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Marija Gimbutas

EDITED BY JOAN MARLER Harper, San Francisco, 1994, ISBN 978-0062508041
Chapter 10
The End of Old Europe: The Intrusion of Steppe Pastoralists front South Russia and the Transformation of Europe


http://www.i-u.ru/biblio/archive/gimbatus_civ/09.aspx (In Russian)


The Indo-European culture is not a rival with the Türkic culture, their origins and histories are much interspersed, the protestations appearing in the posting are aimed solely at distortions and misrepresentations endemic to the Eurocentric offshoot within the science, and a full credit must be given to Eurocentrism for the studies that unwillingly advanced Turkology. Without Eurocentrism, Turkology as we know it today would not even exist. The Prof. M.Gimbutas' book is her late work, after she consolidated and fine-tuned her theory in defense against numerous critics. Her theory was rooted on technology, the development of carbon isotope dating allowed systematization of previous observations and conjectures into a coherent storyline. Unwittingly, she stood on the shoulders of F.Soddy and F.W. Aston, without whom her theory could not have been created. While whole schools of archeology discounted radiocarbon dating as too imprecise, and reliable, the new tool allowed M.Gimbutas to leapfrog into the 20th c. Only with the 21st c. technology of haplotype allele dating it became clear that archeologists confused two separate developments, a later west-to-east movement of non-Kurgan people with the earlier east-to west movement of the Kurgan people. The history of these movements, separated in time by a millennia, is yet unwritten, but it is already clear that much of M.Gimbutas interpretations will have to be disbanded, while the facts on the ground will remain solidly intact. The adjusted storyline will much rest on the shoulders of  M.Gimbutas, on the solid foundation she created using radiocarbon dating.


Афанасьевская 2,500 -1,500  гг. до н.э. Курганная культура, оседлая или полуоседлая, животноводство, овецы, быки и лошади, вспомогательные охота и рыбалка
Андроновская 1,500 - 1,000  гг. до н.э. Курганная культура, оседлое и полу-кочевое скотоводство, овецы, быки и лошади
Карасукская 1,000 - 500  гг. до н.э. Курганная культура, полукочевая, животноводство
Таштыкская 200  гг. до н.э. - 200 гг. н.э. Курганная культура, кочевое скотоводство и оседлое земледелие


200  гг. до н.э. - 700 гг. н.э. Курганная культура, кочевое скотоводство и оседлое земледелие - Кангары

Page numbers are shown at the beginning of the page. The subheadings in bold blue, bold highlighting, the posting's notes and explanations added to the text of the author and not noted specially, are shown in parentheses in (blue italics), or in blue boxes, or under  blue headings. The annoying (blue italics) are repeated over again because in majority of cases information is sought as a quick look-up only, and the same elucidations apply in each instance.

Marija Gimbutas
Chapter 10
The End of Old Europe: The Intrusion of Steppe Pastoralists front South Russia and the Transformation of Europe


The collapse of Old Europe coincides with the process of Indo-Europeanization of Europe, a complicated transformative process leading to a drastic cultural change reminiscent of the conquest of the American continent. Archeological evidence, supported by comparative Indo-European linguistics and mythology, suggests a clash of two ideologies, social structures and economies perpetrated by trauma-inducing institutions. The Proto- or Early Indo-Europeans, whom I have labeled "Kurgan" people, arrived from the east, from southern Russia, on horseback. Their first contact with the borderland territories of Old Europe in the Lower Dnieper region and west of the Black Sea began around the middle of the 5th millennium BC A continuous flow of influences and people into east-central Europe was initiated which lasted for two millennia.

Indo-Europeanization of Europe is a misnomer, too frequently used in this work to keep emending it to “Kurganization of Europe”. That “Kurganization” had nothing to do with “Indo-Europeanization” is supported by a huge number of concurring evidence, among it the main points are:

1. “Kurganization” happened not only in Europe, but in the Middle East, in Central Asia, in S.Siberia, in China, and in Far East. Of all the places, only Europe is alleged to undergo “Indo-Europeanization”. In Central Asia, in S.Siberia, in China, and in far East, it was determined to be Turkification. In the Middle East the “-ization” is being disputed, but Turkification (Hungarization) is a leading candidate. For China, see P.N.Stearns Zhou (Chou) Culture sqq.

2. Alleged support “by comparative Indo-European linguistics” does not exist. Quite the opposite, the terms for mounted riding are absent from the Pra-Indo-European languages. The environment of Pra-Indo-European location is connected with agriculture, not with the agriculture-inhospitable Eurasian steppes. The Pra-Altaian has both elements, terminology for mounted riding and steppe environment. Indo-European does not have a shared pra-word for kurgans, Türkic does. See A. Dybo Pra-Altaian World

3. None of the Indo-European, Chinese,  Middle Eastern, or Far Eastern people retained the Kurgan burial tradition into the historical period. The traces of the Kurgan burial tradition only exist in accidental cultural borrowings, predominantly among the royalty, be it Greece, Middle East, or China. Only the ethnoses of the Türkic linguistic group, and the groups with considerable admixture of Türkic people (like Mongolians) preserved the Kurgan burial tradition into the historical period and in some cases into the modern times.

4. Genetically, the timing and direction of migrations are traceable and demonstrate that the migrational flows crossed the same territories at different times and in opposing directions. The Indo-Europeans migrated west-to-east, one millennium later than Türkic people, who a millennium earlier were moving east-to-west and brought “Kurganization” to Europe from two directions, one from N.Pontic via Caucasus, Middle East, N.Africa to Spain and beyond, and the other from N.Pontic to Central Europe and beyond. This information was not available during Marija Gimbutas' lifetime. The Indo-Europeanization of Europe in the 4400-3000 BC did not happen, it was “Kurganization” or Turkification of Europe. The Indo-Europeanization of Europe happened 2 millenniums later, in the 1st millennium BC, in a process of de-Türkification of Europe. See A.A.Klyosov Türkic DNA genealogy.

5. Of necessity, Kurgan people lived on meat and milk. By natural selection, Kurganians were lactose tolerant. In Eurasia, only the Türkic people and their historical neighbors with considerable admixture of Türkic people have lactose tolerance genes (C/T13910 at 2q21). Among human populations, the lactose tolerance is a weird deviation from normal. The genetical lactose intolerance is peculiar for the Indo-Iranian, Oriental, and most Semitic people. The clines of lactose tolerance provide a bird-eye picture of the events described by Marija Gimbutas, the advent and settlement of Kurganians in Old Europe. See the lactose tolerance maps

6. The territory delineated by  M.Gimbutas as Kugan territory abounds with “unexplained” toponyms etymologized to “undefined” languages of the Old Europe. Many of them Turkological philologists explain as transparently Türkic names, and some, like the Caucasus, were even translated from the native Türkic into the languages of the Classical authors.

Except for the misguided attribution, Marija Gimbutas' work is superb in providing a panoramic view on cultures and archeology, and it affords a heretofore non-existing synthetic description of the Türkic Kurgan people in Europe. It also allows a better understanding of the Scythian westward migration, they were returning to the steppes retained in their national memory, and like the later generations of the Kurgan people, they readily buried their departed in their old kurgans.

Following this collision of cultures, Old Europe was transformed, and later European prehistory and history became a "marble cake" composed of non-Indo-European and Indo-European elements (i.e. of Old Europe and Kurgan elements). The subsequent existence of a very strong non-Indo-European linguistic and mythological substratum cannot be overlooked. To begin to understand this complex situation, it is necessary to start thinking in terms of the social and symbolic structures of cultures.

In this chapter I shall discuss the Kurgan culture of the Volga-Ural and North Pontic regions in relation to Old Europe; its influence on, infiltrations into, and destruction of the floruit of the Old European civilization. Linguistic evidence suggests that the original Indo-European homeland had to be located between the areas occupied by the Finno-Ugric, Semitic, and Caucasian linguistic families. A discussion of this problem is beyond the scope of this book and, in my belief, beyond the reach of adequate archeological sources. (And of the linguistic too, there are more theories on Indo-European Urheimat than an average IE has on both hands) The materials of the Volga-Ural interfluve and beyond the Caspian Sea prior to the 7th millennium BC are, so far, not sufficient for ethnographic interpretation. More substantive evidence emerges only around 5000 BC. We can begin to speak of "Kurgan people" when they conquered the steppe region north of the Black Sea around 4500 BC.

Prof. Marija Gimbutas very precisely and pungently described the ethereal foundation of her theory. For Indo-European Urheimat studies: the archeological sources are not adequate, they do not have sufficient materials for ethnographic interpretation. So, given the absence of reasons for Indo-European Urheimat constructions, Prof. Marija Gimbutas proceeds with construct and advocacy of the Kurgan Culture as Indo-European Urheimat erzats. Like for the millennia-sturdy Ptolemaic geocentric system, it is obvious that neither people can walk upside down, nor the wild hordes of Türkic or Hunnic nomadic cattlemen could be seriously viewed as European Kurgan people. The integrity level of the theory is illustrated by the fact that not even a single reference in this chapter on Kurgan people directly mentions the real historical bearers of the Kurgan tradition. In contrast, Ptolemy honestly discussed alternatives to earn acceptance of his views. The difference between science and politics is that facing divergent opposition, the science grows, the politics wanes.

The Russian word “kurgan” (itself borrowed from the Turkish) (as much “Russian” as the Vietnamese “pizza”, itself borrowed from the Italian via English) means literally a "barrow" or "tumulus" and the term "Kurgan tradition" was introduced by the author in 1956 as a blanket term for the culture of these seminomadic pastoralists who built round funeral mounds.1

In science, except the politicized history and philology, terminology is paramount. If we used euphemisms in physics, we would still be living in the 18th century. The term “Kurgan Culture” is one of the terminological victims, it is not a culture, it a “Kurgan tradition”, and in Soviet/Russian tradition it is defined not by its constituent cultures, but by the periods. We do not have “Samara Culture”, we have “Samara period”, not “Khvalynsk Culture”, but “Khvalynsk period”. Period of what? Even the term “Kurgan tradition” did not exist, it was introduced by Prof. Marija Gimbutas to describe the expansion of the eastern Kurgan Culture into Europe to postulate a renewed Indo-European Urheimat theory. We see the terms “Kurgan Culture”, “Samara Culture”, “Khvalynsk Culture” only as slips of the tong, because the descriptions are of the cultures according to the archeological cannons, but in the euphemistic system of doubletalk they are “periods” of unnamed “What Culture?”

The conflicts between the Russian historiography and Western scholars are profound, from details and methods to assessments of reality. The Russian officialdom science is still following the infamous 1944 prescript of the USSR Communist Party against “ancientization” of the Türkic history. The temporary demise of the FSU brought about a bifurcation of the science in Russia into two unequal parts, with the mass of state-controlled science following the 1944 prescripts, and a dissident science that spends most of its efforts on confronting the officialdom's enforcement, and consequently lesser efforts on scientific work. The non-conforming generals of science are still being replaced like lieutenant colonels in the armed forces. The Western scholars have to face the predominant euphemistic science, and wade thru the spin ambiguities to operate with the underlying facts. For the Eurocentric-oriented scientists, the situation is generally favorable, both sides focus on advancement of the same concept. On elements of conflict between Western scholars and Russian historiography see C.C.Lamberg-Karlovsky Case of the Bronze Age Indo-Iranians, D.Anthony Bronze Age Herders of the Eurasian Steppes.

On the etymology of the word “kurgan”, M.Alinei observed: “the Russian word kurgan itself is not of Russian, or Slavic, or IE origin, but is a Turkic loanword, with a very wide diffusion area in Southern Europe, which corresponds to the spread of the kurgan culture” (M.Alinei Paleolithic continuity of Indo-European, Uralic and Altaic populations in Eurasia, 2000, 2003)

No weapons except implements for hunting are found among grave goods in Europe until c. 4500-4300 BC, nor is there evidence of hilltop fortification of Old European settlements. The gentle agriculturalists, therefore, were easy prey to the warlike Kurgan horsemen who swarmed down upon them. These invaders were armed with thrusting and cutting weapons: long dagger-knives, spears, halberds, and bows and arrows.

The Kurgan tradition represents a stark contrast to the civilization of Old Europe which was, in the main, peaceful, sedentary, matrifocal, matrilineal, and sex egalitarian. The Kurgans were a warlike, patriarchal, and hierarchical culture with distinctive burial rites that included pit graves with tent- or hutlike structures of wood or stone, covered by a low cairn or earthen mound. Their economy was essentially pastoral with a rudimentary agriculture and seasonal, transient settlements of semi-subterranean houses. (All of warlike, patriarchal, and hierarchical traits are questionable. History knows more examples of symbiosis, cultural exchange, and trade then wars. In many societies, it was agriculturists who encroached on nomadic pastures, with violence and genocide. The matriarchal vestiges remain with the Kurgan people to this day, a woman has an equal status even after and in spite of the centuries of Islamic enforcement; unlike for the IE nations, Kurgan people had Queens leading the state: Tamiris, Boarix. The ability to drift away from an oppressor did not allow authoritarian regimes to take hold, all nomadic states were and remain unions and confederations with a variation of a parliamentary system, take the modern Kazakh Juzes. You can't keep a mounted rider a slave, unlike a stationary peasant in farming societies, first you need to impoverish the nomads of their horses.)

The Kurgan tradition became manifest in Old European territories during three waves of infiltration: I at c. 4400-4300 BC, II at c. 3500 BC, and III soon after 3000 BC. This chronology does not represent the evolution of a single group but of a number of various steppe peoples who shared a common tradition, extending over broad temporal and spacial parameters. Kurgan I people were from the Volga steppe; Kurgan II, who were culturally more advanced, developed in the North Pontic area between the Lower Dniester and the Caucasus mountains; Kurgan III people were again from the Volga steppe.

