Bakhshi Iman
DJAGFAR TARIHI
(THE ANNALS OF DJAGFAR)

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Chapter 21. Last campaign of Chelbir and reign of Mir-Gazi (1220 - 1229 AD)

Defeated Karabash fled to the Djaik and asked for a permission to hide inside the State. He got a refusal, and on his own he crossed the river and was attacked by the Kan, who desired to destroy the Khan in the name of the friendship with Juchi. Gazan, Bachman, the Masgut’s son Ishtyak and the Mardanian Badjanaks achieved a victory for the Kan without efforts, and pressed the Kypchaks to the river. The position of the Oimeks, who have lost their Khan in fight, was pitiful, but Chelbir suddenly died, and that has changed it all. Immediately in the field the Beks raised to the reign Mir-Gazi, to whom... came Gali and asked to spare the poor Kypchaks. Kan could not refuse his friend and, ordering to settle the Oimeks in the Bashkort, galloped with him away to the Bulyar. Kalych was disgracefully expelled from the capital, and Gali became the Seid. Soon he persuaded Mir-Gazi to cancel the tax increase on all subashes, al-chirmyshes, merchants and owners of small houses, but did not have time to do more. Djurgi, learning about the death of Chelbir, grew bolder and started a war with the State, and the Kan was distracted to struggle against the Uruses...

Bulyarians refused to bury Gabdulla in the city, and only the Bolgarians agreed to rest his body in their land. It was because Chelbir especially loved the Bolgar and even allowed it to mint its own coin, with inscribed name of the caliph Nasyr-Litdin. It was done because Gabdulla, as Almysh, held himself a viceroy of the caliph and, consequently, as having the right to appoint the seids...

After the death of the Kan it became unnecessary to hide me, and I was released the from the nasty incarceration in exchange for the forced consent to enter the Balyn service. Djurgi immediately brought me to the Djun-Cale and announced that he had the Bulgarian Emir Gazi-Baradj with him. The Misharian Bulgars were confused and retreated from the mouth of the Sain-Idel, where in the place of the Bulgarian balik Djurgi built again an Urusian fortress. He was helped by the grandsons of Urman wrathful with the State.

Even during the Gabdulla's time the Kisanian twins Khalib and Altynbek began a war with the Kisan, but then pretended to agree to negotiate with the sons of Urman. Those came armed to the camp of the brothers and stopped in the stan beside the camp. Being confident in the safety, the Kisans drank too much and after some threats toward the twins fell dead asleep. At daybreak Ünus, summoned beforehand by the brothers, suddenly attacked the Kisanian camp and hacked all Kisanians to the last man, total about 8 thousand men with 5 Beks. Only one Kisanian was saved, who in a state of intoxication got lost at night in the forest... Another time, in the 1224, the poor Hakim also had to help the brothers, but drowned crossing the Kara-Idel near the Burat. Having waited in vain for him, the twins and the Mardanians retreated. Emir Khalib also called Gali-biy, took the post of the Kazan Ulugbek... Emir Altynbek, removed in 1218 from the Uchel, settled in the Bandja, married the daughter of the Khoresmian Khan Mohammed and time to time disturbed the Kisans with his intrusions. Later, after the death of the Mohammed son Emir Djelaletdin, he took his name, put on his belt and swore to conduct a jihad against the Tatars and all infidels. In one of the campaigns on the Kisan flared a quarrel of Mergen with Altynbek for the spoils. The Tarkhan in full fury snatched his sword and hurled on the Emir. Ünus tried to prevent the murder, but himself fell under a blow of Mergen and died on the spot. While the shocked Mardanians were coming to senses, the Tarkhan jumped on the horse and dashed away to the Tubdjak. Altynbek married the widow of Ünus, the younger sister of his first wife, the daughter of Ishtyak Fatima, and, becoming the Bellak Ulugbek, swore to severely revenge the murderer. Chelbir, however, prohibited the revenge. After the death of the Kan, the Tarkhan, fearing Djelaletdin, totally separated from the State and was kicked out from the Tubdjak by Altynbek. Mergen drove off to Juchi and managed to gain his trust by presenting him a captured Kisanian boyaress, and promised to help the Tatars to conquer the State. Through a seized merchant, whom he roasted on the fire to extort information, Mergen learned about the secret connections between Juchi and Chelbir, and rushed to pass them to Chingiz. The Great Khan came to fury and ordered to kill his son. On one of the hunting trips with the trusting him Juchi, Mergen killed him from behind with a chirkes...

Meanwhile Djurgi, not being content with pillages on the border, invaded the Djun-Mishar district of biy Markas and strongly burnt it. But when intoxicate by the victory Uruses undertook to besiege the Deber, Gazan attacked them from the rear and drove away. Djurgi himself managed to flee safely, but was wounded in the back, and since then could not ride a horse. His army, consisting of the Balynss and the militia of the Kisan's and Kan’s Beks, was driven into a deep snow and was shot up from the bows... 9 Kisan's and Kan’s Beks were killed, and 450 their boyar, from whom were taken chain armors, and the simple soldiers were 12 thousand.

After that Mir-Gazi himself wished to participate in the war and with Gazan came to the Djun-Cala, whose commander at that time was I. And the sardar went to the city directly from the Deber and could not take sheredjirs with him. He expected to take the city by a sudden strike, by his custom, but Markas on his own attacked the vicinities and in a blind fury began burning them, which steered up everybody, and warned us about the attack. When Gazan approached, everyone was ready to fight to the death, for from the kusyrbays no mercy could be expected. For his guilt the sardar sent Markas to capture any of the gates, and himself stayed with the Kan at some distance and observed. My militiamen, however, beat off the biy, but got carried away in a pursuit and suddenly faced the kursybay. They immediately raced back, but only had time to reach a monastery near the fortress and hid behind its fence. Gazan ordered Markas to throw wood on the fence and to set it aflame. From a fence all monastery engaged. People in horror started fleeing, but the kusyrbays did nor spare anybody. In total two thousand Djuns burned up and were killed there.

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Only one monk As-Azim, who was in the prison cellar for the spread of an heresy, has survived. We in complete powerlessness observed the destruction of all our army, and many of my people were already reading a doleful pray. But the attack was not coming. We spent on the walls all night, and in the early morning As-Azim came to me running with a tremendous news, that at night the Kan suddenly left to the State. We did not believe it, and I thought that it is the next trick of Gazan, but a few daredevils, who rode from the fortress, confirmed the truthfulness of the message. Later I learned that the reason for his departure was the news about an attack of the Mergen on the Bashkort.

Kan knew, that Mergen would never venture alone to attack the State, and understood correctly that behind him were the Tatars.

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Chapter 22. First reign of Altynbek (1229 AD)

Coming back, Mir-Gazi caught cold and soon died. Gazan, Bachman, Ishtyak and Tetesh raised to the throne Altynbek, who was absolutely apathetic to the reforms of Gali. The seid in two years married the Mir-Gazi’s widow Sauliya, whom he loved all his life. And she was given in marriage at five years old. Gali widowed, being in exile, and his son Mir-Gali from the daughter of Dayr grew up in the house of the suvarbashi. And one of the Kypchak slave-girls, whom Appak, the father of Dayr traded, was presented to the Emir of the Djurash. He, in turn, presented her to the Gyandjian Bek Nizami, who decorated the garden of the poetry by fine flowers of his dastan s. I read these poems, for I knew the Farsi. And in addition to the Khorasan language I, certainly, knew the Arabian and our Bulgarian Türki. My father while still in my childhood taught me the dialect of the Ulchians, and one Sadumian trader, treated by the senior brother of Gali, the well-known Uchel tabib Isbel-hadja, taught me the Almanian. And the languages were coming to me easy, and I even felt a necessity to study them. In the end I read not a few of the Urus books, and one of them told very vividly about the raid of Syb-Bulat on the Bulyar. Wrote it Bulymer, who called himself Khin-Kubar, but then, when his uncle Ugyr Batavylly became his seignior, changed it and replaced his name with Ugyr. About it told me the son of Khin-Kubar , also Khin-Kubar, who came to the Balyn to settle a dispute between the Kisan and Djurgi... And Bulymer, who owned before only the aul Khatyn, received for this the Batyshian city Kazile. It was founded by the Bulgars and Anchians, who fell behind Almysh during his move to the Bulgar. But after the death of Ugyr, Bulymer lost the city, and it was received again only by his son Khin-Kubar after the death of almost all Karadjirian Beks in fight with Subyatay. He married the daughter of Tetesh, and she succeed in that our merchants were visiting it. Due to this the Kazile grew into a big city, and Kasim, the son of Bulyak, who liked building palaces and even stone churches in the Rus, fortified it. Then he returned to the State, but on the way almost got into the hands of Markas. This biy turned to Altynbek with a request to transfer to him a part of the Ars’ tribute for the plunder, but, being refused, became outragedand went with all his district under the power the Balyn. Many Urus boyars immediately settled with their ingichis on his lands for a certain payment, but soon regretted it. My son Khisam from my first wife, the granddaughter of Chalmati, who was a Deber balikbashy, summoned Gazan and with him attacked Markas. The biy escaped to me, but his district was completely ruined.

