹ execute him, and to seize his belongings, for which the Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che) was extremely angry.
24

Yao Ding-han, one of the former envoys to Davan, suggested that Davan (Fergana) has a weak army; and if to send three thousand Chinese troops, armed with tight crossbows ⁶⁰, they will conquer the whole Davan (Fergana). The Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che), [163] knowing that once Sho-ie-heu ⁶¹ with 700 light cavalry captured Leulan ruler and conquered his possession, found Ding-han's suggestion possible, so he appointed Li Guang-li, a relative of his concubine Li-shy, a Ershi commander, and ordered to send with him against Davan (Fergana) 6,000 cavalry from the dependent possessions and few tens of thousands of young villains from China.

The troops were tasked to reach the city Ershy and take there argamaks; so in advance the commander (Li Guang-li) was given a title Ershy. ⁶² Zhao Shi-chen was appointed sergeant major of the troops, ⁶³ Khao-heu Van Khoi a leader,  ⁶⁴ Li Chi a charge d'affaires of the army. That was happening in the first year [104] of the Thai-chu rule, 104 BC. In the Kuan-dung ⁶⁵ rose bad locust and spread westward to Dun-huang. As soon as the army of the Ershi commander crossed the river Yan Shui (Hami/Kumul), the inhabitants of small possessions along the road locked up in their cities, and refused to deliver vital supplies. The siege of the cities went without success; in cities taken by storm was found food; and the people from the cities not taken were leaving in a few days. Finally, the army came to the city Yu, but only few thousand people remained, and they were all hungry.
25

They took the city by storm, and slaughtered a lot of people. The Ershi commander in a council with Li Chi and Zhao Shi-chen thought that if upon coming to the city Yu they are not able to act further, what can be done on arrival to the Davan residence? So they undertook a return trip. In a round trip they spent two years. When they came to Dun-huang, in the army were left not more than two out of ten people. To the sovereign was sent a report, that the army on such distant march met with a great shortage of food supplies; that soldiery is not afraid to fight, but are afraid of hunger, and that with a small army Davan (Fergana) can not be taken; so he asked after the end of this war to undertake a new campaign.

The Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che), on receipt of such report, was very furious, and sent to Yu-myn (40°N 97.5°E) an envoy with order to behead each of the returning troops who would dare to enter Yu-myn. The Ershi commander got terrified, and stopped at the Dun-huang. In the summer of that year, the Chinese Court lost twenty thousandth cavalry corps [164] led by Cho-ie, ⁶⁶ who surrendered to the Huns. ⁶⁷ The ministers with other officials in the Council wanted to bring back the troops assigned against Davan; and concentrate all forces against the Huns. But the Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che) decided to punish Davan (Fergana). He said, if we can not conquer a small Davan (Fergana) possession, the Dahya (Bactria)and other possessions would lose respect for us; we would never receive the Davan argamaks, and the Usun and Luntu (Bugur, 680 li west of Karashahr, 41.8°N 84.2°E) would accompany the Chinese envoys with disdain, and we would be a laughingstock for the foreign countries.
26

And so he send to the court Dyn Guan and others, who were presenting the disadvantages of a war with Davan (Fergana), and forgave the criminal bureaucrats; sent the young villains and border cavalry, and in a year from Dun-huang set out a sixty thousandth army, not counting the service people and sutlers. Of the animals, the army had 100,000 bulls, up to 30,000 horses and up to 10,000 donkeys, mules and camels. Was taken loads of edibles, and even more weapons and crossbows. The whole empire was driven into motion. More than 50 commanders were sent ⁶⁸ to Davan (Fergana). The Davan residence had no wells, the water was obtained from the river running behind the city, so to the army were appointed masters to divert water from the city. Also staged 180,000 more troops to guard the border. From Chiu-chuan and Chang-ye to the north were established Gyuy-yan and Hu-chjui, ⁶⁹ in order to cover Chiu-chuan. Were sent units of people for delivering dried victuals  ⁷⁰ to the Ershy commander; the carts followed one after another. On arrival at the Dun-huang, added two horse grooms from senior officers, ⁷¹ so that upon successful completion of the war to select in Davan argamaks. Thus, the Ershi commander undertook a second raid. In most of the small possessions along the road they were greeted with provisions. When the army came to Luntu (Bugur), the city did not want to surrender; so after a siege that lasted for several days it was taken and slaughtered.  ⁷² [165]
27