FIGURE 10-1 Earliest sculptures associated with the horse and oxen cult (what cult? why cult? People were artists, that is clear, no need to invent mysticism). (1,3) Horse, double-headed horse and (2,4) oxen figurines carved out of bone from the cemetery of S'ezzhee on R. Samara, tributary of Middle Volga, district of Kuybyshev (Modern Samara Province. Kuybyshev was a Stalinist-period re-naming that replaced one venerated Turkic name with another name in an ignorant belief that it was not Turkic).
The pendants with double oxen heads were found in a child's grave under the sacrificial area of horses. (Sacrifices only in a perfunctory sense, in reality the grave inventory is not a donation to supernatural beings prospecting for reciprocal favors, which is a definition of sacrifice, but supplying a departed with necessities for travel to another word. Entirely missing is understanding that these are the earliest relicts associated with the Tengriism etiology)
Samara culture; early Eneolithic of the Volga region, c. 5000-early 5th mill. BC. L of horse 11 cm; L of oxen heads 12cm.

Russian archeologists use the terms "early Yamna" (i.e “Yamna culture” in English “Pit Grave Culture”) for Kurgan I; "Mikhailovka I" or "Maikop" culture for Kurgan II; and "late Yamna" for Kurgan III. (Yamna comes from yama, "pit," i.e., "pit grave" under a barrow.)

The livelihood and mobility of the Kurgan people depended on the domesticated horse, in sharp contrast to the Old European agriculturalists to whom the horse was unknown. Pastoral economy, growing herds of large animals, horse riding, and the need for male strength to control the animals must have contributed to the transition from matrism to armored patrism in southern Russia and beyond at the latest around 5000 BC (Although the accurate date of this process as yet is difficult to establish, it certainly started much earlier than 4000 BC, the date used for the transition to patrism and violence in Saharasia caused by the pressures of severe desertification; see Demeo 1991.) (The oldest traditions of the known Kurgan people, Bulgarians ca 5th c. AD, tell about physical and social equality of sexes, male pretenders having to wrestle with his bride-to-be and not infrequent defeats, as well as female sexual freedom prior to marriage, and Amazon-type female warriors. As a minimum, the allegations of patrism are strongly exaggerated. The situation resembles the gap between the Chinese annals and Chinese archeology: studying the Bulgar kurgans, an archeologist would come to the same wrongful conclusions of unequal sexes, of patrism, and male warrior society as was advanced by Prof. Marija Gimbutas.)

The Domestication of the Horse

The large horses of the Pleistocene became extinct during the drastic climatic changes that followed the last glacial period. The medium-sized horses that survived belong to one single species, Equus fems Boddaeit, and can be divided into two subspecies, the tarpon (Equus ferns gmelini Antonius] and the taki (Przewalski type). (Taki is Turkic for “mount”, a generic riding animal) Of the two, the tarpan, a small but strongly built animal with a short head, tail, and mane, was domesticated. Small groups of the wild tarpan continued to live in eastern Europe until the end of the 19th century when unbridled hunting caused their extinction.

“Domestication” is a misnomer, fully applicable only to the agricultural economies, where animals are in continuous human contact and dependent on humans for survival. The Kurgan people learned how to control and exploit wild animals, the animals remained wild well into the 2nd millennium AD. A better concept for nomadic herds is acculturation, horses are trained from birth that humans are not dangerous. The wild herds were left wild in open ranges the whole year around, led by a tamed stallion trained to lead the herd, pretty much like the present-time lions in the wild country safari zoo, minus feeding and vets; only a limited number of mares was corralled for milking, riding, and draft, and even smaller number of stallions were castrated and corralled for riding and draft. Functionally, the Kurgan “domestication” is no different than learning how to use trees for bows, metal for tools, or wild fowl for eggs, it is a natural extension of the foraging economy that used wild horses to hunt wild horses.

Horse domestication may have taken place in the area between the eastern Ukraine and the northern Kazakhstan around 5000 BC. or earlier, most likely at forest edges and close to rivers whose basins were also forested. It is not surprising that the earliest evidence for the presence of the domesticated horse comes from the forest steppe of the Middle Volga basin where a Neolithic economy — stock breeding and small-scale farming — was present from the end of the 7th millennium BC (It is now believed that the first horse “domestication” occurred in the Botai Culture in Kazakhstan).

Botai culture 3600 BC
botai map

The earliest artifacts associated with the cult of the horse and evidence for horse sacrifice (see cult and sacrifice above) have been discovered in the Middle Volga region from this time, i.e., around 5000 BC in the cemetery at S'ezzhee on the bank of the Samara River, district of Kuybyshev (Modern Samara Province) miniature horse figurines were found carved out of flat bone. (FIGURE 10-1) These were perforated, suggesting that they were worn as pendants and must have had symbolic meaning. Horse skulls and long bones were found above the burials in sacrificial hearths. 2 This cemetery predates the Khvalynsk period in the Lower Volga basin, dated by radiocarbon to the first half of the 5th millennium BC (see the following section on Khvalynsk).

S.A.Pletneva studied 6000-years older kurgan necropolises of the N.Pontic, and found nearly exactly the same burial traditions of Bulgars, Oguzes, Bajanaks/Kangars, and Khazars, all ethnically Türkic people with quite divergent histories. Such long preservation of the same burial traditions is absolutely remarkable, especially in light that these practices are still observable now, 7000 years later, in spite of the millennia-long pressures of the state “world religions” and colonial Kulturträgers. Nothing like exist in the IE milieu. See S.A.Pletneva Kipchaks

Bones from a domesticated horse have been analyzed at Deieivka in the Lower Dnieper basin, 70 kilometers from the town of Kremenchug. 3 Dereivka belongs to the Sredniy (Sredny) Stog II group of the Kurgan culture, which entered the Dnieper steppe around 4500 BC. or somewhat earlier (Sredniy Stog I is a Dnieper-Donets site). Fifteen fragments of sexable horse mandibles found at this site were those of young adult or juvenile males, which suggests an advanced stage of domestication.
(For a dietician, and a pastoralist, all that tells is that young adult or juvenile male horses were less needed in the economy, and were tastier than the aged variety. No difference from the current pastoralist practices) By the middle of the 5th millennium BC, large herds of horses were kept in the forest steppe and steppe zone between the Lower Dnieper on the west and northern Kazakhstan. The analysis of animal bones in the settlement at Repin on the bank of the Don River has shown that 80 percent of all domesticated animal bones belonged to the horse. 4 Great numbers of horse bones (more than 100,000) have also been discovered near Petropavlovsk (i.e. pre-colonial Kyzyl Yar) in the northern Kazakhstan in a site having Kurgan I (Early Yamna) (Pit Grave) affinities. There, horse bones constitute about 90 percent of all domesticated animal bones. 5

One motive for the domestication of the horse may have been its use for meat and milk which continues among steppe peoples to the present day. Of greater importance, however, was its ability to be ridden, which must have occurred from the initial domestication. Although cattle, sheep, and goats can be easily herded on foot, riding was essential for large-scale horse breeding. Antler tine (antler branch) cheek pieces, possibly used as bridle equipment, have been found in the Sredniy (Sredny) Stog sites of the middle of the 5th millennium BC (six occurred at Dereivka). Pairs of cheek pieces were found in graves or were associated with a ritual pit which included the skull, mandible, and leg bones of a stallion and the skulls and foreparts of two dogs.

The significance of the dogs in the kurgan burials is the same as horses, food, implements, or the fill of the kurgan itself. Kurgan is a pile of the pastureland soil, pasture is needed for the mounted travel to the other world. Dogs are needed to keep the herds confined to the kurgan pasture. All kurgan grave goods are strictly utilitarian, without any sacral value, so habitually ascribed to them by the scholarly folks who follow the modern mystic mentality.

The situation of initial domestication may have been similar to a practice known from Siberia several centuries ago. During the 18th century, Russian colonists found pastoralists between the Caspian Sea and the Altai Mountains who practiced little cultivation but kept herds of horses, cattle, sheep, and goats. Their herding was done on horseback // and the horse held a prominent position in their society. Geldings were ridden, and the main herds of horses were kept more or less wild under a stallion whose mares were milked and kept hobbled near the tents. 6 (Thanks for the tents, without it we would not have guessed that the subject are the numerous Türkic tribes of the Junior, Middle, and Senior Juzes in the Kazakhstan who lived in yurts, euphemistically named “tents”. Re-reading the paragraph again, the audacity of the author in avoiding the reference to the Türkic nomads is rattlingly marvelous, in the whole chapter the Türkic people are not mentioned even once, other then superveiled allusion)

The bovine remained the main draft animal of the Volga Neolithic as evidenced by figurines of probably yoked oxen (FIGURE 10-1, 2, 4) while the swift horse became the "motor" of transport. This innovation cut traveling time by a factor of five or more, nullifying whatever territorial boundaries had previously existed. These developments largely affected the exploitation of steppe resources and virtually all other aspects of life. Riding provided the ability to strike out across great distances, instigated cattle-looting or horse-stealing raids, the accumulation of wealth, trading capacities, and the development of. Once the steppe was conquered, it inevitably became a source of outward migration. (This depiction of the animal husbandry society is not rational, fair, or factual, even applied to the limited space of the Europe, and totally absurd in retrospect of their spread through the rest of Eurasia down to the Pacific Ocean. The main impetus for both directions was trade: the nomads had mind-boggling excesses of produce, and needed markets to trade with. The annalistic records tend to emphasize the disasters brought over by the nomads to the settled population, but the same annalistic records note a matching number of instances when nomads saved the farming states from Rome to China. There is a sea of difference between having a superior military technical capability and being militaristic society. In the historical period, invariably the nomadic militancy was a defensive reaction caused by aggression of sedentary states, be it Romans, Ahaemenids, or Chinese. The depiction of the endemic violence and warfare serves to conform to the image of Indo-Europeans as nations-warriors)

Material remains of the first half of the 5th millennium BC show that in an enormous territory east of the Don River and between the Middle Volga, the Caucasus Mountains, and the Ural Mountains there spread a uniform culture. Almost identical ornaments, tools, and weapons in sites thousands of kilometers apart speak for an unprecedented mobility between the tribal groups. The first incursion into the Dnieper steppe by these horse-riding peoples is dated before the middle of the 5th millennium BC. Not much later, Kurgan I horse-riding warriors appeared in the heart of Europe.

Horse riding changed the course of European prehistory. Coupled with the use of weapons, the mounted warrior became a deadly menace to the peaceful, unarmed agriculturalists. From the middle of the 5th millennium BC, the swift horse became a carrier of unrest that continued for millennia. If we look back at European history, at the routine massacres by horse-riding Scythians, Sarmatians, Huns, Avars, Romans, Slavs, and Vikings and the horse-drawn chariots of the Celts and those described by Homer — even the Christian Crusaders — we see how violence, abetted by the rise of the swift horse, became a dominant aspect of life. (If the reference to the Slavs is in respect to their invasion of Greece, they were an infantry force of the Türkic Avars, and clearly out of Kurgan Culture context. Crusaders also were a crowd of unprofessional infantry, with few mounted knights, no relation to the Kurgan people. Romans can't be accused of being Kurgan people. The rest can't be accused of routine massacres other then being the victims of routine massacres. The horse riding did change the course of history, in Europe and around the steppe belt, not by violence, but by spreading technologies, facilitation exchanges, bringing new concepts and so on. As to the negative application of the new technologies, they grew on the local soil, and ascribing them exclusively to the nomadic cattlemen is not accurate)

Culture Groups in the Forest-Steppe Region of the Middle and Lower Volga Basin

The Volga culture of the 5th millennium BC, referred to as Eneolithic in Soviet literature (meaning "Copper-Stone Age" or "Chalcolithic"), developed from the local Volga Neolithic culture. 7 Its territory covered the southern zones of the steppe areas between the lower Don, middle Volga, and the lower Ural, bordered by the Caucasus Mountains and the Caspian Sea farther south. The Neolithic and Eneolithic of this large area has been discovered only during the last twenty years, and several regional groups and chronological phases have already been recognized. The Eneolithic is subdivided into three periods: early, middle (or "developed"), and late.

The Samara Period of c. 5000 BC
(i.e. Samara Period of the Kurgan Culture, or Samara Form of the Kurgan Culture, or simply Samara Culture)

The Early Eneolithic is known as the "Samara culture" in the forest steppe area of the Middle Volga and the "north Caspian culture" in the Lower Volga basin. The discovery, in 1973, of the cemetery of S'ezzhee on the bank of the River Samara, a tributary of the Middle Volga in the district of Kuybyshev (Modern Samara Province), 8 began an understanding of this culture which, until then, was almost entirely unknown. The cemetery was partly destroyed, and the remaining six single graves and one triple grave were in pits, 0.70-1.0 m deep, a few of which were covered with a cairn or a low earthen mound (“mound” stands for kurgan). The striking discovery here was the evidence of horse sacrifice (see cult and sacrifice above) in association with burials and the bone figurines of horses, double-headed horses, and double-headed oxen.

A sacrificial area was uncovered 40 cm below the surface in the central part of the cemetery in which two skulls of horses were found surrounded with broken pots, shell beads, sweet water shells, and harpoons all sprinkled with ochre. Another sacrificial area of this cemetery yielded an accumulation of horse and cattle leg bones. Under the first sacrificial area, the richest graves of the cemetery were found, several containing children, all lying on a layer of ochre and sprinkled intensively with it. The most outstanding of all was the grave of a 1.5 to 2-year-old child (No. 6) equipped with a long flint dagger (FIGURE 10-2, 1), two flat figurines of double-headed oxen made of boar's tusk (FIGURE 10-1, 2, 4), three spoon-shaped objects with sculptured heads of ducks at the ends (ducks have a special place in the Türkic genesis myth), pendants and laminae of shell, a necklace or belt of shell beads, animal teeth, and two large gouges and adzes of polished stone. These grave gifts suggest an upper-class, probably royal, burial. The deposition of a dagger and sculptures in a grave of such a young child is unusual, although symbolic. From later archeological materials and comparative Indo-European mythology, it is known that the dagger and the yoked oxen pulling carts are attributes of the sovereign God of the Shining Sky. It is likely that the sacrifice (see cult and sacrifice above) of horses was associated with the death of a royal male child.