It is necessary to mention that his story caused in me not a bitterness, but the joy for my son, who became a real bakhadir. Despite of the panic which enveloped the Djun-Kala, I remained quiet, for I knew, that Khisam will not attack his father. It happened exactly so. Widowed shortly before the attack of Bat-Aslap, I married Uldjan-bi, the sister of Vasyl, in the Balyn. She gave birth to my son Galimbek...

The Markas war relieved Gazan of participation in the Altynbek campaign on the Djaik against Subyatay. The Menkholian bakhadir, already knowing the strength of the Bulgarian bulwarks, now did not commence breaking through them, and decided to lure the Kan out of them on a bait, Mergen. The featherbrained simpleton Altynbek, hearing about the bandit assault of Mergen on the Saksin, soon moved against him with Gali and Ilkham-Ishtyak. When he was remarked that he takes too few soldiers, the Kan flared up:“Even three thousand is too much for Mergen”. He did not expect a meeting with the Tatars to be possible, for the merchants from the Kashan assured him about their absence on all the extent of the Bukhar-yuly. But the merchants were bribed by Subyatai and told a lie...

Mergen tried to take Saksin right off the run, but was completely defeated and repelled by Bachman and grew bolder again only after the intervention in the affair by Subyatay. The Tatars besieged the city, but the Tarkhan already pulled out its population to the safe way to the Bandja, and remained to delay the enemy with a thousand of the fearless daredevils. When Tatars broke into the Saksin, Bachman retreated into the caravan-sarai of the Suvar-Sarai city and, having crushed up to two thousand of the Oimeks and Tatars, with 200 of his people broke through to the Idel and was gone. The Türkmens of the Kush-Birde Khan, sent by Subyatay after him, run into oncoming in time Ablas-Khin djuras and engaged with them. Badri defended Khin to the last possibility, and then set a fire to the city and left to the Burtas. Then the Subyatay himself raced after Bachman up the river, but soon he met with the Mardanian Badjanaks and started pursueing them. Carried away, the Tatars came across the Samara bulwarks and, to the joy of Mardanians, started storming them in a rage. All the enemies would perish in the labyrinth of these bulwarks if not for Subyatay who figured out the Badjanaks’ game and pulled the troops back to the Djaik. Here before the kargatuy, in a buran , a patrol of Mergen came across the Kan and sped away. Altynbek pursued it and got into the embrace of the Subyatay’s iron wings. The mostly light-armed Oimeks of the Kan, despite of their desperate bravery, did not sustain the blow of the Tatars and dispersed. Gali fell in the fight together with all his djuras, Kazan and Kashan kazanchis and al-chirmyshes, but his sturdiness distracted the Tatars. A daring strike of the Bashkorts punched a gap in the enemy circle, holding the enemy down for some time, and allowed the Kan and Ishtyak to be saved. Then the Kan ordered to name the place of the fight, which belonged earlier to the Bellak, “Каргалы” and forever transfer it to the Bashkort...

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Chapter 23. Reign of Gazi-Baradj (1229-1230 AD)

Meanwhile Emir Iljas Yaldau, unhappy that he was not raised on the throne after the death of his father, decided to fulfill his sacred dream of the power. As soon as Altynbek drove off to the Djaik, Ilyas gathered 4 thousand kazanchis in the Urnash and went with them to the Bulyar. However,the Bulyarians did not let the hated by them ulans to enter into the capital, and the suvarbashis, explaining it, cited their oath to my father and declared their desire to raise me to the throne. Facing the unbending Bulyars, Yaldau decided that Gazi-Baradj would be better than his uncle, and agreed to it. Altynbek learned about the events before he had galloped to the capital, and went to the Bandja to the son of the Tarkhan Boyan-Mohammed. Bachman also came there...

The Bulyarians, without losing the time for anything, sent Khisam, who settled in the Kazan, to Djurgi with gifts. Djurgi loved flattery and was taken by such attention, but he released me not at all because of them, but in a hope to spread his influence over the State. I was also pleased, by the meeting with my son and by the given to me chance to leave the Balynian service. I went to it after my uncle Batyr has been convincing me, he was the son of Arbat. Batyr was the first Balynian boyar, held in respect by the others and even by Djurgi, and his son Nankaj was the commander of the Moskha...

I drove into the Bulyar and was raised to the throne by Tetesh, Ishtyak, Gazan and Ablas-Khin, whom I ratified as the Ulugbek of the Burtas at the request of the Mukhsha’s kazanchis and contrary to the will of Boyan. The population was still excited by the revolt of the fanatics lead by Kylych, who after the death of Mir-Gazi tried to not admit the accession of Altynbek and to pogrom the Christian quarter of the Saklan capital’s uram. The suvarchi’s chirmyshes had protected uram, but one of the most respectable merchants, Abraham, fell into the hands of the excited paupers and was was tortured to death by the crowd. The fanatics shouted, that they do not want a ”Christian Kan” Altynbek and that they wish to see on the throne a non-infidel Kan. It was not hard for me to guess that Kylych was guided by Yaldau, who tried to present himself to be a truly faithful ruler. When after prayers I came out to the people, the fanatics started exciting the crowd again with shouts about mine ”Secret Christianity”. The paupers began to close on me, and Gazan with difficulties cleared with whips a way for me in the sea of people. During this heavy for me moment, when I was thinking of a flight, to me came Gali and said: “Instability of our Kans, all disasters of our State are from non-observance of our faith, which prohibits the slavery. Relax taxes on small freeholders, subashes and al-chirmyshes to the size of the time of Talib, confirm the law of conversion of igenchis to subashis and al-chirmyshes when they accept Islam, enlist the remaining heathen kurmyshes into the category of kara-chirmyshes, and make ulans into the bakhadirs , and you will act in accordance with the Koran”. I immediately carried out his will, and this Mohammed-Gali law was announced on all maidans of the State. The kurmyshes, especially Arns and Serbiyans of the Mountain Side and heathen Bulgars of the Ar’s district, began to accept Islam in masses, and declare themselves subashis or al-chirmyshes. All attemptsof the kazanchis to reinstall the former order met resistance of the newly converted and the Bulgarian subashes who supported them. The ulans were outraged, but Gazan, pleased with my diligence, kept them at a respectful distance from the capital. Certainly, the fanatics began to rage, but here I, securing support of the Seid, with an iron hand pacified them without any risk for myself...