From there to the Davan residence the army continued quietly. Not more than 30,000 Chinese troops reached there, as the Davanians set out to give them a battle, but the Chinese had won, and Davanians, taking shelter in the city, came to the city walls. The Ershi commander wanted to besiege the Yu city; but wanted to hurry up, not to give time to the Davanians to take measures, first he went to their residence and diverted water from the city, which led to a large constraint for the city; then in a course of a forty-day siege he destroyed the outer wall, ⁷³ and captured the Davan elders. The brave commanders were slaughtered. The Davan Court came to a great fear, and locked up in the middle city. The Davan elders in the council believed that China ventured to a war against them for the reason that their ruler Mugua  ⁷⁴ hid the argamaks and killed the Chinese envoy. Now, they were saying, if we surrender argamaks, the Chinese would stop the war; and if they would not stop, even then it is not too late to fight to death. This opinion was approved by all. And so one of the elders was assigned to present the Ershi commander that Chinese should to stop the war, and the Davanians for their part would surrender argamaks at the choice of the Chinese, and in addition would supply the army with provisions, if this condition would not be accepted, then Davanians would kill all argamaks; and meanwhile would arrive the support troops expected from the Kangju (Kangar), and the Chinese army would be between two enemies - Davanians in the city and Kangars in the field.
28

Let the Chinese commander maturely discuss what is best to decide. At that time, the Kangyui (Kangar) patrols were observing the Chinese army; and because it still was numerous, they did not dare to come close. The Ershi commander, Zhao Shi-chen and Li Chi received news that to the Davan residence from the Qin [i.e. Daqing] (大秦 Rome Syria) kingdom came people who know how to dig wells, and in addition the city still had plenty of victuals; so the ruler Mugu was killed, as the chief instigator of the war, and his head was already delivered. And Ershi commander was saying: so if not to agree and stop the war, then the Davanians would firmly defend, Kanguans at that time would come to their aid, and no doubt the Chinese army will be dashed. The Military Council found this opinion solid, and agreed to the Davanians' terms. [166] And so the Davanians presented argamaks for the Chinese to choose, and also supplied the army with many provisions. The Chinese took a few dozen argamaks and 3,000 stallions and mares of medium and lower grade; in addition installed the old Davan nobleman Motsai, who treated well the Chinese envoy, as a Davan monarch; concluded an oath with him, and ended the war. At the same time, Chinese did not succeed in entering the city, and turn back.
29

Before marching from Dun-huang on a campaign, the Ershi commander believed that the small possessions along the road could not provision great multitudes of the people, so he divided his army into several parts, to continue march along two roads: southern and northern. ⁷⁵ A commander Wang Shen-shen with a force of 1,000 people went against the city of Yu. The city ruler refused to supply his party with provisions. Wang Shen-shen, being 200 li from the main army, did not post guard patrols, and demanded from the city food supplies. The residents refused him, and yet, having surveyed the camp, at a dusk set out with 3,000 men, and destroyed almost entire squad. Wang Shen-shen was killed, and a few men of the whole squad escaped to the Ershi commander. An officer Shanguangye sent by the Ershi commander took the city Yu; the ruler of the city fled to Kangju (Kangar), where Shanguangye followed after him. The Kanguans already received the news about the conquest of the  Davan residence by the Chinese; so they surrendered the ruler of the city Yu. Shanguangye assigned four horsemen to deliver the tied captive to the supreme commander. ⁷⁶ The horsemen discussed between themselves: the ruler of Yu is an enemy of the House of Han. If we woulod bring him alive, the whole deal can be spoiled; so they wanted to kill him, but could not raise their arms. Zhao Di, a youngest of them, pulled his sword from its sheath, and beheaded the ruler of Yu, which Shanguangye forwarded to the supreme leader. At the beginning of the campaign, the Ershi commander followed the army.
30

The Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che) sent an envoy to Usun to demand troops for the joint campaign against Davan. The Usun [167] Gunmo sent 2,000 cavalry, which was observing the condition of both sides, and was slow with their march. The small possessors of the lands along the Ershi commander's route toward the east, upon the news of the victory over the Davanians, sent with him to China their relatives to be introduced to the Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che) as hostages. During the Ershi commander war in the Davan, Zhao Shi-chen fought bravely and performed a great service; Shanguangye dared to penetrate far; Li Chi conducted military actions. In the army, on its return to the Yu-myn, remained no more than 10,000 men, army horses did not count more than 1,000 heads. The Ershi commander followed the army: hence it had no shortage of food, and the battles did not cause large losses. But the leaders and officials, out of greed, did not spare warriors, and wrung everything from them, of which many people perished. Because in the Davan war was executed an unusually large campaign, the Son of Heaven (Wudi Liu Che) did not reckon the misconduct; he bestowed on Li Guang-li a princely title Hai-si-heu; on the horseman Zhao Di, who killed the ruler of Yu, he bestowed a princely title Hsin-chzhy-heu; Zhao Shi-chen received a rank of Guang-lu da-fu,  ⁷⁷ Shanguangye received a rank of Shao-fu, Li Chi was made a ruler of the Shang-Dan province, three people received the position of presidents, more than a hundred men received seats with 2,000, and more than 1,000 men received seats with 1,000 bags  ⁷⁸ of salary.
31

Volunteers were rewarded beyond their expectations; and those sent to the campaign for their crimes received only forgiveness; forty thousand  ⁷⁹ in awards were handed out to the warriors. The Chinese did the twofold march against Davan (Fergana) in the space of four years. At the end of the war with Davan (Fergana) they installed Motsai a Davan sovereign. The Davan elders believed that Motsai, by cunning flattery to the Chinese envoy, was the cause of their defeat, so with a consensus they killed him, and to the throne was raised Jishan [should be: Shan Fyng or Chang Fyng], a younger brother of Mugua , and sent his son to the Chinese Court as a hostage. On this occasion the Chinese Court also sent to Jishan [Chang Fyn] an embassy with gifts, to bind him to it; were also sent over ten embassies to the foreign countries west of the Davan to collect rarities, and [168] in reality to announce the victory over Davan (Fergana). In Dun-huang and Jiu Quan (Suyde, 37°N 110°E) were set up garrisons. In the west to the river Yan Shui  (Hami/Kumul, 42.8°N 93.5°E) everywhere were set up military posts, and in Luntu (Bugur) were settled several hundred military ploughmen; so there was placed a bailiff, for guarding of the fields and for the harvesting bread to supply envoys sent to the foreign countries.

Thai Chi Gong (Sima Qian 司馬遷 , 91 BC) ⁸⁰ writes: by the notes on the emperor Yu, the Yellow River comes from the Khun-lun mountains (Gansu province), and the Khun-lun mountain is more than 2,500 li (750-1000 km) in height (in length?), the sun and the moon with mutual illumination expel darkness from it. At the top of the mountain are a sweet spring and a marble lake.
32

But after Chjan Qian (Zhang Qian), on returning from Dahya (Bactria), investigated the origins of the Yellow River, was learned the inaccuracy of the notes about the Khun-lun mountain: the Ancient History [Shangshu or Shi Ji] ⁸¹ correctly lays out the position of the mountains and rivers in nine areas. As to the wonder things that are described in the notes about the emperor Yu and in the book titled Shang-hai-hin, ⁸² I will not [literally: I dare not] talk about them.  ⁸³