In Tengriism, everything has a soul, called kut. A tree, a mountain, a wagon, a spoon has a kut, any object and even a distinct part of of an object, like a person has a person kut and each arm has an arm kut. To depart to the other word, to assist the kut of the deceased, the deceased is given material objects whose kuts are bringing the deceased to to the other word. There was a whole industry that created effigies of the travel objects, to contain the kuts of the travel objects. A kut of a broken pot is a good kut, a kut of a specially cast miniature cauldron a good kut, a kut of a horse effigy is a good kut of a horse. The grave goods consist of two categories: the objects that belong to the deceased, like a necklace or belt or toy horse of a child, and the objects given to the deceased for travel, like a dagger or oxen effigies or gouges and adzes. Naturally, the objects and ritualistic procedures changed with time and from one distinct group to another, but the overall picture of the Tengrian Türkic burials was quite monotonous, making it difficult to associate particular necropolises with particular ethnicity, that was specifically noted by S.A.Pletneva.

Two figurines of horses (FIGURE 10-1, 1, 3) are from destroyed graves, as are many gouges and adzes of polished stone, large bone spears, daggers, flint points, arrowheads, and scrapers. Daggers were of flint and bone, some as long as 56 cm, which were truly formidable weapons. Flint or quartzite blades were set into shafts of bone on two sides. (FIGURE 10-2, 3)

Pots were not laid in graves but are found mostly in sacrificial areas (The grave pots apparently were made of perishable materials:  tree bark, reeds, grass, wood. The ceramic pots used for funeral feast were left behind at the grave, to not bring back any bad spirits from the  funerals, this custom is still being followed. Additional pots are also left after the ritual wake feasts). S'ezzhee pots were tempered with crushed shells, as all later pottery of Kurgan tradition. Most were made in a truncated egg shape with a narrow end, a flattened base, and a thickened, outwardly turned rim. The whole surface, or just the upper part, was decorated in horizontal or zigzag lines. These were executed by stabbing or stamping, by making comb impressions, and had pitted or "button" designs below the rim. (FIGURE 10-3) Similar pottery occurred in a number of settlements recently discovered between the Lower Don and Lower Ural. 9

FIGURE 10-2 In contrast to peaceful Old European agriculturalists, the Volga pastoralists around 5000 BC produced formidable flint and bone daggers.
(1,2) The cemetery of S'ezzhee, R. Samara, district of Kuybyshev (Modern Samara Province);
(3) Lipovski Ovrag.
The flint dagger was deposited in the grave of a boy, one-and-a-half to two years old. Bone daggers were found at the arm or skull of adult males. L of bone dagger (left) 53 cm
FIGURE 10-3 When painted pottery art florished in southeast and east-central Europe, Volga pastoralists produced primitive egg-shaped beakers with thickened rims decorated with horizontal lines by stabbing, incision, comb impression, and pits.
Clay was tempered with crushed shells. S'ezzhee cemetery, district of Kuybyshev (Modern Samara Province). Samara period, c. 5000 BC. Scale 1:3


Not much is known about the settlements. All are small and thin layered and have yielded only potsherds, flint scrapers, quartzite tools, and polished stone adzes and gouges. Since there are no radiocarbon dates for the S'ezzhee cemetery or other sites with similar materials, their chronology rests on typological comparisons. For instance, laminae of boar's tusks are known from the Dnieper-Donets sites and from the Samara culture. In the former area they precede the Sredniy (Sredny) Stog n period; in the latter, the Khvalynsk. If Khvalynsk, on the basis of radiocarbon dates, belongs to the first half of the 5th millennium BC, the Samara culture should be placed around 5000 BC or early 5th millennium BC

The Khvalynsk Period, First Half of the 5th Millennium BC
(i.e. Khvalynsk Period of the Kurgan Culture, or Khvalynsk Form of the Kurgan Culture, or simply Khvalynsk Culture)

The "developed Eneolithic" in the Volga basin is represented by the cemetery of Khvalynsk, located on the bank of the Volga in the district of Saratov, excavated by Vasiliev and others. 10 One hundred and fifty-eight skeletons were unearthed in an area of 30 by 26 m, mostly from single graves, although some held two to five skeletons or more. The dead were buried in pits in a contracted position, lying on their backs with their knees upward. Twelve graves were covered with stone cairns. As in S'ezzhee, sacrificial areas were unearthed with remains of horse, cattle, and sheep sacrifices (see cult and sacrifice above), while animal bones were also found in graves and deposited separately (leg bones of a horse and a calf, skulls of cattle, and sheep bones). The inventory of grave finds include about forty metal artifacts (rings and spiral rings), large pendants of boar's tusk, bone and shell beads and bracelets, a perforated and polished lugged axe, a schematized horse-head sculpture which was probably a scepter, bifacially retouched flint points and daggers, stone adzes, and bone harpoons. A very similar inventory was brought to light in a grave of a rich individual accidentally discovered in 1929 at Krivoluchie, in the district of Samara. The body lay in a contracted position on ground scattered with ochre and was equipped with a lugged axe of porphyry, six flint points of fine workmanship, a flint dagger, a scraper, bracelets of polished stone and bone, beads of deer teeth, and annular and cylindrical beads of pectunculus shell.11 (FIGURE 10-4) This individual must have been an important member of the society. (The padding of ochre, or less frequent typologically synonymous chalk or charcoal is one of the markers of the Kurgan burial tradition, observable and used for typological definition not only for kurgan burials, but also in cases where kurgan mounds were washed away, blown off, plowed over, or were impossible to build. Some of the following descriptions skip over the typological kinship and omit mentioning of the grave padding, instead concentrating on the grave goods that serve for typological distinctions expected in the excavation reports. The kurgan burial ceremony associated with red ochre for padding or sprinkling, underlayment of the bottom of the tomb with grass, reed, or felt, and accompanying the deceased with horses and food for travel are the typological elements that unite temporal and spatial embodiments of the Kurgan Culture across Eurasian steppes in the European and Asian Pit Grave, Andronovo, Afanasiev, Timber Grave, Cimmerian, Scythian, Hunnic, Avar/Kangar/Bajanak, Bulgar, Oguz, and Kipchak Cultures)

In the south, related finds and burial rituals were discovered at Nalchik in the northern Caucasus in the region of Kabardino-Balkaria. One hundred and twenty-one graves were excavated under a low kurgan, 0.67 m high and 30 m across. The contracted bodies lay in groups of five to eight, on layers of ochre, and were covered with stones. Among the most common grave goods were beads of pectunculus shell, stone, and the teeth of deer, wolf, bear, boar, and other animals, stone or bone bracelets, pendants of boar's tusk, long flint daggers, arrowheads, and points. The latter were bifacially retouched. 12

The astonishing similarity of grave goods in sites separated by thousands of kilometers suggest the existence of phenomenal mobility and intertribal relationships between Samara and the Caucasus. On the west, sites with related materials extend to the Sea of Azov and on the east to the River Ural. The types of stone tools, weapons, ornaments, and pottery of the Khvalynsk phase continued from the Samara period. The chronology of the Khvalynsk phase is indicated roughly by similarity with the finds of the Sredniy (Sredny) Stog sites in the Lower Dnieper basin, dated by radiocarbon and contacts with the Karanovo and Cucuteni cultures to the middle of the 5th millennium BC. The first radiocarbon dates for the Khvalynsk materials (analyzed by the laboratory of the Ural Institute of Education) fall within the early 4th millennium BC. When calibrated, they must belong to the period before the middle of the 5th millennium BC. 13

The same astonishing continuity observed between Samara and the Caucasus in the archeological record of 4,500 BC is observed uninterrupted till the 16th-18th cc. AD, when the expanding Russia wiped out large chunks of the continuity; it was positively broken down at the end of the 19th c. AD with massive Russian colonization of the Middle Volga basin, and finally decimated and dismembered with the abolition of the indigenous written culture in 1920's-1930's and deportation of the Türkic people from the Caucasus in the 1944. What the tumults of the 6 millenniums could not achieve was achieved in a blink of an eye by Stalin and his cohorts.

The Early Yamna Period, Middle of the 5th Millennium BC
(i.e. Pit Grave Period of the Kurgan Culture, or Pit Grave  Form of the Kurgan Culture, or simply Pit Grave Culture)

The "Late Eneolithic" period of the Lower Volga basin is the Early Yamna (Early Pit-grave) culture, characterized by a number of kurgans and settlements. In all respects it is a continuation from the Khvalynsk period. The excavated settlements have revealed the same tradition of ceramic craft and of flint, quartzite, and bone industry, indicating no changes in art or technology. The egg-shaped pots with out-turned rims (FIGURE 10-5), stone-tool kits dominated by adzes, gouges, and weapons — flint arrowheads, points, and daggers — continued to be produced. The continuity of the material culture is well documented by excavations in the same areas where Khvalynsk sites previously existed — by the settlement of Alekseevo near Khvalynsk, for instance, located on the terrace of a small river, a tributary of the Middle Volga. 14

Before the discovery of the Samara and Khvalynsk cemeteries of the Volga culture, the Early Pit Grave kurgans with burials in pits under earthen barrows were considered to be the earliest. Their origin was nebulous. Examples of such Early Yamna kurgans were known from excavations during the fifties and sixties: Berezhnovka I, 15 Politotdelsk, 16 and Arkhara 17, were known from the excavations of 1950 - 1960-ies. Low earthen barrows above pit graves became the most characteristic and universal feature. During the Khvalynsk period, graves were rarely covered with an earthen mound, more often with a stone cairn or a mound which accumulated because of the sacrificial activities above the graves. The earliest earthen kurgans could have started in the Khvalynsk period in the steppe territories and may have existed side by side with flat graves of the forest-steppe region. 18 The kurgan is a feature of the steppe.

“Volga culture”? What is “Volga culture”? There is no such archeological term or phenomenon as “Volga culture”, this is one of the absurd ethereal euphemisms to state that Volga or Itil basin was one of the Kurgan Culture indigenous areas. Mind you, Prof. Marija Gimbutas was an archeologist, knew perfectly well the cultures constituting her theory, and should not have used the borrowed absurdities.

The site of this period, in the region between the Lower Don and Lower Ural, is Repin, located on the bank of the Don, excavated in the fifties by I. V. Sinitsyn. 19 This settlement yielded the greatest numbers of pots and horse bones which, as mentioned above, constituted 80 percent of all domesticated animal bones. Ten other sites with similar materials are known now in this region.

FIGURE 10-4 Prestige weapons from a chieftain's grave:
(1) Flint arrowheads.
(2) Lugged axe of porphyry.
(3) Carefully retouched flint dagger.
This grave, found at Krivotuchie, R. Samara, district of Kuybyshev (Modern Samara Province), also included stone and bone bracelets, shell pendants, beads of deer teeth and shell.
Scale 1/3. Khvalynsk period, first half 5th mill. BC
FIGURE 10-5 Pottery from the early "Yarnna" (Early Pit Grave) (Kurgan I) kurgans in the Lower Volga area.
(1) Arkhara.
(2) Berezhnovka.
(3) Politotdelsk (A unique name of the times, meaning “Political Dept.”, an arm of the Communist Party at army subdivisions and local administrative centers responsible for the thoughts of the supervised, a la religious police, and running all individual and mass murders. The name is just short of “Torture Department” and the like)
(4) Altata.
Mid-5th mill. BC. H (1)26 cm; (2) 28 cm; (3) 14 cm; (4) 18 cm.

Chronologically, the Late Eneolithic (i.e. the Late Eneolithic period of the Early Pit Grave Culture of the Kuragan Culture) follows the Khvalynsk period (i.e. the period of the Khvalynsk Culture) which belongs to the middle of the 5th millennium BC. This is the Kurgan I period in which the Kurgan people expanded into east-central Europe as far as the Karanovo culture in Bulgaria and in the Danube valley. (FIGURE 10-6)

Kurgan I Sites in the Lower Dnieper Basin: The Emergence of New Types of Burials, Pottery, and Weapons, and the Leadership of Males

The Kurgan people first entered European prehistory during the mid-5th millennium BC, when they streamed into the basin of the Lower Dnieper and west of the Black Sea (FIGURE 10-6).

hi the Dnieper rapids region, the Dnieper-Donets settlement of Sredniy (Sredny) Stog I was found overlain around 4500 BC or earlier by a new cultural complex, Sredniy Stog II, whose people practiced single burial in cairn-covered shaft or cist graves. The bodies in these later graves were supine, either contracted or extended, and were usually supplied with flint daggers, arrowheads, spear points, and beakers with pointed bases in the Kurgan tradition. (FIGURES 10-7A, B) The skeletal remains, moreover, are dolichomesocranial, taller statured, and of a more slender physical type than those of their Dnieper-Donets predecessors, 20 who were of robust Cro-Magnon type. (FIGURE 10-7C).

The Chapter 10 of this book recapitulates more extensive descriptions provided in Prof. Marija Gimbutas' other books, articles, and comments, and generally skips on the descriptions of the physical type, which of course are not less important than the linguistic recitations given in sufficient detail to argue her point. The book also addresses only the westward expansion of the Kurgan Culture, leaving aside the eastward and south/southeast expansion

The expansion waves carried genetic composition and linguistic impacts, at least for the cultural and technological innovations, their traces must be and are detectable, both biologically and linguistically, is spite of the relatively recent replacement of the Kurgan language(s) by the Indo-European variety.

M. Gimbutas' conceptual map of Kurgan westward waves (from R.R.Sokal et al. 1992)
The M. Gimbutas' map conflicts with the tracing of the datable genetic markers, pointing to the shortcomings of archeology, which so far failed to detect migrations into the Kurgan origin territories, and the migration across Caucasus into the Middle East, on to N.Africa, and on to Iberia, marked by No Kurgan on the map.

A similar picture pertains to the linguistic traces, which could link a part of etymologically undefined lexicon and possibly elements of grammar to the Kurgan influence. A similar work performed in the Chinese languages located numerous cognates between the Türkic and Chinese languages, some of them traceable to the first elements of writing, 3600 BP. The first recorded Türkic elements in Greek and Assyrian ascend to 2800 BP. They are not *reconstructions, they are real.

M. Gimbutas' conceptual map of Kurgan westward waves (from R.R.Sokal et al. 1992)
With superimposed migrations of the datable genetic markers

In contrast to the vegetal-temper characteristic of the earlier Dnieper-Donets ceramics, the pots of these new inhabitants were tempered with crushed shells, and their stamped, pitted, or cord-impressed decorations present a solar motif. Local evolution cannot account for such abrupt changes.