But, alas, Tile Djurgi again did harm me, starting raiding the Mishar Ars. Just then Altynbek raised his head and one year after my accession went against me with Bachman, as against the ”Secret Balyn sympathizer and the enemy of the Islamic State”. Gazan came to me and with a sigh told me that his kusyrbays cannot fight with their Arbuga brothers. I realized that it was time to go on the lam, and quickly left to the Kazan, where the Ulugbek was my Khisam. On the way I, having notified Yaldau, sent my family to the Nur-Suvar to him. The kazanchis wanted to ravage it, but the Emir suddenly took a sympathy to me out of his hatred to Altynbek, and personally saw Uldjan and small Galim to the citadel Baryntu. Through the Kazan, under the protection of Gazan, I proceeded to drive to the Balyn with the remains of Abraham, with which I wanted to cajole the church, influential in the Balyn. My calculation turned out to be right. Djurgi was unhappy with my refusal to secede to him the Kazan, but did not dare to vent his anger on me because of goodwill to me of the clergy for the transfer of the relicts which were immediately baptized. Their head inquired what I would like to ask from him. I asked for his pardons of As-Azim, who was with me at all times. The elder was strongly impressed with my story how the crowds of the Bulyar paupers cried at me: “You brought the priest to baptize us”, and how the As-Azim at night was bravely digging out the remains of the unfortunate Abraham, and was protecting them during all of our way from the fanatics. When I showed the main Urus cleric the wounds of the priest received during the skirmishes with the paupers, the elder shed a few tears and kissed As-Azim.

Having received again the appointment in the Djun-Kala, I went there with a vague idea that I can not suffer any more such a life...

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Chapter 24. Second reign of Altynbek (1230-1236 AD)

When a message came about the attack on the State by the Tatars in the service of the Juchi’s son, Khan Batu, and joyful Djurgi ordered me to lead a 10-thousand army to capture the Kazan, I fell in deep despair. We set out in the winter, with 2 thousand horsemen and 8 thousand infantry, one armed worse than the other. On the way another 10 thousand Kan’s and Kisan's horsemen joined us, deciding to reave in the province of my son. By the vilest Kan-Mardanian road we almost reached the balik Lachyk-Uba when one deserter came from it. He, as I learned later, was intentionally sent by Khisam. From him we learned that Altynbek with the Baytübaes and Bashkorts first stopped, and then destroyed 25 thousands of the Batu’s Tatars and Kypchaks. The balik, near which broke the battle, began to be called “Bugulma”, in memory of the heroism of the bakhadirs. The Khan barely escaped, with a wound in his waist. Only Mergen was with him, for the Great Khan Ugyatay did not give him Subyatay. It was rumored that he send the pitiful in the military craft Batu against the State because he wanted to finish the eradication of the Juchi clan, dangerous to the Menkhol’s throne, with the swords of the Bulgars. The kusyrbays returned to the Bulyar carrying spears with few heads of enemies impaled on them. The deserter also said that the Kan with all his victorious army comes from the Deber to the Djun-Kala, towards us. Ar-Aslap, the grandson of Urman, immediately suggested to turn from the dangerous road and to plunder the Burtas, hated by both Kisanians and Kanians, promising an easy victory. My boyars supported him, and I, sending to Djurgi the news about the revolt of the army, went to the Burtas. When I came to the balik Saran, located on the border of the Mishar and Mardan, it surrendered to me without resistance, and I declared that I shall stay here waiting for the answer to my report from Djurgi. But only 1500 of my Djunian infantrymen remained with me, and all the others went to the Burtas, for they knew that nobody з in the State would help Ablas-Khin. And how great was my amazement when I, during an inspection of the vicinities, met Badri. It turned out that Altynbek, right after routing Batu, send his army on him, and he barely leapt out from the city before the arrival of Gazan and Boyan. Quickly concluding that a bad fortune awaits my army, and that Djurgi would not forgive it to me, I decided to flee. And there was only one direction to run to, to the Menkhol. Ordering my 300 djuras to either come back or to join Badri, I went to the Sarychin with Emir. Here Ablas-Khin, loved by l the ocal residents, has remained, and I, with a hundred of his fearless djuras, went to the East.

The destiny of my soldiery, as I learned later, was more than sad. In the city it found the Arbugains of Boyan, but with a criminal light-mindedness nevertheless decided to besiege the Burtas. Meanwhile Gazan, cruising around in search of Badri, learned about the arrival of the Uruses, and attacked their camp straight off in the broad daylight. Seeing the Kan’s banners in the rear of the enemy, Arbugains rode from the city with a terrible growl, and also jumped on the frightened enemies. There was a terrible battle, for the kusyrbays and Arbugains, impregnable for the majority of the Uruses and intoxicated by the recent victory, faught with a double might, not taking any captives. This time the Kisanian and Kanian cavalry could not flee because of the deep snow and, stick in them during a panic flight, was shot by the kusyrbays nd Mardanians overtaken with a hunting rage. Nothing can be said about the Balynian infantry, it quickly paved the road for the Bulgarian cavalry. Boyan later told to me that were killed 15 Kisanian and Kanian Beks and maybe 2 thousand boyars, not counting the others. From all my army were left alive about two hundred men with Ar-Aslap, and the remaining in the Saran Balynss were captured by Khisam. The Kisan and Kan were left without cavalry, the best part of their army...

It was not any better for Batu than for Ar-Aslap, and he thought of a suicide, expected with pleasure in the headquarter of the Great Khan . When I arrived to his encampment and declared who I am, he did not believe it, put me in separate yurt, and summoned the old Mergen... At last came Mergen and confirmed my identity. Batu went crazy with joy and ordered to release my djuras, who were tortured in the attempt to catch me on a lie. Some djuras died of these intolerable tortures. Batu, trying to gain my pardon, offered me money for it, but I replied: “Money would not replace the djuras”. Then Batu asked: “What do you want from me?” I said: “Are you the ruler of all Tatars?” The Khan became dazed and, looking around, said: “No, , I am only the viceroy of the Great Khan Ugyatay in the Kypchak”. To it I replied: “Then I shall answer your question to Ugyatay”. We went together to the Great Khan , who already knew about me and about my answers to Batu...

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Ugyatay was riding a horse when he met us at his headquarters. Batu hastened to dismount and approached the Great Khan , like a guilty juvenile. The Great Khan sharply said something to him, and Batu fell flat to the legs of his horse. I dismounted too and bowed to greet him ... The Great Khan , finishing his short reception of Batu, made me a sign, and I rode after him. We rode up to a beautiful gazebo on a picturesque hill, and entered it, and the djuras of the Great Khan stopped in a ring around the hill at a respectful distance from us. With us was only a translator who knew the Kypchak and Khorasan languages, but it turned that Ugyatay spoke Kashanian not too bad, and frequently we did away without the intermediary. The Great Khan expressed to me his admiration for my answer to the Batu’s offer to take money for the lost djuras. ”You are a great Kan if you said so!”, noticed Ugyatay. “If not for you, I would immediately finish with Batu for the destruction of our 15 thousand soldiers!”

-” I am only an Emir”, I answered, recognizing in front of whom I am sitting. “And I should say that the praise from the lips of the actually Great Khan becomes even greater”.

-”Do you want to sit on the throne of your father?”, asked Ugyatay, who liked again my answer and finally became favorable to me.

-”Yes, but only when you would desire to conclude an alliance with me”, I answered.

I did not lie. In the Djun-Kala I had a dream as if I alone remained on the ashes of a ruined city, and, waking up, I understood that the Creator himself directed me to rescue my country from destructive collision with the Menkhol. During my trip, seeing the might of the Tatars, I fortified even more in this decision.

-”Whence comes your clan?” asked Ugyatay.

-”From the Kans of the Hons”, I answered.

-”My clan also goes from the Kans of the Hons”, noted the Great Khan . “Therefore it would be unfair if you suffer any indignity in our Kaganate”. His eyes began to shine, he was becoming more and more inspired... At last he rose and said: “Henceforth you will be an ally of the Menhol. I recognize you as the Emir of Bulgar and, besides, as the common ambassador of our states in the West”.

By this, the Great Khan equaled me with the other Chingizids, for the ambassador of the Menhol sovereign is higher than the Khans and is not subject to them. I was the only thing non-Chingizid who received the title of the ambassador and thus was accepted in the Menkholian ruling house. To tell the truth, I met a friendly reception only from Mankay and Subyatay, the others did not hide their anger with me, or recognized me only out of fear of the Great Khan ... And he, as I was told, reminded Chingiz very much, especially in the inspired moments, when he had made the most successful decisions... But such conditions were not burdensome to me, for it reminded me my usual position in the State... I was pleased with the decision of Ugyatay not because it was advantageous personally for me, but because it protected the State from the senseless destruction in the collision with the Tatars...