FIGURE 10-6A Kurgan thrust into east-central Europe and its influence on the Danube basin and beyond in the period between 4300 and 3500 BC. This influence is traceable even in England and eastern Ireland in the middle of the 4th mill. BC

Light shade - Origin of Kurgan influence in Lower Volga-Don steppes and distribution of Kurgan I (Early Yamna) (Early Pit Grave) culture
Dark shade - Cultures transformed by Kurgan elements

(It jumps into the eyes that exactly the same territories were favored by the later, historically known Kurgan people, who in addition to their own new kurgans used the existing kurgans for their own cemeteries:

- Cimmerians
- Scythians
- Huns
- Avars
- Bulgars
- Kangars-Bajanaks
- Oguzes
- Kipchaks

- and their descendents, who gradually lost their Kurgan burial tradition with convergence to Christianity and Islam:

- Danube Bulgars
- Khazars
- Itil Bulgars
- Türkic people of Kipchak Khanate)

FIGURE 10-6B Kurgan I thrust (arrows) into east-central Europe c. 4400-4300 BC. Wave No. 1 moved from the Lower Volga to the Lower Dnieper region, then infiltrated the territory west of the Black Sea. It spread across the Danubian plain, and also to the Marica plain in Bulgaria, as well as to Macedonia. Following the Danube or crossing Transylvania, it reached the east Hungarian grasslands.

Light shade - Distribution of Kurgan I sites
——> - Kurgan
-----> - Old European

Contemporary groups in northern Europe:
1. Narva (Finno-Ugrians or Europids=Caucasians)
2. Nemunas (Unattributed nomadic hunting)
3. Dnieper-Donets (robust late Cro-Magnons, hunting, ~ Samara culture people)
4. Volosovo (settled fishing)
5. Volga-Kama (Finno-Ugrians ?, hunting-fishing)
6. Sperrings (settled hunting-fishing)

FIGURE 10-7A In the Lower Dnieper basin, Kurgan I flint weapons - dagger, arrowheads, spearpoints — and beakers with stabbed decoration appeared in the mid-5th mill. BC.

(1) Alettsandriya.
(2-5, 9) Dereivka.
(6) Yama.
(7) Strilcha-Skela.
(8,10, 12) Petrovo-Svistunovo,
(11) Goncharivka.
H of flint dagger 45cm; H of largest spearpoint 15 cm
FIGURE 10-7B Kurgan I (Sredniy (Sredny) Stog ll) beakers from the Lower Dnieper region. When viewed from the top, the stabbed decoration forms a solar design. FIGURE 10-7C Reconstruction of Kurgan I (Sredniy Stog II) male skull from Aleksandriya, Lower Dnieper, mid-5th mill. BC
(1) Domotkan.
(2) Mayorka.
H of larger pot 13cm

(The miniature sizes of the pots, unsuitable for practical use as storage or cooking/warming pots, or personal utensils, clearly point that they are effigies, containers for the spirits of the pots given to the deceased for travel purposes. That they were fired makes likely an effigy industry, possibly a kam (priest) had them prepared in advance like the pre-industrial casket and funerary appurtenance production at the local churches, mosques, and synagogues; but they could as well be made within a family, manufacture and firing of small pots could be done in a day, while the entombment was seasonal, allowing plenty of time for preparations; a person who died in the autumn or before summer season could wait till the ground thaws, as is done in the historical times. The “solar design” is in the eyes of the beholder, this design was still active in the local ceramics of the same area prior to WWII, and can still be found in many homes seen as traditional decoration without any sacral connotations)

The Sredniy (Sredny) Stog II complex represents an extension of the Volga pastoralists into the Dnieper basin which occurred at the end of the Khvalynsk period. Their horse cult (see cult and sacrifice above) and burials are related to those found in the Middle Volga forest steppe region. At Dereivka in the Lower Dnieper region, tombs contain remains of sacrificed (see cult and sacrifice above) horses and dogs. Graves of a man and woman, perhaps the widow, and of a man and one or two children in one grave, buried at the same time, are frequent. As the Kurgans moved into Old Europe, however, certain influences were inevitably absorbed from the local indigenous cultures. The hundred sites in the lower Dnieper-Don interfluve are primarily cemeteries, and their grave goods reflect this influence and are enriched by copper and gold objects from the west. 21

Chisels, scrapers, and often long (to 22 cm) pointed flint daggers were placed at the man's hand and even in the cairn above. Occasionally as many as fifteen such daggerlike blades occur in a grave. Bifacially worked spearpoints, triangular flint arrowheads, narrow-butted flint and polished stone axes and daggers form the prototypical Indo-European weaponry (Indo-European is kind of exaggeration. While the Kurgan weaponry is known, the Indo-European Urheimat and weaponry still await their hour). These were usable from horseback and are still seen later in the Bronze and Early Iron ages.

Exceptionally rich male graves include thousands of pectunculus or other shells (originally attached to disintegrated leather or woven belts); copper bead and animal tooth necklaces; shell and copper pendants,- spiral arm rings and finger rings of copper; long, thin spiral-headed copper pins and tubes. Presumably, this copper came from the Ai-Bunar mines in central Bulgaria via barter with the Cucuteni. Some of the copper artifacts, however; such as the spiral arm rings, tubes, and shell-shaped pendants, are unparalleled in the west and may have been the product of local craftsmen. (The belts are the hallmark of the Kurgan and all its embodiments' dress. The belts are noted as distinct feature in the burials, in the annalistic records, in the ethnological descriptions, in statuary starting from Cimmerian/Scythian times to the Late Kipchak times, and into the Modern Age. The Türkic kaftans and belts, together with their boots, were imitated, adopted, and absorbed, they became the textbook image of the Russian peasant down to the 20th c., they can be seen on Chinese and Middle Eastern depictions, and they still can be found in the most recent kurgan burials around Altai)

The presence of antler hoes and querns is conclusive proof of agricultural activity in Sredniy (Sredny) Stog II, although no grains have thus far been identified. Awls, picks, polishers, and hammer-axes of bone and antler are found in the settlements in considerable numbers. (The reason that no grains have thus far been found is that until recent, the Russian archeology used a shovel-height layering in excavations, primarily searching for datable ceramics, trinkets and precious metals, and largely ignoring biological remains that do not provide Caucasoid/Mongoloid discriminators. Thus, the bulk of the archeological monuments in the European Russia were destroyed without extracting information needed for scientific studies. Sifting is still is not a requirement, it is up to the archeologist to use or not to use it. In the history of Russian archeology, the first, and maybe the last, excavated kurgan was restored to its original shape in 2005. Kurgans are not listed in the registry of the national or local treasures, they are just piles of mud with no owner. Of the thousands upon thousands of osteological remains uncovered in the European Russia, to date, as of 2011, only one genetical testing was performed, and it identified the mtDNA of a female with the Türkic population, see Sarmatian mtDNA)

At Dereivka, the bones of 55 horses were counted within a settlement of three dwellings, representing 63 percent of the total number of domesticated animal remains. Antler cheek pieces and the depiction of possible bridle equipment on stone sculptures is fairly convincing evidence of horse riding. (FIGURE 10-8) Radiocarbon determinations for Dereivka in calibrated chronology are within the second half of the 5th millennium BC, (UCLA 1466 : 4570-4150 BC; Kiev 466 : 4460-4000 BC; Kiev 465: 4340-3810 BC).

The First Wave of Kurgans Into East-Central Europe c. 4400-4300 BC and Its Repercussions

The Emergence of Warrior Elite Graves, the Custom of Suttee, and the Horse Cult

After penetrating the Dnieper rapids region and the area north of the Sea of Azov, the Kurgans struck central Europe (see Fig. 10-6). Actual Kurgan graves (round kurgans with pit graves) found in Moldavia, southern Romania, and east Hungary are eloquent witnesses of these incursions. The earliest Kurgan graves in Moldavia date from Cucuteni A2-A3 phase, c. 4400-4300 BC. Their graves were almost exclusively for male burials, a distinct contrast to the even ratio of male-female burials in contemporary Old European cemeteries (The comparison should also have been with the source locations in Sredny Stog II, otherwise the conclusions on raiding are not substantiated). In contrast to the simple pit graves of Old Europe, the Kurgan tombs were cairn- or earth-covered and were reserved for the warrior elite with their favorite war gear, the spear, bow and arrow, and flint dagger or long knife. (FIGURES 10-7, 10-8, 10-9)

Burial excavations reveal two aspects of Indo-European (i.e. Kurgan) ideology, found for the first time in east-central Europe at Suvorovo in Moldavia and at Casimcea on the Lower Danube. These two graves demonstrate the Kurgan religious concepts of the worship of the horse as a divine animal (see cult and sacrifice above) and the custom of suttee or sacrifice of the female consort or wife (FIGURE 10-9) (The suttee custom is documented by Ibn Fadlan for the Vikings called Rus in the 10th c. AD, in China consequent to the Zhou conquest in 12th-3rd cc. BC, and in India at the time of the British colonization. India underwent numerous conquests by the Kurgan people, and a chain of Kurgan-derived dynasties. Archeologically, the suttee custom is traced from Danube to Central China, and from 5th mill. BC to 1st mill. AD).

FIGURE 10-8 Antfer cheek pieces from Dereivka, Lower Dnieper area. Second half 5th mill. BC. Scale 1:3


At Suvorovo, a chieftain was buried in a deep rectangular pit lined with stones containing a horse-headed scepter of porphyry, his symbol of power, and other objects deemed necessary in afterlife. (FIGURE 10-9, 2, 3) A woman, presumably his widow, was apparently put to death at this time and laid to rest beside her dead lord. Remnants of a garment covered with mother-of-pearl laminae and a necklace of unio shell beads express her relatively elevated station in life, but the only gift accorded her was a flint scraper. The double grave was covered by a massive kurgan and surrounded by a circle 13 m in diameter of upright stones. The practice of suttee is also documented in Sredniy Stog II tombs at Yama and Aleksandriya in the Lower Dnieper area of the same period. A Casimcea chieftain in Romania was buried with a horse-head scepter of porphyry, his power symbol, along with five flint axe heads, fifteen arrow points and three daggers. Arrows must have been placed in a skin quiver. (The scepter could serve as a marker, allowing to trace and date Kurgan migrations. Independent invention of the scepter as a symbol of power is not likely)

The Suvorovo and Casimcea horse-headed scepters are paralleled elsewhere by finds in Moldavia, southern Romania, Transylvania, Bulgaria, and Macedonia. 22 These wands, with a carved horse head, are strikingly similar to those recovered from the Volga region, the north Caucasian steppe, and northeastern Dagestan.

An important aspect of Indo-European religious ritual was the horse sacrifice (see cult and sacrifice above), especially in Indic (asvamedha), Roman (October Equus), and Celtic traditions. The archeological indications of equine sacrifice are found at Kherson in the Ukraine where a Kurgan tomb was flanked by a pit containing a horse skull. 23 In the Kurgan cemetery north of the Danube delta, near Odessa, there was a ritual hearth and a central grave containing pairs of horse and bull skulls. 24 In 1986, a complete horse skull cut from the neck was found in a Tiszapolgar pit in northeastern Hungary dating from the end of the 5th millennium BC. This is the earliest evidence in central Europe. 25

Prof. Marija Gimbutas citation of Indic, Roman, and Celtic (she dropped Nordic) “horse sacrifice” is very ironic, these are precisely the people who were impacted by the Kurgan people, and carry the Kurgan and Türkic-specific “Atlantic modal haplotype”, so misnamed because it was taken as a haplotype of the Old Europe first identified in the haplotype study of the British Isles. The rituals are slightly different variations of the funeral feast in the Kurgan funeral tradition, when after deposing the deceased and finishing kurgan over the grave, all participants of the funeral partake in the memorial meal at the kurgan. A horse is slaughtered, if affordable, and cooked in a caldron(s), poor people use mutton, the meal is accompanied by various rituals that may differ from location to location and definitely changed with time. The horse hide, head and extremities may be deposed into the grave as an effigy, or posted on poles around kurgan. Neither the horse, not sheep are venerated, they are animals to eat, and in case of the horse to ride. The documented Norse ritual includes sprinkling of the drained blood on a sacred tree, a Tengrian ritual known from Danube to Huanhe, and described in the Armenian annals at Caspian Huns. The Indic people did not know horses until the arrival of the Saka Scythians, the reference to the Indic religious ritual is anachronistic, at some time the ritual was syncretized with the Hindu pantheon, but in the context of the M.Gimbutas theory, Saka are Indic Indo-Iranians, so they represent an Indic tradition. The Chinese annals devote sufficient attention and detail to the ritual, which was syncretized with the Chinese reverence of the ancestors. Tengriism is a monotheistic religion, it can't have deified horses or sheep or donkeys. The Tengrian sprinkling on the sacred tree is typologically identical to the Christian burning candles. On typical details of the funeral ritual, see R.Bezertinov Türkic funeral rituals.

The Coexistence of Kurgan Pastoralists and Cucuteni Agriculturalists

The Cucuteni civilization survived the first wave of Kurgan incursions intact. Its ceramic tradition continued undisturbed, although Kurgan elements within Cucuteni settlements (1 to 10 percent of Cucuteni A and AB pottery) indicate some sort of interaction between the two groups. (This confirms the argument against Kurgan militancy, a main point in the Prof. M.Gimbutas theory; quite the opposite, the Kurganians and Cucutenians enjoyed mutually beneficial symbiotic coexistence.) This intrusive shell-tempered pottery (referred to by some as Cucuteni C) is nearly identical in shape to that of the Sredniy Stog II (Kurgan I) level of the Lower Dnieper. Petrographic analysis has shown that all Cucuteni and Kurgan (Sredniy Stog II) samples were of similar mineralogical composition. This indicates that both peoples exploited similar clay types, but the respective technology was very different: the Cucuteni ware was well fired, completely oxidized, and without temper, whereas the Kurgan ceramics were low-fired and contained quantities of crushed shell, organic residues, and plant material. 26

FIGURE 10-9 Horse-head scepters made of semiprecious stone (1,2) appeared in east-central Europe in rich male graves in kurgans after the middle of the 5th mill. BC
(1) Casimcea, Dobruja, E Romania. L 16cm.
(2) Suvorovo, Moldavia. L 17 cm
(3) Plan of the Suvorovo kurgan including a double grave of a man and a woman, probably a suttee burial, and two other graves prepared at the same time. Diameter of the kurgan 13 m



At the time of Cucuteni B in the early 4th millennium BC, the local populace had relocated into areas more naturally defensible. In a few instances, an additional rampart was built across the river from a settlement. The villages and towns continued to grow, and boundaries of Cucuteni sites in the district of Uman, identified by aerial photography and magnetometry, show towns more than two kilometers long, laid out in a dozen or so concentric elipses radially cut by streets (Figs. 3-63 to 3-65). 27 The density of Cucuteni sites indicates no massive dislocations in the wake of the first wave of relatively small groups of Kurgan infiltrators; nor is there evidence of amalgamation of the two groups throughout these approximately 800 years of coexistence, at least not until the mid-4th millennium BC. (800 years of peaceful coexistence is not exactly image of warlike, patriarchal, and hierarchical people)

The Displacement and Amalgamation of the Varna, Karanovo, Vinca, and Lengyel Cultures

For the Karanovo-Gumelnita civilization, the Kurgan incursions proved catastrophic. The small farming villages and townships were easily overrun, and Karanovo groups must have fled from the Lower Danube basin westward.

The Salcuta group of southwestern Romania took refuge in Transylvanian caves or on Danubian islands. 28 Layer after layer of habitation material similar to Salcuta IV indicates that the refugees maintained a semblance of cultural identity for yet another four or five hundred years. 29 (This must be one of the conflict episodes that came to light, notable for its demographic dimension. Transylvanian caves or on Danubian islands could not harbor any significant population, the sources and sides of the conflict are not known)

In the first half of the 4th millennium BC, the Black Sea coastal Varna culture was replaced, in east Romania and Bulgaria, by a Kurganish complex designated as Cernavoda I. 30 The fortified Cernavoda sites, in contrast to the Karanovo-Gumelnita and Varna settlements on the open plain, were strategically located on high river terraces and consisted of a few small surface or semisubterranean dwellings on sites generally covering no more than 100 by 200 m. These people bred stock (including the horse) and engaged in hunting, fishing, and primitive agriculture, and their antler and bone tools are identical to finds in the steppe north of the Black Sea. They produced gray, badly baked, crushed-shell tempered ceramics, unmistakably related to the Kurganoid wares in Moldavia and in the Ukraine, having the characteristic decor of stab-and-drag, knobs, and impressions of cord, fingernail, and shell. No painted pottery occurs at this time, although substratum influence may account for certain untempered, occasionally brown-slipped and burnished ceramics. Only a few stylized figurines were recovered from Cernavoda I, and Old European symbolic designs had disappeared. No cereal grains were found, despite the presence of antler and bone hoes, grinding stones, and sickle blades. Horse bones were ubiquitous among the remnant heaps of domesticated animals. Tools were predominantly of bone but included maceheads and perforated hammer axes of antler and stone, flint scrapers and knives, a few copper awls and chisels. (These archeological results have parallels throughout the Kurgan expansions. The process came to us as series of exogamic marital unions, where Kurgan people, each tribe and subdivision separately, seeks and joins a permanent marital partner, we have examples from every place that had annalistic records. Among the known pairs are Hunnic-Tibetan, Hunnic-Mongolic, Hunnic-Tungusic, in the Caucasus it is a Koban Culture, in the Central Asia it is an As-Tokhar alliance; when in the 17th c. the Tele tribes found refuge in the Altai, they allied with local Altaian hunter-gatherers. In the area of Northern China, that process took place in 7th-4th cc. BC, in the Eastern Europe amalgamation between Proto-Slavs and Bulgarian Kurgans created a Slavo-Türkic language called Old Church Slavonic, the Danube Slavs amalgamated with Avars, and with Becenyo/Bajanaks to become Bosnians. The intra-tribal conflicts became more acute with Türkic participation, bringing about crises and dislocations, powerfully described in the Slavic annals)

The Kurgan disruption of Varna, Karanovo, and Vinca jolted a succession of dislocations in Yugoslavia, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and as far west as the Upper Danube, Upper Elbe, and Upper Oder basins. Cultural boundaries disintegrated as elements of Vinca populations moved into western Hungary (to eventually become the "Balaton" complex), and into Croatia, Bosnia, and Slovenia (to become the "Lasinja" group). 31 The Lengyel people migrated west and north along the Upper Danube into Germany and Poland. Furthermore, sites of the probable Vinca refugees are also found in regions where no human community had settled since Paleolithic times, such as the eastern Alps and the central part of Slovenia and Croatian Karst. In this hilly terrain, the location of settlements in the highest places, surrounded by cliffs or girded by rivers, suggest an extreme concern for defense. In a number of sites, traces of rectangular houses built of timber posts and thick clay walls testify to a certain retention of the Vinca architectural traditions. At the same time, caves were also occupied. The occupation of caves and of heretofore uninhabited lands suggests that the movement of the Vinca people to the northwest and west took place in times of stress.

There are no radiocarbon dates for the Balaton-Lasinja I complex. Its chronology is based on a typological relationship with the latest Vinca materials in Yugoslavia. The subsequent phase, labeled Balaton-Lasinja II-III, yielded two C-14 dates, the true age of which falls between 3900 and 3400 BC, placing the Balaton-Lasinja I complex before 4000 BC. By the end of the 5th millennium BC, the Vinca traditions with their temples, figurines and exquisite pottery are no longer found. There is no continuity of habitation on the Vinca mound after c. 4300 BC.

The Tiszapolgar complex, an offshoot of late Tisza, emerged in northeastern Hungary, eastern Slovakia, and western Transylvania. The continuity of their settlement to the mid-4th millennium BC indicates that these people survived and did not merge with the Kurgan culture. However, major social changes are observable and may reflect a Kurgan influence. In contrast to the Tisza and Lengyel pattern, where the majority of known sites are villages, the Tiszapolgar sites (about 100 reported) are cemeteries that suggest small communities of thirty to forty people. This situation does not reflect a normal growth of population as in Lengyel, Vinca, Karanovo, and other groups during the period before the first Kurgan wave. Also, the social role of the male had risen, indicated by several graves of males buried with more than usual care and equipped with status symbols such as maceheads. Significantly, the skeletons of these men were of proto-Europid type (proto-Europids=proto-Caucasians, i.e. the “robust” Cro-Magnon type), whereas the majority of the population was of Mediterranean type. 32

In the cemetery of Basatanya, of 75 graves (belonging to two phases), 33 a small group of male burials included maceheads, whereas the majority of the burials in this cemetery shows Old European features. 34 In the mountainous east Slovakia, the Tiszapolgar complex persisted through the mid-4th millennium BC. Several cemeteries of the Laznany group in the Carpathian foothills exemplify the last vestiges of this complex, which were finally submerged under the Kurganized Baden culture in the second half of the 4th millennium BC. 35

North of Budapest and in western Slovakia, Lengyel disappears after c. 4400-4300 BC and reemerges in Bavaria, central Germany, and western Poland, where characteristic biconic and footed vessels with warts show up in graves and in settlements. 36

The Emergence of Kurgan Elements in the Milieu of the LBK Culture

The discontinuity of the Varna, Karanovo, Vinca, and Lengyel cultures in their main territories and the large scale population shifts to the north and northwest are indirect evidence of a catastrophe of such proportions that cannot be explained by possible climatic change, land exhaustion, or epidemics (for which there is no evidence in the second half of the 5th millennium BC.). Direct evidence of the incursion of horse-riding warriors is found, not only in single burials of males under barrows, but in the emergence of a whole complex of Kurgan cultural traits: hilltop settlements, the presence of horses, the predominance of a pastoral economy, signs of violence and patriarchy, and religious symbols that emphasize a sun cult. These elements are tightly knit within the social, economic, and religious structure of the Kurgan culture. (As was suggested elsewhere, though the changes are significant, the reasons for them appear to be entirely different. The general absence of traces of violence suggest that amalgamation with Kurgans, or cultural influence of Kurgans, which enabled the population to be more mobile and active in locating and occupying better environmental niches, and made conflicts more acute. A good example of the process is described by Julius Ceasor, when one of the kindred Germanic tribes undertook a move under a pressure by another Germanic tribe)

A chain of hill forts that appeared on high riverbanks in the Middle and Upper Danube basin, in Hungary, Austria, western Slovakia, Moravia, Bohemia, and Bavaria 37 is a new phenomenon in European prehistory. The earliest hill forts are contemporary with late Lengyel and Rossen materials or immediately follow them. Radiocarbon dates place this period between 4400 and 3900 BC. 38

Pit dwellings are found that sharply contrast with the solid above-ground long-houses of Lengyel and LBK type. These contain pottery decorated with solar designs, usually executed by stab and drag technique (in German called Furchenstich) along incisions of herringbone design and stabbings. Hanging triangles and parallel lines are typical motifs, with rows of dots above and below the shoulders. In the Upper Danube/Upper Rhine region, in Wurt-temberg and Bavaria, this pottery is characteristic of the Rossen culture, considered to be a "mixed culture" or an LBK culture "with oriental elements". 39 This is a transformed culture, which did not simply develop from the Stroked Pottery stage of the LBK. Solar-decorated pottery is known from dwelling pits of classical Rossen and from Rossen of Wauwil type (found in Wauwilermoos, Lucerne, Switzerland). In Bavaria, a classical example of a fortified hilltop site with subterranean huts, is Goldberg in Nordlingen Ries, systematically excavated by G. Bersu in the late 1920s. 40 These pit dwellings measured from 4.2 by 3.2 m to 5.2 by 4.9 m.

Solar decorated pottery from subterranean dwellings is known from the Middle Neckar basin around Stuttgart, Pfullingen, and Tubingen, north of Schwabische Alb, and more than twenty localities of the Aichbuhl-Schwieberdingen group north of Switzerland. In Rheinpfalz, on the Lower Main, nearly identical materials are known from Bischheim and Bischoffingen-Leiselheim on the Upper Rhine. 41 Further south, in Switzerland, Rossen wares have been recovered from peat bog sites and graves, including Wauwil, Saint-Leonard in Valais, Cravanche at Belfort, and Gonvillars in eastern France. 42 In the north, Rossen sites are found on alluvial sand dunes on the eastern bank of the River Elbe, with ample pastureland around. The inferior soil of this region was not cultivated by Neolithic agriculturalists.

East of Magdeburg, the hilltop site of Wahlitz was systematically excavated. 43 This settlement, of two hectares, was surrounded by a ditch within which were five larger houses and ten small houses. Club wheat was the main crop and cattle the dominant species of domesticated animals. The flint industry shows much relationship with the Stroked Pottery phase of the LBK, but the pottery is decorated with solar patterns characteristic of the classical Rossen culture. The radiocarbon date from Wahlitz indicates the last centuries of the 5th millennium BC (5300 ±200 BP, calibrated 4380-3950 BC.)

The most impressive hilltop sites belong to the Salzrminde phase, dated to a period before the middle of the 4th millennium BC. The name-giving site is a hilltop settlement on the River Saale near Halle. Others (such as Kahlenberg at Quenstedt, Goldberg at Motzlich, and Oberwerschen) are located on the highest places in their vicinity, naturally protected on two or three sides by water and by extremely steep, rocky hillsides. 44 Five small rectangular houses of wattle-and-daub, built of timber uprights, three to a wall, came to light on the hilltop of Salzmiinde. One of the houses, 3-5 m by 6-7 m, had a rectangular hearth in the center.

Alongside the fortified hills, a change of culture can be seen in the emergence of Kurgan type burials in the Elbe-Saale basin, dated to the first half of the 4th millennium BC. Single graves in stone-lined and stone-covered pits under round kurgans emerged in the Baalberge group in the Upper Elbe basin. These contrast with the local tradition of collective burial. 45 (FIGURE 10-10) About twenty earthen kurgans have been excavated in the Elbe-Saale region; each contains a central grave in a pit below the surface and a mortuary house, usually built of stone or stone slabs. The radiocarbon dates for Baalberge and the following Salzmunde burials are within the first half of the 4th millennium BC, between c. 3900 to 3400 BC.

Signs of violence — evidence of people murdered with spears or axes — appear in this period and continue in the subsequent millennia. In the above-mentioned Goldberg hill fort, four individuals were found with unhealed wounds in their skulls, made with spearpoints. In Talheim, east of River Neckar in south-western Germany, thirty-four skeletons of murdered people — men, women and children — were uncovered in a pit dug into the settlement area of the LBK (several potsherds of late LBK were found in the debris, but no other finds were associated with the skeletons). At least eighteen skulls had large holes in the back or top from thrusts of stone axes or flint points, which suggests that the people were killed from behind, perhaps as they fled. Skeletons were found in a pit 1.5 by 3.1 m across and 1.5 m deep in chaotic order and positions, with females, males, and children mixed together. 46 Since murdered people were buried in the cultural layer of the LBK culture with radiocarbon dates-indicating early 5th millennium BC, the massacre must have happened after this time, probably within the Rossen period.
The emergence of single-male burials under round kurgans in eastern Ireland and central England in the middle of the 4th millennium BC contrasts sharply with the local tradition of communal burials. This signals the arrival of the first people carrying Kurgan traditions across the Channel or North Sea from the continent, most probably coming from the Rhine basin (see chapter 6, the description of Linkardstown type burials in eastern Ireland and related round kurgans with single burials in Derbyshire, Dorset, and other locations in England). At the same time, signs of warfare and violence appear.

It is readily apparent that a portion of central Europe was Kurganized to varying degrees soon after the first Kurgan wave. While the civilization of Old Europe was agricultural, matricentric, and matrilineal, a transformation took place around 4000 BC to a mixed agricultural-pastoral economy and a classed patriarchal society which I interpret as a successful process of Indo-Europeanization. There was a considerable increase in husbandry over tillage. The change of social structure, religion, and economy was not a gradual indigenous development from Old Europe, but a collision and gradual hybridization of two societies and of two ideologies.