Arriving at the headquarters of Mergen, who started to shake on seeing me as in frnt of the Great Khan , I immediately dispatched letters to the all destinations of the State. My uncle Ishtyak, after some hesitation, recognized me as the Emir of the State, and I moved over to him from the Kyzyl Yar to the Ufa. Khisam and Yaldau also recognized me and promised to not help Altynbek. The Kan sent to me his daughter, Altynchac, who in reply to my question about the reason of it, derisively declared: “My father said, that you are a woman, for you betrayed the State, and consequently charged me with the assignment to pass over to you his decree to pronounce you a renegade”. Ishtyak grinned, but I restrained myself and said: “Tell your father that only those provinces which subordinate to me, recognized by the Tatars, will be saved. The others will suffer the invasions of the Tatars, and there is not anything more I can do to help them”...

Djelaletdin remained alone with his son and Bachman and could do nothing, for Gazan refused to fight with his kins...

To prevent devastation of the populous areas, I ordered Tatars to prepare for a campaign on the Bulyar through the Bashkort. Ülay, the ambassador of the “Baba” (catholic Pope? - Translator’s Note), the Supreme Head of the Frangistan Christians arrived to me before the attack. It turned out that one of the firmans of Belebey reached the Avaria, thanks to a Sadumian merchant Kender, and the Modjarian papazes (clergy? - Translator’s Note), under an order of the “Baba”, after a raid of Subyatay, went at once to the State for confirmation of the rumors about the Christianity of the Tatars. Badri helped them to reach from the Saklanian mountains to the Bandja, which reconciled with him per the demand of the Suvar Yorty. From there Seid Gali, who was criss-crossing the country with the purpose to achieve the unity of the State, took them to the Bulyar. Altynbek did not want to let Ülay to pass to me, but, thanks to Fatima, he managed to reach Ufa. I spoke with Ülay in Almanian and in the language of my mother, Baygulian Seber, and he understood me not too badly, for he was a Modjar. And I told him that the Tatars would subordinate everything located between the State and the border of the Almania, and that it has been already decided. And I promised him, as an ambassador, that if the Frangs would not counteract this, the Tatars would not cross the border of the Almania... And I had the seal of the Great Khan , and I sent with Ülay a letter to the Bek of the Avaria with an appeal to peacefully submit to the Menkhol. And As-Azim also talked with Ülay and called on him to help me, as to the Emir kind to the Christians... And Ishtyak was so excited by the story of Ülay about the life of the Modjars, that he began to think of a settling there after the capture of the hostile Rus...

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At last, losing his patience, Ugyatay decided to subordinate the Bulyar to me by force. When I saw that 80 thousand Tatars and 170 thousand Kypchaks, Türkmen and Kashans raced to Chishma, I began to cry, for I knew how this invasion would end. In fact Guük, the son of the kind Ugyatay, crisply told me that he will fight in accordance with the Tatar laws, that is to turn the resisting cities into nothing. After the fortnight fights the Tatars out of three directions could make the way only in one, the central, having lost 15 thousand fighters. Everybody was fiercely fighting them, down to the subashes, and I only could achieve non-involvement of the Bashkortian Bulgars in it. The Sarmanians fell all to one defending the Tabyl-Katau, to where they left with my arrival in the Ufa. Mankay, impressed with their bravery, ordered to burn their corps, which was considered the highest military honor. Gazan, using steadfastness of the Baradj fortress in the lower reaches of the Chishma, retreated to the Djuketau and stopped there, waiting for his hour...

After our breakthrough the ak-chirmyshes abandoned eight bulwarks and retreated to the Bulyar, so that Subyatai could at last pass from this side also. The capital, in which gathered not less than 200 thousand people, 25 thousand of which were armed, was surrounded. The Tatars besieged it for 45 days. When fell the Hinuba, Gazan broke through the ring of the Mergen’s Oimeks and struck on the rears of the Guük, Baydar and Ordu. They were thoroughly crushed, and the positioned nearby Batu retreated in horror from the city. The Emir Bachman, who was the sardar of the besieged, took advantage of it. Together with Altynchach and 15 thousand fighters he broke through the formed opening and left to the Bandja, to Boyan. Here they did not get along, and Boyan left to the Burtas. Badri, expelled from the Sarychin by Buchek, the brother of Mankay, occupied the Razi-Suba...

Subyatai could barely restore the order and beat off from Gazan. The heavily wounded sardar retreated to the Djuketau , but, seeing the full exhaustion of the kursybai, retreated to the Kashan and died there. Mergen, thus inspired, raced in the suburb of the Tukhcha and hacked to death many merchants there. It infuriated everybody, and the Khans ordered Batu to chop the Tarkhan into pieces. Batu has done it with an extreme reluctance, for he valued the personally to him loyal Mergen. After that the Tatars began to stuff with dirt and tree logs the moats and walls of the Men Bulyar. The inhabitants tried to obstruct it, firing at the enemy from sheredjirs and with iron arrows, but when these means were exhausted, the Tatars made a few ramps to the walls. And I rode to the city and tried to persuade the inhabitants to surrender, but was wounded by an arrow in the shoulder and taken to a yurt...

The besieged fought to the last, but under the pressure of the storming Tatars, ignited the Men Bulyar and retreated to the Echke-kalga. During the repositioning Gali grandson was lost, and Sauliya fell behind behind, trying to find him. The grandson was found alive, but the unfortunate woman who brouught him up as a son was killed by the Tatar rock...

Echke-Kalga withstood for five more days. It was taken by the younger son of Chingiz the ambitiousKulkhan. But when he carelessly leaped forward near the “Baradj” mosque, Minnebay Yamat, the son of Karabash, shot him from the Suleiman minaret and killed on the spot. Fatima threw herself down from the same minaret with her son Altynchach, and crushed to death together with him...

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Chapter 25. Gazi-Baradj becomes Bulgar's Emir again (1236-1242 AD)

Hearing the shouts of the Tatars, I rose with an effort and stepped out from the yurt. At that time 10 thousand Bulyars, who escaped the slaughter, were lead from the citadel to the field. Guük demanded to slay everybody, but I, with the help of Mankay and Subyatay, shielded the peaceful ones. After that one thousand fighters in armor were separated from the spared and they prepared to slay them. I accidentally noticed among them Gali, who intentionally turned away his face from me. In his arms he held his grandson, who braced him with horror. Not remembering myself, pointing to seid, I cried fiercely to the khans: “He cannot be executed, he is the Supreme Kakhin of the Bulgars. His death will bring misfortune to Menkhols”. Batu, out of the superstitious fear, and Mankay and Subyatay, out of the kind benevolence to me, supported me, and Guük, shocked by my scream, agreed to spare the seid. My djura began pulling Gali by force from the terrible place, but he kept turning around toward the doomed, and tried to cheer them with a pray. However from his lips were coming only illegible words, which soon merged with the terrible screams of the townspeople, on whose eyes the Tatars began to slash the last Bulyarian bakhadirs. And they looked to me as giants, and for a long time I saw them at nights, and I did not meet fighters equal to them in bravery.

Barely standing, I went with Subyatay to Nur-Suvar, and in the Нукрат we met with Yaldau and Khisam who rode to meet us. Guük insisted on destroying the Nur-Suvar for the death of the Türkmen Khan Kush-Birde. And that Khan chased after Bachman, but near the Kermek was stopped and killed by Kul-Burat, the young son of Gazan. However Subyatay, seeing my desire to prevent a big bloodshed, suggested to the khans to punish only the Kermek itself, and went there. His opinion turned out to be decisive, and everybody followed him. I swayed Kul-Burat to go out with everybody with confession, and he surmised to save himself and his people with a lie that Kush-Birde drowned in a bog himself. And the killed Khan was really drowned in a bog. They began to search for him, but, fortunately for the bakhadir, pulled only a Kush-Birde’s boot, and have believed the bakhadir. I told Batu, that most likely someone urinated into the bog, and by that attracted Su-Anasy who craved for lust. She seized the unfortunate khan, and carried him into the abyss. They began to search for the perpetrator, and really found one who urinated into the water. He was immediately drowned in retaliation for the death of Kush-Birde.