FIGURE 10-10 (1) Early round barrow — a typical kurgan in central Germany.
Profile and detail of the grave in pit.
(2,3) Vases found in the grave (skeleton did not survive);
(2) of Baalberge workmanship;
(3) prototypical of the Globular Amphora style.
Dolauer Heide, Halle, Saaie. Mid-4th mill. BC. Scale 1:3

1. humus
2. humus and sand mixture
3. gray clay
4. white clay
5. yellowish fill of the grave
6. gray clayey soil
7. light gray clay

Not all of central Europe was converted to the Kurgan way of life as an outcome of Wave No. 1, but it is clear that most of the Danube basin began to be ruled from hill forts. It took many successive generations for the Old European traditions to become gradually replaced. The indigenous populations either coexisted but remained separate from the Kurgan immigrants or were overrun and subjected to domination by a few Kurgan warriors.

A considerable number of Old European culture groups — the Cucuteni, TRB, and the western portion of the LBK — continued their existence throughout the first half of the 4th millennium BC or even longer. An increased Kurganization occurred during the second half of the 4th millennium BC, which is treated in the section below.

The review of the First Wave confirms the argument against Prof. M.Gimbutas Kurgan theory, pointing to quite the opposite, a fairly peaceful Kurganian expansion with insignificant demographic changes, but significant cultural influence. Probably the best model is the expansion of the Türkic people into China or Slavs into the Eastern Europe, a creeping phased process that starts on a small scale into vacant niches and achieves accommodation with the local population, then a development into symbiotic syncretic phase along the old lines of command, and culminating with either a rise of the local rulers, or the pre-existing local or nomadic rulers claiming suzerainty over independent communities. Though conflicts are unavoidable, the process is generally bloodless, but the combat capacity is greatly enhanced with acquisition of cavalry and methods of mobile warfare None of the premises constituting M.Gimbutas Kurgan theory appear to have solid grounds at the most critical time of switching from the Old Europe to Kurganization: mythological Sun cult is ethereal, pronounced militancy absent, patriarchy ethereal. The demographic ratio points to insignificant linguistic influence, mostly limited to new toponyms, horse husbandry terminology, and religious and societal terminology, i.e. the spheres that were affected the most.

The Second Wave, c. 350O BC, and the Transformation of Central Europe After the Middle of the 4th Millennium BC

The Kurgan tribal leaders of the north Pontic region turned to the Cucuteni area not later than the middle of the 4th millennium BC. There they encountered a flourishing civilization which had survived the first Kurgan infiltration. This time it succumbed and was transformed through a process of amalgamation with Kurgan elements. This change can in no way be attributed to a natural evolution of indigenous elements. What continued of the indigenous culture was a pale reflection of earlier times.

The lords of the area can be recognized in royal or other elite tombs contained in mortuary houses covered with stone cupolas under kurgans with stone rings. (FIGURES 10-11, 10-12) Around 3500 BC, the culture south and north of the Carpathian Mountains was transformed beyond recognition. The transition from a matristic to a patriarchal era, in some territories of central Europe, was completed by the end of the 4th millennium BC. New cultural groups emerged, formed of Old European and Kurgan elements. (FIGURE 10-13)

The Kurgan expansion can't be associated with Indo-European expansion, it is a Türkic expansion. Accordingly, there was no transition from the matristic to a patriarchal era; the first known appearances of the patriarchy in Europe is associated with the oldest Greek appearance in the mid-2nd mill. BC. The Kurgan societies were much closer to the Old Europe than the Indo-European tradition, affording much less space for conflicts between the maternal and paternal lines. Like the Old Europe, the Türkic society was profoundly egalitarian in respect to sexes. The religious differences must have been much more pronounced, the oldest records of Sumerian “dingir” = “sky”, “god” , the Türkic “tengri” = “sky”, “god”, and Chinese “chenli”, likely a distortion of “tengri”,  for Türkic “sky”, “god” indicate a non-anthropomorphic god with no sacral symbols attached to its image, and corresponding symbolic rituals, while the Old Europe demonstrates anthropomorphic female deity with personified sacral symbology. The religious tolerance and inclination to syncretism, documented for the earliest Türkic traditions, would tend to create pantheons that would fuse the new and old religions.

FIGURE 10-11 North Pontic kurgan (plan and section) consisting of a small inner kurgan covered with stones and an outer kurgan, also solidly covered with stones. A round platform in the middle was plastered with clay (That is the place for the funeral feast). The earliest graves (1-4) were lower in the ground. All other graves above the central tumulus were secondary interments (They could be made anywhere from the 3rd mill. BC to the 1st mill. AD, and belong a spectrum of later Kurgan people, who saw this kurgan as a cemetery).
Tsareva Mogila near Kherson, NWof the Black Sea. Second half of the 4th mill. BC. Diameter 34 m

A proper anthropological investigation would not only date each burial, primary and secondary, but also provide osteological and genetical studies. Kurgan was demolished  by V.I.Gorskevich, a local Russian official, in 1907-1908, with little extracted information.



FIGURE 10-12 Typical North Pontic kurgan in east-central Europe. Tarnava nearVracs, NW Bulgaria. It consists of several superimposed kurgans and secondary interments of several phases:
(1) cross-section;
(2) plan;
(3) central grave of the second barrow containing two shaft-graves surrounded by a massive stone wall (Grave No. 5 cremated male; No. 6 inhumed female);
(4) vases of Cotofeni craftsmanship from Grave No. 5.
Second half 4th mill. BC. Diameter 26 m.

FIGURE 10-13 Culture groups c. 3500-3000 BC. New formations in central Europe influenced by North Pontic culture
Light shade - Kurganized territories in Central Europe
Dark shade - Pit Grave in the Don-Volga basin and North Pontic Kurgan groups

—— - Limits of Kurgan territories north of the Black Sea and the Volga basin
——> - Kurgan Wave #2 influences from the North Pontic area
----- - Numbers mark the substratum culture groups;
1. Cucuteni;
2. TRB;
3. Michelsberg



«x /



This period of transformation coincides with changes in metal technology and the beginning of the Early Bronze Age in the circum-Pontic region. The new metallurgy is characterized by bronzes of copper and arsenic, copper and tin, and copper with arsenic-tin (As, Sn, As-Sn bronze) which replaced the pure copper metallurgy of the Old European Copper Age. 47 Tests made on arsenical bronze prove it to have been reasonably hard and durable, but a side effect must have been the slow and sure poisoning of the smith. The complex of tools and weapons that emerged north and west of the Black Sea — daggers, knives, halberds, chisels, flat axes, shafthole axes — does not show a continuity from Old European local types. Rather, the shapes of bronze artifacts have analogies in the north Caucasus, in Transcaucasia, and the Near East. (The continued connections of the Kurgans expanding south from N.Pontic through the Caucasus with the kins in their original lands should be expected, and technical feedback from the Caucasus, Transcaucasia, and the Near East confirms the genetical tracing)

The tomb structure of Kurgan Wave No. 2 points to its origin in the North Pontic area. The main monuments of the Kurgan culture north of the Black Sea are surveyed below.

The Source: The North Pontic Maikop Culture

The North Pontic culture is typified by hill forts and hundreds of Kurgan tumuli (grave mounds) with mortuary houses built of stones or wood. Royal burials share a characteristic monumental style in which the tumuli are surrounded by orthostats (upright stone or slab) and stelae, then by an outermost ring of stones; within and below the kurgan is a stone- or wood-lined pit (mortuary house), covered with stone slabs and topped by a stone cupola. Models of wagons and daggers of hard metal accompany the males of the elite. (This model found the widest distribution, and is clearly directly ancestral to the Kipchak kurgan burials described by S.A.Pletneva Kipchaks) Large apsidal houses, exclusively on hilltops, are an architectural innovation.

Hill forts with enormous fortifications and outstanding kurgans, including exceptionally well-built tombs of stone slabs, suggest a hierarchic society of consolidated tribal units ruled by leading families. The similarity of fortified settlements, burial rites, and ceramic, stone, and metal artifacts recovered northeast and northwest of the Black Sea suggests the unification of this region, not only by commercial contacts but also by political power. The North Pontic region had at this stage diverged from its Kurgan cousin of the Volga. The Kurgan elements that appear west of the Black Sea are clearly connected with the North Pontic, not with the Volga Steppe and have analogies in the Kuro-Araks valley of Transcaucasia. (Apparently, nothing can be said about the Kurgan developments east of Volga)

Known from the end of the 19th century, the royal tomb at Maikop in the River Kuban basin, northwestern Caucasus, is the richest and most familiar of this culture. Although it dates from the early 3rd millennium BC, the place name has become eponymic of the whole North Pontic culture which began c. 3500 BC.

The early phase of the Maikop culture in the Lower Dnieper area is best represented by the lowest layer of the Mikhailovka hill fort, surrounded by several walls of limestone boulders, which undoubtedly functioned as a strategic center. 48 The finds from Mikhailovka I show close affinities to those from Crimean and north Caucasian stone cists as well as to the Usatovo kurgans around Odessa. The chronology of this phase, the second half of the 4th millennium BC, is based on radiocarbon dates from Mikhailovka. (TABLE 25) There were two wattle-and-daub houses with apsidal ends at the Mikhailovka I hilltop. One measured 5 m by 16.5 m, and the other, which was partly subterranean, was 5.7 m by 12 m. In the center of each was a round, clay-daubed stone hearth. Arrowheads, points, and scrapers of flint, bone awls, and pottery were gathered in the work area of the north apse.

Rock engravings from Kamennaya Mogila at Melitopol, north of the Sea of Azov, depict human and horse silhouettes and yoked oxen pulling a cart. 49 (FIGURE 10-14, 2) Large-horned oxen pulling a plow appear also on the wall of a cist grave at Zuschen, central Germany, 50 and on the rocks at Valcamonica, northern Italy. 51 (FIGURE 10-14, 1, 3, 4) These engravings provide graphic evidence that plow agriculture was used to pull both cart and plow. After 3500 BC, pairs of oxen appear in male graves in the Baden and Globular Amphora cultures of central Europe together with a host of other Kurgan elements (see the next section). (It appears that typical attributes of the sedentary agricultural populations are ascribed to Kurgan people, who do not engage in agriculture because their economy is horse husbandry. A symbiotic co-existence can produce sedentary attributes complemented by animal husbandry attributes like kurgan burials. The oxen and plow mast be attributed to the Old Europe, unless there is an alternate agricultural candidate not mentioned by Prof. Marija Gimbutas)

FIGURE 10-14 Rock engravings of yoked oxen pulling a vehicle and a plow c. 3500-3000 BC from the North Pontic area and central Germany.
(l) Zuschen, c. Germany.
(3,4) Valcamonica, N Italy. Scale: various sizes.
(2) Kamennaya Mogila, north of the Sea of Azov


Mikhailovka I ceramics are typified by globular amphorae with rounded or flat bases and cylindrical necks wound with cord impressions; semiglobular tureens also occur. Pottery was brushed, stabbed, pitted, and beaded about the mouth, neck, and shoulder, and four-legged braziers were ornamented with the solar motif. (FIGURE 10-15) Ordinary pots were plain and rough, while fine ware was usually brown or blackish, polished and burnished, tempered with crushed shell or limestone and sand. This characteristic pottery is found in Pontic area kurgans concentrated south of the River Kuban in the western Caucasus where some 1,500 houselike structures of stone slabs have been counted. 52 These fairly uniform burial sites occur in the Crimea 53 and in the Lower Don, Lower Dnieper, Ingul, and Ingulets valleys. 54 Stone cists were surrounded by orthostats and an outer ring of stones. Cist walls were engraved with figures of men and male animals or painted in red ochre with zigzag, cross, and solar designs. 55

Royal burials and hoards of the late Maikop culture in the River Kuban basin, northwestern Caucasus, express the fabulous riches of tribal leaders and their contacts with Mesopotamia in the early 3rd millennium BC. The most lavishly equipped are those of Maikop and Tsarskaya (now Novosvobodnaya) excavated by N.I. Veselovskii at the end of the 19th century (both are known from the publications by Rostovtzeff 1920; Tallgren 1934; Hancar 1937; Childe 1936; Lessen 1950; and myself 1956). 56 These outstanding kurgans and their treasures throw much light on the social structure, kingship, religion, and art of this period. The Maikop tomb, as well as the series of others in the northern Caucasus 57 and in the south Caspian area 58 speak of the campaigns and raids south of the Caucasus Mountains and the Caspian Sea. (Where Prof. Marija Gimbutas speculates about campaigns and raids, alleles indicate a migration route. 1500 years later the nomadic horse mounted tribe of Guti capture Babylon for a century, ca. 2100-2000 BC. In the nomadic name Guti is easy recognize the name of nomadic Guzes, or generic “Tribe” in Türkic. The Sumerian/Babylonian/Akkadian records also mention other horse nomadic tribes, who may be connected with the southwestern circum-Mediterranean Kurgan expansion route)

FIGURE 10-15 Braziers with interior decorated with solar design.
(1) Leontiivka.
(2) Mikilske, Lower Dnieper, north of the Black Sea.
Mikhailovka I phase of the North Pontic culture, c. 3500-3000 BC. H 6cm.

FIGURE 10-16 Symbolic scene on silver vase I from Maikop northwest of the Caucasus Mts.
Early 3rd mill. BC. Scale 1:3


An Amalgam of Kurgan and Cucuteni Traditions: The Usatovo Complex Northwest of the Black Sea

Typically, kurgans line the highest ridges along the rivers of the area. Outstanding sites are Usatovo near Odessa 59 and Tudorovo in Moldavia. 60 Characteristically, a kurgan of the Usatovo culture had a cist with uniform orthostats, an entrance corridor, a cupola-shaped cairn above the central grave, semicircles of stelae with engravings and reliefs, and inner and outer rings of stone. The richest graves were those of the leading member of the tribe and his suttee while graves of other adults and children were contrastingly poor. Near the settlement and kurgan at Usatovo there is a contemporaneous cemetery of the indigenous Cucuteni culture consisting of simple, unmarked (flat) pit graves, arranged in rows.

Contrasting burial rites of the Cucuteni and Kurgan populations are paralleled by differences in their respective habitation sites. Cucuteni dwellings were on wide river terraces, while the Kurgans located their semisubterranean dwellings on spurs, dunes, and steep hills along rivers. The houses at Gorodsk, on the bank of the River Teterev in the western Ukraine, are small, about 5 m in length with a round hearth in the center; 61 close analogies are found in the Lower Dnieper basin.