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Kermek, however, was given to Türkmens to destroy. After the death of the Khan they came to such a fury that, breaking into the Bulyar’s echke-kalyu, they hacked Altynbek into pieces. And at that time I lost the count of days, and As-Azim estimated himself that Bulyar fell on November 5, 1236 by the Uruses’ calendar...

Badri, meanwhile, met in the Razi-Suba a new “Baba” embassy. Ablas-Khin let one ambassador, at his request, to the Bandja, but Boyan intercepted and executed him. The two other ambassadors, who were breaking through to me with the answer from “Baba”, reached the Nur-Suvar. I kept them by me...

Ishtyak, Kul-Burat, Badri and Tetesh raised me in the Nur-Suvar citadel Baryntu (“Burunda” in the Menkholian language) to the Emir throne, and therefore the Tatars began to call me Burunda. Certainly many people were disappointed that I began to be titled only the Emir, but I could not do it differently, for I left the title of the Emir per the agreement with Ugyatay. I had to concede to Kypchak and to the Great Khan the Tubdjak and Saksin, as a payment for the death of 20 thousand Tatars and 55 thousand Türkmen, Kashans and .Kypchaks during the capture of the Bulyar. I hastened to remove the Tatars beyond the limits of the State, promising them, as the allies of the Menhols, to help with the provision and soldiers for the taking of the Rus. Only Mankay and with him 50 thousand Tatars and others remained to besiege the unyielding Mardan...

As the Tatars forbade anything associated with the Menkhol’s enemies, I had to rename the kursybays into cossacks, as the Hons called the most daring bakhadirs. Gali, despite of my persuasions, refused to become the seid, and as a sign of protest against the destruction of the Bulyar, he departed into a voluntary confinement in the Alabuga. I proclamed Kylych the seid, and he immediately also took the head of the “El-Khum”...

Mankay besieged Bandja for a whole year, trying to achieve peace surrender of this huge and blossoming city. The fact was that I, feeling for the people, in a case of a peaceful outcome, agreed to transfer the Bandja to Batu, to set up here the capital of his ulus, the Kypchak. However the Arbugais were defending to death, most of all in the world valuing their ancient freedom. During one sortie of the besieged was seized Bachman himself with his son. Bachman was executed by Mankay, but I managed to extort from the kind Khan the son of the Tarkhan, and left him with me under a name of Naryk...

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Ablas-Khin went to Mardan also and expelled Boyan-Mohammed from the Burtas. He was forced to come to me with a confession, and received the Kazan from me, for I transferred Khisam to the Bolgar. I transferred Baytüba, renamed Cheremshan, to the son of Yaldau, who was sitting in the Djuketau and therefore was nicknamed Tukhchi-Ismail. The Tatars called Djuketau “Djiku”, therefore Ismail was also called Djiku by them. In his possession also were the vicinities of the Bulyar, where the escaped Bulyarians erected a new city of Tatyk...

Altynchach, who have headed the Bandjians after the death of Bachman, was married to Burtas-Bagish, the son of Badri. This Bek fell at defending the fortress Baradj, from which he lead out all the inhabitants...

Therefore, when Badri came to the Bandja and offered his daughter-in-law to evacuate from the city of all the owners a conclusion, she agreed and let out beyond the walls up to eight thousand of the suvarchis with their families. After that the Tatars stormed the city, driving in front of themselves a crowd of the Ars and Serbiyans. The last defenders of the Bandja, igniting the city, gathered in the “Saban” mosque and, after Tatars’ unsuccessful attempts to take it, were in turn burned there. Altynchach, however, was not found. It was rumored that she managed to escape from the city and left with a squad of Badjanak bakhadirs to the Bashkort, where her trace of got lost. The son of Mergen, Tazbuga, was ordered to find her, but he drowned crossing Agidel, with many of his contingent. It was rumored that Ishtyak hid her, his granddaughter, in the Chilyab, where she died...

Bandja was completely destroyed for the death of the 6 thousand Tatars and 11 thousand of the Kypchaks and Türkmens, and I resettled its suvarchis on the cities and baliks of the reconstituted provinces of Samar and Echke Bulgar, instead of the Bellak. The center of the Samar was selected the former menzel Khorasan in the Kinel district, on which place was then built the city. It was called, in honor of the Bandjian merchant Kamysh, the Kamysh-Saray or Kamysh-Samar, for the suvarchis donated the most of of the means for the formation of the city...

It was planned for the winter to jointly take the Rus, with the Kanian, Balynian, Djirian, Djunian and Djuketunian parts of which would submit and pay tribute to the Bulgar, and the Galidjian and Bashtu would pay to the Menkhol. I was burning with the desire to settle accounts with Djurgi for all those troubles I suffered by his fault. When Mankay took the Kisan, I immediately left the camp in Lachyk-Uba with 500 kazanchis, 5 thousand cossacks of Kul-Burat and 3 thousand Arbugains of Ablas-Khin, and without a fight entered Djun-Kala. The boyars met me joyfully, for they knew that only I can save them from the horrors of the war. Simultaneously Boyan passed through the Nukrat to the Djuketun and took this city with the help of admonition by As-Azim, whom I sent with him. From Djun-Kala, where 2 thousand Ulchians joined me, I sent Badri to the Kan, and Kul-Burat to Kul-Asma, and they took these cities with a terrible slaughter. Learning about it, Djurgi left Batyr in the Bulymer and fled to the rivulet Shud, where he began collecting troops from the Balyn and Galidj. The ”Tile Balynly” hoped to sit out in the forests and preserve the army, and then to return and recapture his lands. I, however, broke his plans, sending to the Galidj a letter notifying about the opportunity of the peaceful transition of the Galidj into the hand of the Menholian Great Khan in case of the non-interference of the Galidjians in the war with the Balyn. The Galidjian boyars, having read the letter, did not help Djurgi...

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Having solidified the Djun-Kala under the State power and leaving here Ablas-Khin, I went against the Radjil. Kul-Burat, moving ahead of me, took and burned this fortress, and then the Kush-Urma and Ar-Aslap. In Kush-Urma we were joined by Boyan, who took the Balukta and Mir-Galidj after the Djuketun, but his spoils were so great that I left him in place. I entered Djir peacefully, with the sounds of the bells, for the local boyars remembered and loved me. They told me with tears that Djurgi forcibly took from the city the family of Vasyl to his camp, and begged me to rescue them... Meanwhile Guük took the Moskha due to the surrender by the son of Djurgi, who relieved Nankai from the power. Nankai locked in the balik named after his ancestor, “Arbat”, where the Bek was killed. Guük brought his head to Bulymer, and Batyr, seeing it, surrendered in grief. As in the beginning he did not want to surrender to the Tatars and put up a resistance to them, Guük immediately ordered to strangle my aged uncle.

I, with the Djirian guides, rushed to the Shud, through the Amut which surrendered to my boyars. Not a single Djirian, out of the hatred to Djurgi and the love to me, did inform the Balynian about my expeditious movement. Three thousand cossacks and 300 Suvarian militiamen led by Kul-Burat quietly circled the camp from the west and positioned in wait on the way to the Galidj, and I with the others struck on the Djurgi’s camp. In the front were 2 thousand infantrymen of the Djirian boyar Deber-Aslap, whom Djurgi earlier banished to the Djun-Kala for his sympathies to me, and whom I appointed as my envoy in the Djir. Djurgi bolted to the Galidj road, but his cart fell under the shots of the Suvarian archers and the swords of the Kul-Burat cossacks. Jumping off the cart, Djurgi bolted to the thicket, but got stuck in the snow. Naryk aptly rode to him, and, cutting off his head with a chirkes, impaled it on the staff of the battle flag.

And Djurgi sent Bat-Aslap to the Galidj with a convoy with all the Balynian treasury. With him were also sent Vasyl and his son Barys, who knew nothing about it. When the patrol of Bat-Aslap met Kul-Burat, Bat-Aslap immediately turned to the south and met with Guük, and Barys in a confusion fled to the sardar and was forwarded to me. The other relatives of Vasyl also joined me with their people, and I treated them as my sons. And the Balynians, numbering up to 25 thousand, were ruthlessly hacked up by my people, who have lost 500 cossacks, 250 Bulgarian archers and one thousand of the Djirians and Djunians.