A list of radiocarbon dates obtained by analysis of charcoal and animal bones from the Usatovo and Mayaki sites of the Usatovo complex is in table 26. The calibration of dates suggests the period between the 34th and 29th centuries BC.

A Kurgan-Influenced Culture in East-Central Europe: The Baden-Vucedol and Ezero Groups

The second Kurgan infiltration headed south from the North Pontic region toward the Lower Danube area and beyond. At the fortified hill at Cernavoda, in Dobruja, radiocarbon dates from the second phase of the hill give the age as c. 3400-3200 BC. 62 By that time, a chain of acropolises (citadels) along the Danube, in the Marica (Bulgaria) plain, and in the area north of the Aegean, reflected the spread of a ruling power. The finest recently excavated tells, converted to hill forts, are at Ezero in central Bulgaria, 63 and Sitagroi on the Drama Plain of Greek Macedonia. 64 Radiocarbon dates are given in tables 27 and 28.

In the Lower Danube, Marica, and Macedonian plains, many Karanovo tells indicate that the indigenous occupation of these sites was disrupted, and many were surmounted by fortifications (such are the Ezero, Sitagroi IV, Karanovo VII, Nova Zagora, Veselinovo, and Bikovo). In other areas, steep river banks and almost inaccessible promontories were selected as seats of the ruling class.

A cultural change of the same nature as in the Danubian basin is evident as far west as the Alpine valleys of Italy and Switzerland and the Po River basin (the Remedello group), where hill forts (such as Columare, north of Verona) 65 are known on steep hills. This change in social structure was accompanied by a change in religion. The beginning of a new era in religious concepts is manifested in the Alpine valleys by a series of stelae engraved with a set of symbols alien to the indigenous Cortaillod and Lagozza cultures. We shall return to these at the end of this chapter.

An Amalgamation of the Old European and the Kurgan Cultural Systems

During the second half of the 4th millennium BC, the new regime seems to have successfully eliminated or changed whatever remained of the old social system. Hill forts were the foci of power and cultural life, while the surrounding area supported either pastoral or agricultural populations, depending on the environment and the numbers of indigenous people who remained. Villages were small, the houses usually semisubterranean. But in the economy, an amalgamation of the Old European and the Kurgan cultural systems is clearly evident. In some areas, such as in central Bulgaria, cultivation of emmer, barley, vetch, and pea continued intact, probably carried on by the remaining indigenous population. In other territories, seasonal camps of a pastoral economy prevailed.

The new metallurgy, with links to the circum-Pontic region, was now practiced all over east-central Europe, concentrating on the production of the dagger, the shaft-hole axe, and the flat axe of arsenic bronze; metal workshops (including clay bivalve molds) are found on hill forts. 66 The ceramic artifacts, however, continue to manifest certain Old European traditions: anthropomorphic, zoomorphic, and ornithomorphic vases of beautiful workmanship were apparently produced by surviving Old European craftsmen. Such exceptional creations are typically found in the hill forts and rich tombs under large kutgans (cf. vases from Tarnava, fig. 10-11), although they are no longer found in the ordinary villages or graves. This situation seems analogous to that of Mycenaean Greece where surviving Minoan craftsmen continued to produce masterpieces of ceramic, gold, and stone for their new lords. The Old European symbolism largely vanished from popular artifacts, giving way to the ubiquitous solar design.

Toward the end of the 4th millennium BC, only isolated islands of the Old European tradition persisted. Such was the Cotofeni complex in the Danube valley in Oltenia, western Muntenia, southern Banat, and Transylvania. 67 (TABLE 29) The Cotofeni  were sedentary agriculturalists, living in solidly built houses, using copper tools, and still producing burnished red and white painted ceramics. Large numbers of bird-shaped vases attest the continuing worship of the Bird Goddess.

The Baden-Vucedol Culture in the Middle Danube Basin

Hundreds of sites in the best explored area, the Middle Danube basin, particularly in Hungary and western Slovakia, afford a good opportunity to follow the cultural development at this critical period of European prehistory. Although treated as a separate culture, the Baden (also called Pecel or Radial-decorated Pottery) culture is actually a western branch of the overall culture complex between western Anatolia and Poland.

The Baden complex, composed of indigenous and alien elements, covered the Middle Danube basin, with northern limits in Bohemia and southern Poland. In the south, it is known in the Morava-Vardar valleys of Yugoslavia, Bosnia, and even Albania. 68 The available  radiocarbon dates range between the 34th and 29th centuries BC (TABLE 30).

The eponymous site of Baden-Konigs-hohle, near Vienna, was excavated more than sixty years ago. 69 According to presently available radiocarbon dates, Baden lasted some 500 years. This period is subdivided into three phases: early (Boleraz), middle (classical Baden), and late (Bosaca). Almost a thousand Baden sites (counting surface finds) are recorded. 70

Hilltop Sites with Apsidal Houses

The hill sites at Vucedol and Sarvas in northwestern Yugoslavia 71 (FIGURE 10-17), Nitrianski Hradok near Nitra and Levoca in western Slovakia, 71 a number near Vienna and Melk in Austria, and those in southern Poland, must have served as seats of chieftains. They each bear a strong resemblance to the difficult-to-access and heavily fortified hills at Mikhailovka in the Lower Dnieper, and Liventsovka at Rostov on the River Don in the Ukraine.

Atop the Vucedol hill stood two apsidal houses of the classical Baden phase. One is considered to be the chiefs house and the other a storage place and kitchen. These houses were built of vertical posts and clay daub, the floors were clay plastered and dividing walls separated the rooms, each with its rectangular hearth. Apsidal houses are known also in Bulgaria (Karanovo VII and Nova Zagora), in Macedonia, northeastern Greece (Sitagroi V: figure 10-18), central and southern Greece (Lerna IV, Thebes, Asine), and in Turkey (Troy Ib and Karatas in Lycia). Baden-Ezero apsidal houses were exclusive to the leading hill forts. Moreover, apsidal houses in Palestine during the 34th-33rd centuries BC (at Megiddo, Meser, Jericho VII-VI, Beth Shan XVI, Rosh Hannigra II, Khirbet Kerah I, Tell Yarmuth B, II, and Byblos III) emerged together with other foreign culture elements (gray pottery, tournettes (turntable), and copper tools), 73 and are probably connected with Wave No. 2, which did not stop at the Dardanelles but proceeded to the eastern Mediterranean area as well. (Prof. Marija Gimbutas cites confirming evidence on circum-Mediterranean movement of Kurgan people found by genetic analysis)


The typical Baden village was set on a river terrace or promontory. The houses were small (the largest were 3.5 by 4.5 m), rectangular, and semisubterranean with pitched roofs supported by timber posts. Their clay-plastered hearths were either round or rectangular. Above-ground dwellings occur most often in western Slovakia and Hungary. Baden settlements were both permanent and seasonal. Stable settlements were more or less confined to the uplands and the northwestern portion of this culture, whereas small short-lived settlements are found in the lowlands of eastern Hungary and Yugoslavia. The pattern of permanent settlement is clearly linked to the tradition of the Old European populations.


The economy was not uniform through the entire Baden territory; farming predominated in the northwest, 74 while a pastoral economy predominated in other areas, particularly in eastern Hungary and northern Yugoslavia. Botanists have identified wheat (with emmer wheat as the most important cereal), barley, millet, oats, pulses, and perhaps rye among plant remains 75 while hazelnuts, shells, cherry stones, and carbonized dried apples give evidence of gathering activities. Cattle led the inventory of domesticated animal bones, followed by sheep, goats, pigs, and horses. Cattle pens have been identified in areas 500-600 meters square, enclosed by ditches with crude fencing of branches and various-sized posts. 76 Sheep and roe deer bones are found in greater proportion in the debris of larger and wealthier homes. 77 Food production was heavily supplemented by fishing and hunting, shown by fish hooks and deposits of fish bones, and by bones of bear, boar, aurochs (bison), roe deer, wolf, fox, and hare. (Pigs are not compatible with the mobility of the horse husbandry, an indication of a symbiotic pastoral and sedentary population, not properly discriminated)

Local metallurgy is known from classical Baden. At Sarvas (northern Yugoslavia) there is evidence of open sandstone molds for a tanged dagger and a flat axe. 78 Deposits of triangular dagger blades with rivet holes occur in male graves.

FIGURE 10-17 Seat of a ruling family on an inaccessible hill.
Reconstruction of two houses (one with anapsidal end) of the Vucedol hill fort, Baden horizon, end of 4th mill. BC
FIGURE 10-18 The burnt house with an apsidal end which contained the kitchen and storage area. Length c. 17 m.
Sitagroi V, NE Greece, c. 29th cent. BC
FIGURE 10-19 Oxen team (right) buried with male and female in one grave. Budakalasz at Budapest.
Baden culture, c. 3000 BC. L of grave pit 3.4 m
FIGURE 10-20 Clay model of a four-wheeled vehicle from Budakalasz north of Budapest.
Baden culture,
(a) Side view,
(b) Bottom,
(c) Rear view.
c. 3000 BC. Scale c. 1:1

(The illustrations depict influences of the Kurgan cattlemen on the sedentary populations of the Old Europe, but definitely do not belong to the cattlemen who live with their herds, ride on their herds, and keep their herds wild and under supervision at all times. The example burial depicts a Kurgan-type burial that may or may not be connected with the Kurgan people)

Burials with Sacrificed Animals and Vehicles

Baden cemeteries show the typical Kurgan social inequality and the practice of human and animal sacrifice, the latter by the presence of cattle, dog, and horse bones included in ritual burials. At Alsonemedi and Budakalasz near Budapest, several ox teams had been sacrificed at the graves. (FIGURE 10-19) Grave goods of the wealthy include braziers and models of vehicles. At Budakalasz, a cenotaph included the clay model of a four-wheeled vehicle (FIGURE 10-20) not unlike the one in an inhumation burial at Szigetszentmarton, south of Budapest. 79 The burial of a cart with the dead of high social status was customary in late prehistoric and early historic times, and a copper crown on a male skull also suggests his high social status. (FIGURE 10-21) In multiple burials, the male skeleton is found in the center while women and children are at the edge. (FIGURE 10-22)

Physical type of Population

The physical type of Baden was predominantly Mediterranean, as was to be expected from the Vinca substratum. A steppe type was also identified, however, and a certain facial flatness in some individuals seems to reflect eastern relations. At Budakalasz, the steppe type predominated, while at Alsonemedi the Mediterranean was mixed with a European brachycranial type. 80

A Mongoloid/Lapanoid admixture of the Kurgan “steppe type” people is noted at c. 3000 BC, i.e. 1500 years after the first Kurgan wave (ca. 60 generations), and 500 years after the second Kurgan wave (ca. 20 generations). The preservation of a phenotype under conditions of domination with significant demographic disadvantage is next to impossible; for example in the Kipchak Khanate the ruling Mongols in 200 years, or 8 generations, were practically identical with the indigenous Bulgar and Kipchak populations; the eastern “steppe type” distinctions can only be detected with instrumented craniology and Y-chromosome heliotyping.

The Kurgan ancestral phenotypes, like the one depicted on Figure 10-7 (many more reconstructions are on the Web) shows a “European” Caucasoid with prominent cheekbones and possibly with Mongoloid-type flattened face, decorated with a prominent nose. The phenotype descriptions are too vague to visualize Prof. Marija Gimbutas' perception of the Kurgan “Indo-European” speakers, but on the overall the reconstructions depict prominent cheekbones and Uraloid sloping forehead, camouflaged with “European”-looking soft tissue.

Two reconstruction examples of males from later kurgans, 500 BC and 200 AD, do not impress with their “robustness” (G.V.Lebedinskaya):

However, looking at the numerous heads extracted from kurgans in a single district, the impression is that they came from the whole Eurasia and beyond, including tropical Africa but excluding Southeast Asia. How they all were born into the Indo-European, or even more specifically into some kind of Iranian, is beyond any imagination.

FIGURE 10-21 Skull of a male with a copper crown.
Vors, Hungary, Baden, c. 3000 BC
(Cheekbones are more prominent then nasal bones)
FIGURE 10-22 Multiple sacrificial burial of the Baden culture. Seventeen human skeletons (four adult and thirteen child) found in a pit. The oldest male (approximately 25 years old) lies in the center of the pit while the women and children are at the edge. Perforated horse teeth were deposited only with male skeletons.
Bronocice, district of Kielce, s Poland. Radiocarbon calibrated date: 3100-2960/2870 BC

Lingering Old European Traditions in Ceramics and Symbolism

The Old European symbols recur in the Baden culture on bird vases, on winged anthropomorphic urns, and on other fine-quality ceramics decorated with a breast motif and panels of chevron, ladder, and net patterns. The finishing of ceramics by burnishing and channeling are the last flutter of the Old European way in conflict with the new Indo-European, ideology reflected in the rows of pits, zigzags, and solar patterns on beakers, braziers, tureens, and wagon models. (FIGURE 10-23)

The Baden complex represents the process of amalgamation of two culture systems with contrasting economies, ideologies, racial types, and modes of living. (What racial types? Mediterranean and European brachycranial eastern “steppe type”? Or Mediterranean and proto-Europids=proto-Caucasians, i.e. the “robust” Cro-Magnon type?)