Bat-Aslap transferred to Guük the treasury, and was spared by the Khan, however not for it, but for his actions against me. He slandered the poor Vasyl, telling Guük that he intentionally sent his son to me with ten wagons out of the fifty. It was a lie. And Vasyl was telling in vain that he knew nothing about the contents of the wagons and did not induce Barys to flee. Guük tormented him with terrible tortures and, not able to force the Bek to defame his son and me, killed him in a fury.

When I was reached by the requirement of Guük to deliver Barys, I, being afraid for his fate because of the Khan’s hatred to me, sent the Bek with Naryk to the Bulgar. However, the suspicion of me penetrated even into the soul of Batu, and only the words of Mankay and Subyatay in defence of my honor saved me from the unjust punishment.

And I was always amazed by the passion with which many khans sorted out any rumors and squabbles, even interrupting at that time the important war operations, as though the Menkhol’s destiny depended on the analysis of empty snitches. In my case only the traditionally passionless words of Subyatay about the need to quicker execute first of all the decree of the Great Khan stopped the prolonged dispute of the khans...

Having received the Batu and Guük order to move farther with them, I responded that Bulgars fight against Rus only in the middle of the winter, and turned back. When a second envoy of both khans warned me in their name that I will be cut into chunks for my refusal to go to the Galidj, I responded through him about my decision to preserve the Galidj for the Great Khan. Here Guük bit his tongue, recalling who I am. In his personal letter to me he asked not to take offense for the murder of Batyr and Vasyl, and assured that he would not execute them if he knew how they are related with me. In response I wrote that their death happened by the will of Allah and that I am not going to blame for it anybody, which caused in the soul of the Khan a unique in his life gleam of a sympathy to another person...

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After my departure the khans, feeling uncertain without me, stopped at a distance of three days travel from the Galidj, and turned towards the steppe. The Karadjarian and Shamlynian Beks, trying to prevent the intrusion into their possessions, sent to the Kazile a 20-thousand army led by the Kaubuyian Bek Kur-Amir. The Bek stationed most of his army near the city, and himself, with 4 thousand fighters, posted in the citadel. The Tatars, not knowing that the city was fortified by the Bulgarian custom and is defended by the Kara-Bulgar Bek, tried to take it on the run, and failed. The Kaubuyian fighters, acting in concert from the ambush and the city, repelled all attacks of the Tatars. The fights lasted for six days, and at the dawn of the seventh Kur-Amir with the remains of his alay left the city and went to the Batavyl. From there, however, he was forced to retreat to the Karadjar, for the Karadjar Bek evacuated from there all the troops to his city. The embittered Tatars destroyed abandoned by him Kazile and pursued him until the city, but did not dare to capture it, mindful of the Kaubuys. Subyatay,who was in the rear of the Tatar army, arrived to the Kazile after the capture of the fortress. Learning about the loss here of 2 thousand Tatars and 5 thousand others, the only time in his life he was infuriated and reproached the khans for their recklessness. This time even the most rowdy kept quiet and lowered their heads, the fact was that in all other fights in the Rus the khans lost 7 thousand Tatars and 20 thousand others, and the Kazile losses were equal to all Kisanian combined! [...]

Having agreed to take the Karadjar the next year, the khans went to the steppes to rest. During the fights in the State and in the Rus they lost 35 thousands Tatars and 91 thousands others, and to the steppe came 45 thousands Tatars and 79 thousands others. And in the capture of the Bulyar were killed 400 thousand Bulgars, in the capture of the Bandja 80 thousand Bulgars, in the capture of the Kisan 70 thousand Ulchians, in the capture the Balyn 360 thousand Ulchians, in the capture of the Kazile and Batavyl 100 thousand Ulchians. After that in the State remained 1,500 thousand Bulgars and 750 thousand Arians, Sebers, Uruses and Serbiyans, and in the Kisan and Balyn were 4,500 thousand Ulchians and 600 thousand Arians...

Soon after my return from the Balynian war to me arrived the trusted person, or Bashkak, of the Great Khan, the Kashan Khan Kutlu-Buga (the brother of the Ugyatay wife) with the Mongytian tima of the sons of Chambek, Kalmak and Burilday Beks. Bashkak was charged with the control for the Great Khan provinces, and intermeditation between me, that is the State, and the Kypchak Horde. He had hardly divided the districts of the Djaik and Saksin between his Mongyts and the Batu brother Berkay, which was accompanied by quarrels and threats from Berkay. Even more difficult was to define the possessions of the State and the Kypchak. The troublemaker Berkay suddenly pretended to all of the Samar, the former Bellak, and invaded that province of the State with his Kypchaks. Badri with Naryk went against the impudent, but, unfortunately, the young and arrogant Burilday interfered in the affair on the side of Berkay. We crushed about 300 Kypchaks and some 100 Mongyts, and cleared Samar of their presence, but because of the Mongyts our dispute got an unpleasant and dangerous form of the collision with the Menkhol. Therefore I arrived to Kutlu-Buga and gave in joint use of Berkay and Mongyts the most deserted area of the Samar. The kind Kutlu-Buga loudly declared it to the trouble-makers as a great concession by the State, named me Sain and forced them to stop conflicting with me. And I nicknamed Kutlu-Buga “Bagrim” and never was disappointed in him.

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Only Allah one knows, what would happen between the State and theKypchak had he not been the Bashkak!

I gave Kutlu-Buga one quarter of the Gülistan balik in the Bolgar, and he summoned here from the Galidj Ar-Aslap Bek and appointed him responsible for the secure collection of the Menkholian and Bulgarian tribute from the Galidj. He came with head and chin shaven as a sign of submission, and paid the tribute for three years. Kutlu-Buga took from the tribute the Menkhol share, and I took the share of the State, a fourth part. And and this fourth part exceeded twice the old full Djirian tribute which consisted of the Djirian, Kisanian and Kanian shares...

After the Ar-Aslap to the Bolgar a began coming also other Ulchian Beks... And when the the Kara-Ulcha and Buri-Sala Bek Danil arrived there and agreed with Kutlu-Buga about submission of his possessions under the hand of the Great Khan, Berkay traitorously attacked the Buri-Sala and mown its population. Learning about it, the Karadjarian Bek Myshdauly turned back from the Bulgarian road, and Mankay had to take his city by force. Kur-Amir held the city to the last, and then retreated to the Shamlyn. Here he died from the wounds and was buried with honors, as the bakhadir who saved the city from the Tatars...

In 1240 I received the reply from the Great Khan to my letter, in which Ugyatay called on me to help the Tatars to subdue the Bashtu, Baylak and Modjar. I began preparations for the campaign and left to the Mukhsha, but, suddenly, Berkay attacked the Burtas. Badri helped the city to withstand, but the district was completely ravaged. Up to 50 thousand of the Burtasian Bulgars fled to the Echke Bulgar, and their stories about the atrocities of the Tatars excited all the population. Taking advantage of it, Yaldau raised a mutiny against me, and with the help of Boyan and Ismail captured Nur-Suvar and Bolgar and seized Khisam. The cunning Yaldau, however, in those conditions of uncertainty did not dare to declare himself the Kan, and encouraged the djien insurgents to declare Gali as the head of the country with the title of the Seid. The mullah did not leave Alabuga in view of his feebleness, but agreed to become the head of the State. He immediately sent to the Nur-Suvar his firman which said: “By the will of Allah, I, Seid Mohammed-Gali, accept the control of the Bulgarian State and declare jihad to the damned Tatar troops.

Following the will of the Creator, the true Emir of all Moslems, I also proclaim:

-All people are born to be equal. Let the will of the Almighty come true.

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- Henceforth all ingichis who accepted Islam are transferred to the subashes and ak-chirmyshes category, and the remaining heathen to the kara-chirmyshes.
-Let people not pay and not serve to anybody, except for their own State.
-Let rulers of all ranks get be elected and displaced by the Moslem djiens where the categories of cossacks, al-chirmyshes, suvars and subashes have equal rights.
-Let the same djien pass all the laws of the state, down to the decision on war and peace.
-Let rulers rule under the law, and the knights serve as cossacks for the state salary or be transferred to the categories of suvars or igenchians.
- Let the reasonable limits to the riches and the taxes, established by Talib, be restored.
-Let everyone select the category of his existence, and this his right will be untouchable.
-Let the merchants and masters voluntary increase the share of the ordinary participants in their enterprise.
-Let everyone have the right to the court appointed by me and the following me elected Seids, to complain about any person, and to receive a fair satisfaction under the law.
-Let for the proved extortions, theft, adultery and other crimes the guilty of them to be expelled from the State without the right of return...”

There were still more, but I remembered only these, the most important ones.

The firman came to the end with the following words:

“Let all, who can wear armors, belt on a sword for the sacred war for this will of the Creator.
Testifying this to be true, I, the Seid Mohammed-Gali, put my seal to the written”.

Having received the firman, Ilyas was terrified and tried to hide it. In fact, he was not going to obey the seid, and only wanted to use his name for his own benefit. But the firman reached the people, and ingichis and small proprietors began to attack the kazanchis, bilemchis and suvarbashis. Kul-Burat, appointed the sardar by the seid, gathered in his army the kurmyshes and kara-chirmyshes, and in September with his army he entered the Bolgar and Nur-Suvar.

Batu at that time besieged the Bashtu. I was not informing him about the revolt, not be the culprit for the failure of the Tatars’ campaign. Kutlu-Buga, learning about the revolt, took from Batu the best corps of Subyatay and sent the Emir to the Mukhsha to my aid. Without Subyatay the Tatars turned out to be unable to act against the Bashtu, and departed from the city.

When Subyatay came close, I went with him and Badri to the Nur-Suvar. The kazanchis and suvarbashis, scared by the revolt of the underclass, forgot about jihad and only waited for my arrival. As soon as I approached the Nur-Suvar the suvarbashis and kazanchis betraid the throngs of the underclass, and Ilyas rode to me with a penance and with the heads of the eight rebels. Kul-Burat did not begin to fight with Badri, whom I prudently sent forward, and retreaded to the Echke-Kalga of the Bolgar. But the underclass pickets gave us a desperate resistance, but were dispersed.

In the Bolgar, in the morning, before our arrival to the city, the suvarbashis and kazanchis attacked the underclass units and subjected them to a ruthless eradication. Boyan and Ismail rode to me from the city, in a sign of the submission tied with ropes... After that Kul-Burat also rode to me from the citadel, having received my assurance to spare his cossacks. The embittered kazanchis attacked him, and the Arbugais of Badri with much efforts separated the fighters. Subyatay, held back by me, did not interfere, and I myself, in exchange for sparing the Nur-Suvar and Bolgar, ordered to demolish the “Mumin” fort. I forgave Ilyas, Boyan, Ismail and Kul-Burat. The bakhadir of the Menkhols expressed his surprise with my softness, on which I said: “How is it possible to rule the country after exterminating the best Beks and cossacks for their minute swaying?” Subyatay laid off and, after a rest, went to Batu.

Gali, learning about the events, collapsed and did not rise any more. I did not disturbed his solitudes. Only after the campaign in the west I sent Kul-Burat to Alabuga, charging him to move the Seid to the Nur-Suvar. I painfully wanted to explain to Gali the motives of my actions, but I could not have done it. The sardar found the Seid dying. Near the capital he tired out the horses, and himself was pulling the arba. Alas, he drove to the Nur-Suvar the already lifeless body of Gali with the book ”Hon Kitaby” on his chest. I buried the teacher near the palace, but after that could not rule any longer. In 1242, having raised Khisam to the throne of the State, I left to Batu, who for a long time was asking me to become his Visir...

But then, after the suppression of the ”Gali War”, I felt to be a happiest person, for I saved from the destruction the Nur-Suvar and Bolgar. Leaving Khisam in the capital, and Kul-Burat in the Bolgar, I followed Subyatay with Ablas-Khin, Boyan and Naryk, and 5 thousand suvarchies, cossacks and arbugains to the Bashtu... We arrived to Batu at the end of October, 1240. The Khan has been helplessly trambling at the Bashtu, for the Kaubuys, embittered by the Tatars’ ravages of their province, resisted all attempts by Batu to set up the siege of the city. Guük was furious, for Ugyatay ordered all khans, except for the members of the house of Juchi, to come to him by the end of year. Subyatay also was excited and jumped to me with the words: “Now you should help me!” I was touched with him displaying the human feelings, and immediately went forward. The Kaubuys and Türkmens, seeing my Hons’ banner, immediately came over to my side, and the Tatars could close the ring besieging the Bashtu. I attached four thousand Kaubuys to my army, and did not regret it... It happened on November 5 on milad, as I was told by As-Azim. I myself already did not keep track of the days...

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When it began to be possible to approach Bashtu closer, the Khinian masters ineptly began striking the walls. The task turned out to be protracting, and Batu in irritation started flogging the masters with a whip, threatening them with terrible punishments. I, perfectly knowing the weaknesses of the Urus' fortifications, however, did not initial to help them with an advice, for after the destruction of the Bulyar I already could not stand the view of the cruel murders of the innocent people. Taking also the pity of the Bashtues, I ordered Badri to ride to the wall from our side and to lead out even a part of the inhabitants from the city. When Ablas-Khin shouted to the besieged: “Come out! There will be an attack now!”, and raised high our Hons’ banner, the Bashtues began to leave through the Copper Gate. Before Guük arrived, I had time to let through my lines about 5 thousand inhabitants. Guük, who suddenly galloped to us, froze from what he saw, but, fortunately, Badri had time to throw our banner on the wall directly into the hands of a cagy Bashtuan, and I presented it as bringing the captured through the gate taken by me. Guük could not directly unmask me, as the Bashtues waived the Bulgarian banner, and in a powerless fury ordered me to give the place to Mankay. While the Khan was approaching, Bashtuan left the city with my banner, and his comrades tightly closed the gate again. The Bashtuan was called Yakub, and he was the son of that Kuman Bulsan who under the order of Khondjak secretly let out to home the captured Bek Ugyr. I charged him with the Bashtuans who left the city, and he could safely lead them to Galidj. And we departed from the city, and I, pretending to be unfairly offended, retired in my yurt so to not see the massacre following after this...

We were at Bashtu two more weeks after the capture of city by the Tatars, for Batu made a farewell feast for the Chingizids who were leaving to home. I purposely was not invited, for everybody, certainly, figured out my simple fable about the Bashtu captives escaping from the guards. Only the tipsy Subyatay dared to come to me under a pretense of the natural needs, and, almost forcibly handing me a secretly taken goblet of archa, said: “I do not understand, why Suldan loves you, you really do not want to be the sulda? I would not drink with you for your slyness, but there is nothing I could do, Suldan himself came to me last night and ordered to bring you this archa! Fight! Fight!” [...]

And the Tatar word “suldai” came from the Hons’ “suldash”, meaning “mercenary”, only the Bulgars then began pronouncing this word like Sabanians: “üldash”. But Subyatay did not want to offend me, for in the Tatarian the word “suldai” meant ”bravest soldier”...

A captive Bashtuyan boyar Dima-Karak, taken by the Kaubuys near our camp, induced Batu for a campaign against Avaria, by a false promise of an easy victory. I did everything to prevent this intrusion, but the hating me Baydar Ordu talked Batu into it. Then I declared that I shall not be at war with the Modjars in view of their consanguinty with the Bulgars, and Batu not without a regret agreed to send me through Bailak and Vakhta to join with him in Avaria.. He wanted to give me the silent Kydan..., but Baydar and the blindly obeying him Ordu insisted on sending them with me. In a fierce argument they loudly accused me of aspiration to traitorously ally with the Frants and to strike with them on Batu, but Subyatay shut their yelling, pointing to the scantiness of their acheavements in comparison with mine, and to the traitorous character of their own helpless treading at the citadel. During all the way I regretted that I pulled out Dima-Karak from the hands of the Kaubuys, who wanted to finish the boyar off for his raids on their possessions...

We set out ahead of Batu, and on the way to the Bailak 10 thousands Shamlyns of the Bek Michael joined Baydar. Shamlynians were taking the walls of the cities along the way, and the Tatars plundered and burned them... This campaign was the most disgusting in my life. The atrocities and the senseless murders by the Tatars were upsetting my people, and the Menkhols were enraged by that I always set up my stan at some distance from them and defiantly surrounded its with the wagons, boards and blockages of the trees...

Baydarа had, in addition to the Shamlyns, 4 thousand Menkhols and 20 thousand of different üldash crowd. Almost every day his camp had wild sceens. Once Ordu accused the Kypchaks that they stole and ate the Tatar’s sheeps. Baydar ordered to kill for that one hundred Kyrgyzes, though in all the steppe the were known for their honest nature. When the doomed for terrible execution began to be tied down, they raced to my camp, shouting: “We are dieing! Save us!” In the years of encounters with the Menkhols my people grew unaccustomed to the intervention in their affairs, but here, hearing the calls for help in their native language, could not restrain themselves and poured out onto the wagons with weapons in their hands. The Tatars, pursuing the fugitives, stopped, and began shooting them from the bows. Only three Kyrgyzes managed to crawl through the wagons, but one of them has already been fatally wounded and, dying, said to me: “Thank you that you relieved us of the terrible execution. Let the Tangra to pardon you on the Doomsday!”

I quickly ordered to put the clothes of other fugitives on the two Kaubuys who died of wounds...

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From the Batavyl I sent my people with the letters to the Artan Bek Askal and to the sons of the Galidjian Bek, subjected to me and Kypchak. One of them of [the letter] Alak-Djan had distinguished by his atrocities and church plunders during the storm of Bashtu, and later on by not helping our merchants at the lake Nurma during an attack of an Almanian unit, and shamefully fled from them with 8 thousand of the Galidjians. But another helped me to move to the Galidj the Bashtu Anchians, and then, with 300 of his djuras, and Anchians, and 200 Artanians of Askal, defeated that Almanian unit of seven Beks and 600 Karatunian people... Askal earlier served in the Bulgar, and participated with me in the campaign against the Djuketun, and then was my guide in the Bailak. He repeatedly bravely defended our merchants and revenged the Galidjians and Almanians for their robberies. I let him off to his home with one of the “Baba” envoys...

Batu sent his firman about granting broad rights to the Rus church with Alak-Djan, and he presented it as a result of his efforts, even though his brother solicited for the church. Even earlier, Alak-Djan attributed to himself the victory of the Iske-Galidjians and the Sadumian Ars, who switched to their side, over the Sadimians, though he arrived to the place of the fight already after the victory, and only hacked up ruthlessly all the captives...

GAZI-BABA THE BIOGRAPHY OF GAZI-BARADJ 1262 AD

And this is a fragment from the ”Biography of Gazi-Baradj” by Gazi-Baba himself:

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“In 1241 my Emir Gazi-Baradj participated in the campaign on Alman and reached the Avaria, or Modjar. The local Ulchians and Almanians set up an ambush and at night killed the Tatars who were with the Emir. We stopped in a separate stan and did not suffer in the ambush, but when we set off further, we found that we are pursued. Then the Emir set up an ambush at the city of Burash, and crushed not less than 10 thousand pursuers. With the heads of the enemies on the spears, we approached the city and forced it to surrender. There Emir provisioned himself with all the necessaties and, covering the distance to the Modjar, joined with other Tatars. Learning about the destruction of their comrades, these Tatars wanted to revenge by crushing the Modjar, but the Emir refused under the pretext that the Modjars and Bulgars are relatives, and forced them to turn back to the Kypchak. And this area the Great Kan of the Tatars transferred as a Tarkhanlyk to his relative, Khan Batu...

When the Tatars and our forces stopped in Bashtu on the return way, and the Khan asked how to keep the numerous Ulchians under his power, the Emir told him: “Among Ulchians many are dissatisfied with their Beks, these are Anchians. Gather and join them with the Kaubuys in one army, and it will loyally serve you”. And Batu and did it and ordered the army to call itself Tatarian, for the Tatars called all serving them [non-Tatars] the “Tatars”... But the Kaubuys refused, and then the Emir suggested to the Khan to call the soldiers of this army the cossacks.”For the Bulgars, the word cossack means a valorous bakhadir, who fights without chain armors as a sign of the disregard to the death. Such bakhadirs give a vow not to marry until the glorify themselves with battle deeds. Let these soldiers be similar to the cossacks”, added Gazi-Baradj. Batu liked this idea, and he approved it. And even earlier the Emir created the cossack army in the Bulgar, and it replaced the kursybay...

In the 1242 Gazi-Baradj raised to the throne in the Nur-Suvar his son of Khisam, and went from the Bulgar to the Kypchak, for he accepted the offer of the Great Kan to become his Bashкак in the Kypchak, with the idea of annexation of the Kypchak to the Bulgar. He built for Batu the city Sarai and settled the Bulgars there. Besides, he tried to put Bulgars in power everywhere in the Kypchak. His enemy in the Kypchak was Berkay, the brother of Batu, who was backed by the Khwarezmians and Kypchaks... Most of all Berkay was irritated by the Bulgars collecting the tribute from the Balyn, Djir, Djuketun, Kan, DjunKala and Balukta...

The Great Khan asked Gazi-Baradj to hire into his service our masters and salchis, to conquer the Machin, Imen island, and other countries. It was caused by the Chins’ tale about coming to the Chin from the Bulyar a thousand years ago of the one thousand people of two kinds, May and Ishtyak, and that these Bulgars became famous as excellent seafarers. Once they were sent to capture a distant Machinian island, and did not come back. Only one Bulyarian came back from there through the Near Machin island with the news that the inhabitants of that country pretended to submit to the Bulyars, but at night sank all their ships... He hired all the required people and sent them with a huge caravan to the Great Khan...

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In the1246, when Gazi-Baradj died in the Sarai, his groom Yaldau raised Boyan and Tukhchi-Ismail on a new revolt against Khisam and the Tatars. The rebels captured the Bolgar and Nur-Suvar, and seized Khisam. Yaldau became the Emir. But this time the subashis, embittered by the last betrayal of the ulans, and the Burat’s cossacks did not support the Beks. The Great Kan sent Uran-Kytay to the aid of Khisam, and he, together with Burat and Kalmak, besieged the Nur-Suvar...

After Yaldau was killed on the wall by an arrow, the Nur-Suvarians opened the gate to Burat. Burat removed all the population, and then the Tatars leveled the city with the ground. When the brother of Kalmak, Burilday, tramped the Gali’s tomb near the Emir’s palace with his horse’s hoofs, an elder from among the brothers of the “El-Khum” approached him and said: “What are you doing? This is the tomb of a saint! You yourself are calling the death on your head!”

But Burilday split the head of the brother with a sword and continued his sacrilege...

And Kalmak took a nickname Burunday, because together with Burat he rescued the population of the Nur-Suvar from the destruction, and wanted it to be remembered...

Boyan and Tukhchi, who fled from the Nur-Suvar, locked up in the Bolgar, but under pressure of the scared Suvarchis they also had to release Khisam and to run away under a cover of a night. It is said that Burat secretly let them through across his lines for the sake of the city. The released Khisam asked Uran-Kytay, in memory of the friendship of their fathers, who even died in the same year, to spare the Bolgar for his residence, and the Subyatay’s son took the Tatars away. Thus the Bolgar became again the capital of the Bulgarian State...

And Galimbek then expelled Boyan from the Kazan, and Boyan in the 1247 founded the Ar-Kala, or Archa-balik, up the Arsu river. Then in the 1248 he founded a new Ar-Kala, which also began to be called simply Archa...”.

Gazi-Baba also preserved and the following important judgment of the seid Gali on this topic:

“... The might of our state, since the time of Idel in the Ur or Old Turan, from time to time was fading away because the people themselves ceased to be interested in its strength and supported the Khans only during the enemy invasions...” [...]

End of GAZI-BARADJ TARIHI