The Late Baden ("Kostolac") Expansion into Bosnia

The Late Baden or "Kostolac" culture continued in northern Yugoslavia and made a strong thrust south into the Tuzla and Bila valleys of Bosnia. The richest and best explored site of the Kostolac type in Bosnia is a hilltop settlement at Pivnica near Odzak situated in a strategic place overlooking the Bosna River valley. There was a large apsidal house, 15 m long, on the eastern part of the hill and traces of other houses on the other part. 81

The Vucedol Culture

In the early 3rd millennium BC, the Vucedol culture followed the Baden in the northwestern Balkans and the east Alpine area. This culture is named after the Vucedol hill fort at Vukovar on the Danube, northwestern Yugoslavia, excavated by R. R. Schmidt. 82 In Hungary it is called the "Zok culture" with several subgroups: "Zok" proper in southwestern Hungary, "Mako" in the Koros and Maros basins of southeastern Hungary, and "Nyirseg" in northeastern Hungary. 83 In the eastern Alpine area, it is better known as "Laibach-Ljubljana culture," after the peat-bog site excavated at Ljubljana in 1878-79 by K. Deschmann. 84

About 500 Vucedol sites have been reported, all clustered in essentially the same territory as the Baden sites. A number of hill forts contain both Baden and Vucedol deposits, and in the hill fort of Vucedol, two successive Vucedol strata overlie the late Baden (Kostolac) phase. A similar sequence was indicated in the stratified settlements of Sarvas, Gomolava, and Belegis in Syrmia and Slovenia, Brno-Lisen in Moravia, Zok-Varhegy at Pecs in southwestern Hungary, and elsewhere. Vucedol materials are found diffused as far as the Adriatic islands in the south and Bohemia and central Germany in the northwest.

An Intensive Defense System of Hill Forts

An intensive defense system is seen in the chain of impressive fortresses and fortified hilltop villages. Particular concentrations of settlements occur around Vukovar and Osijek in northwestern Yugoslavia; near Pecs in southwestern Hungary; around Ljubljana in Slovenia, south of Vienna, and in western Slovakia. These hill forts functioned as administrative centers, as in the Baden period, and were located on very steep river banks, usually at the confluence with a smaller river, and were heavily defended by ramparts, palisades, and ditches on the inland side. Other settlements are also found on river banks and elevations, or on lake shores, where people lived in pile dwellings (Stilt houses ) (Ljubljana and Ig, at Ljubljana).


Most of the metallurgical activities took place in these locations. The Vucedol hill fort yielded several smelting ovens, copper slags, and clay and sandstone molds. The metal-tool kit consisted of awls, tanged or riveted daggers, spiral tubes used for necklaces, weapons, and ornaments, in addition to shaft-hole axes, celts, and chisels. The ruling families had their own smiths who produced the best tools and weapons of the time. Metal, however, was still rare and most of the inventory was of bone and wood.


The Vucedol ceramics are mostly memorable for the well-polished vases in dark brown or gray, excised and encrusted with white chalk [of crushed shell), which were stamped and impressed with geometric designs, typically in zones and metopes (spaces). Their shapes include a variety of forms — footed dishes which served as braziers, large bowls, handled pots and amphorae, flat and elongated dishes with a jim, miniature pots, and jars with broom-brushed surfaces. Much of the ceramic art reflects, as in Baden, the lingering of Old European traditions. This is strikingly evident in the presence of ornithomorphic vases. The Bird Goddess of the Vinca tradition and her symbols continued to be represented, but most of the symbolic signs and decorative motifs, especially those on the interior of dishes and braziers, are not in the Old European tradition. The dominant designs, instead, are sun and star motifs alien to Old Europe. Clearly, both traditions contributed to Vucedol art and symbolism.


A variety of grave types is reported — cremation, urn graves, inhumation, pits under round earthen kurgans, stone cists, and oven-shaped tombs favored for members of leading families. A rich double grave was found in the Vucedol hill fort, presumed to belong to a ruler and his wife. Both skeletons were in a contracted position. The man's left arm lay over the thigh bone of the woman and his right arm held a leather bottle near his mouth. At his side lay two spears with socketed bronze heads, and at his feet were a hammer-axe of antler, a perforated dog's incisor tooth, and a perforated Mediterranean shell. A whole lamb had been dedicated to the royal couple, and there were many bones about of cattle, stag, and pig. Other gifts had been deposited in large storage vessels, amphorae, bowls, and dishes, some of which still contained organic substances. The woman's head was covered with an exceedingly beautiful, white crusted terrine. In an adjacent oven-shaped grave, five skeletons of children had been placed in a circle; three were newborn babies, one was half a year old, and one was four years of age. The bone analysis of the latter showed that the buried chieftain was the father.

FIGURE 10-23 (l) Solar motifs on Baden pots.
(2) Pots and a copper breast plate found in a stone cist grave at Velvary, Bohemia. Vases (left) have tubular handles used for suspension of the vessel (note: strings are shown in relief).
Breast plates of Velvary type reappear engraved on stone stelae (see Figs. 10-43, 10-44).
Second half 4th mill. BC. H of large vase 13 cm.

The Ezero Culture in Bulgaria, the Northern Aegean, and Western Anatolia

Ezero is a tell in central Bulgaria located three kilometers southeast of Nova Zagora. 85 The excavations of a Bulgarian-Soviet team in this location during 1961-71 revealed an unusually complete picture of the Early Bronze Age life and chronology of the Ezero culture. Although there are a number of important settlements in central Bulgaria (Michalic, Veselinovo, Bikovo, Karanovo) as well as in the north Aegean and western Anatolia that have yielded material related to Ezero [Sitagroi IV and V, Troy I-II, Yortan, Alishar), none can compare with its scope and completeness of information. For this reason, the name Ezero is applied as a label for the entire culture in Bulgaria, northern Aegean, and western Anatolia. This is not a separate culture, however, but is part of one widely spread Baden-Ezero culture united by a standard repertoire of finds, and similar administrative system and settlement pattern.

Originally, the tell of Ezero, as also Karanovo, Veselinovo, Sitagroi, and others, was occupied by the Karanovo people. The continuity of this remarkable civilization, as we have seen in chapters 2 and 3, is well attested for almost two thousand years, c. 6000-4200 BC. Then, as a result of Kurgan Wave No. 1, the continuity of the Karanovo life was truncated. After a hiatus, a hybrid culture emerged which was an amalgamation of Old European traditions overlayed with new Kurgan influences. The tell was converted into an acropolis (citadel).

The Early Bronze Age layer of Ezero above the Karanovo tell had a thickness of 3.80 m. In the central section, thirteen building horizons were excavated, all of which are of one cultural tradition beginning in the middle of the 4th and ending in the middle of the 3rd millennium BC. Each horizon yielded rectangular houses built of timber uprights interspersed with latticed branches and covered with a thin layer of clay daub. Some structures of lighter construction built of timber posts hardly survived although their ground plans are traced from postholes. From nearly fifty houses uncovered, twenty had apsidal ends which appeared in the earliest horizon (Horizon XIII) and continued through the duration of this culture. Larger houses consisted of two rooms, living quarters and a working area, having ovens, hearths, platforms, and silo pits for drying and storing grain. The buildings stood in groups, about twenty houses in each horizon, around an open center. This central area had direct access to a corridor-like gate, 1 to 2.5 m wide and 8 m long, which was connected with the settlement's fortification.

The hill was surrounded by two stone walls. The inner wall was 80 m in diameter, 1.5 to 1 m thick, built of large undressed stones, 60 to 80 cm in size, while the outer was double in size. Such Cyclopean walls of larger boulders were strengthened with smaller stones at the bottom and glued with clay. This acropolis, which could have held up to two hundred people, must have served as a fortress for the small, unprotected villages around it.

Who lived on this hill ? The chieftain with his council of war leaders, the craftsmen and their families? Unfortunately we do not know, although the pattern appears to be proto-typical of the later Bronze Age Mycenaean acropolises. (Given the spread of the Baden-Ezero culture, and accepting its genetical connection with the Mycenaean culture, the Old Europe Mycenaean culture occupied half of the central Europe)

FIGURE 10-13 shows extent of Baden-Ezero culture

Tools and Weapons

The acropolis was the center of many activities including the manufacture of tools and weapons of stone, bone, antler, copper, and bronze, typical throughout the Baden-Ezero culture. Flint was obtained from the Rhodope Mountains while other stones were gathered from south and north of Ezero. Stone artifacts include pestles, hammers, polishers, grinding stones, querns (grinders), axes, and chisels, also globular and cylindrical mace-heads and ritual battle-axes. Bone and antler tools were found by the hundreds, mostly awls, chisels, polishers, digging sticks, hoes (some of which were possibly used as plowshares), axes, and hammer-axes. (FIGURE 10-24) Metal artifacts were not abundant since the total number from all horizons was 37 (awls, knives or knife-daggers, chisels, needles, a.o.). (FIGURE 10-25) In addition, three stone molds for casting axes were discovered which belong to the later phases of the Ezero sequence. In the earliest horizons, awls were made of pure copper or arsenical copper, while in later horizons the percentage of arsenic was much higher suggesting progress in metal work.


Jugs, jars, bowls, and cups with high handles were of surprisingly similar forms all over the Baden-Ezero area. Only a close interaction between the various districts, the mobility of the people, and the same social structure could result in such a uniformity of products. From the onset of this culture, there was an overall decline in the quality of pottery which, in shape, make, and decoration, cannot be compared with the exquisite Karanovo VI pottery. Although the Baden-Ezero ceramics absorbed certain elements of the local cultures, this in no way represents a continuity of the Vinca or Karanovo. If the channeling technique for decoration was used on early Baden, Ezero, and Sitagroi IV bowls, or if chevrons or zigzag designs occasionally appeared on vases, this only shows that there were local elements in the population, probably female, that continued to apply long-used motifs from memory.

The main set of prestige pottery types is a group of vessels concerned with communal eating and drinking — jug, cup, dipper, bowl — which is a distinctive feature of elite burials. In later phases of the Bronze Age such drinking vessels were either made of metal or were imitated in clay. No doubt a variety of intoxicating drinks were used. Thus, the complex of drinking vessels used primarily by males, by the male entourage of the ruler or by his warriors, replaced the symbolically decorated libation vessels or water containers used by women in temples.

FIGURE 10-24 Antler plowshare, hoes, and hammers.
Ezero, c. Bulgaria, c. 3000 BC. Scale 1:1
FIGURE 10-25 Flat axes, daggers, needles, and a chisel of arsenic bronze
from Ezero, c. Bulgaria, c. 3000 BC. Scale 1:1
FIGURE 10-26
(1)An ox team (left) buried next to the stone cist with human skeletons (right).
Zdrojowka, district of Kolo, Poland.
(2) Bone plate with an engraved star design originally attached to the forehead of an ox.
Brzesc Kujawski, district of Wloclawek, Poland. Diameter 8 cm.
FIGURE 10-27 Globular amphorae decorated with cord impressions from Poland and the Lower Dnieper basin.
(1) Kalsk, district of Swiebodzin, Poland.
(2) Mikhailovka I hill fort. Lower Dnieper.
(3) Strzelce, Mogilno, W Poland.
(4) Rebkow-Parcele, Garwolin, Poland.
Second half 4th mill. BC. Scale c. 1:4.
placeholder 1. Human bones
2. Sacrificed animal bones
3. Vases
4 Axe of banded flint


The Globular Amphora Culture in the Northern European Plain Between Central Germany and East Romania

The Globular Amphora culture emerged on the northern Euro-0 — - pean plain and north of the Carpathians — the present territories of central Germany, Poland, Volynia, Podolia, and Moldavia — in the middle of the 4th millennium BC.86 (Table 31] It is known from hundreds of graves and from a few seasonal camps on sand dunes, small villages, and hilltop sites. The Globular Amphora culture was preceded by the Funnel-necked Beaker culture (TRB) and by the Cucuteni in the western Ukraine and Romania. In spite of a different substratum, the Globular Amphora culture was remarkably uniform.
There is similarity between the burial rites of the Globular Amphora people and those of the Kurgans of the Maikop culture in the North Pontic region. Both used mortuary houses built of stone slabs and practiced the ritual burial of horses, cattle, and dogs, as well as human sacrifice in connection with funeral rites honoring high-ranking males. (FIGURES 10-26, 10-29]
The typical vessel for which the culture is named is an amphora with a flat or rounded base (FIGURE 10-27), with or without two or four small handles above the shoulder for suspension. Other vases that accompanied the dead include a globular pot [a tureen or wide-mouthed beaker) and occasionally a cup. (FIGURES 10-28A, B) The clay was tempered with crushed shells and some sand or vegetable matter. In shape and construction, this pottery, particularly that from Volynia and Poland, is much the same as that from Mikhailovka I sites. The cord-impressed, incised, or stabbed decoration is restricted to the neck and shoulder.

FIGURE 10-28A Stone cist grave inventories of the Globular Amphora culture.
(1) A man lying on the left side in a contracted position was equipped with
(2) an axe made of banded flint and
(3-6) four pots.
Przybyslaw, district of Inowroclaw, w Poland. H of vase (left) 28 cm
FIGURE 10-28B (1) Banded flint axe;
(2) flint knife;
(3) double pointed bone spear;
(4) corded pot from a Globular Amphora grave at Malice, district of Sandornierz, S. Poland.
Second half of the 4th mill. BC
FIGURE 10-29 Plan Of a Globular Amphora mortuary house. Stone slab cist with a porch covered by three large slabs. In the center at the western wall, skeleton of a male 40 to 50 years old, flanked by two females and two children on each side (children from c. 1 year to c. 8 years old). Two other skeletons are at his feet: a boy, c. 15 and a girl, c. 17, The porch area contained the skeleton of a man c. 30 years old (a leg showed signs of injury). Skeletons covered with ochre lay on the stone-slab floor daubed with a 4 cm thick layer of yellow clay. Among the funeral gifts were four axes, a chisel, daggers, arrowheads, a bone point, eight vases, three jaws of a boar, and pig bones. Voytsekhivka, district of Zhitomir, Volynia. Second half of the 4th mill. BC FIGURE 10-30 Engraved amber disc found in a stone cist as a gift to an important male at Ivanne near Rovno, NW Ukraine c. 600 km from the amber source area at the Baltic Sea.
End 4th mill. BC


Male Graves with Sacrificed Humans and Animals

A classed social structure and the dominant position of men is demonstrated by richly equipped graves that contained astounding numbers of sacrificed human beings and animals. The chief adult male occupied the central position in the stone cist and was accompanied into the afterlife by family members, servants, oxen, horses, and dogs as well as boars and other game animals. These extraordinary burials contained from three to ten human skeletons buried at the same time. The sex, age, and the position of the skeletons suggest that one or more young children, an adult female, and one or two attendants were put to death to accompany their father, husband, or master to the other world. The important male skeleton is usually found at the end of the cist grave, while two or more other individuals, perhaps immediate family members, are beside him in the same room or are grouped at the opposite end. The other escorts are within the porch or in a smaller room of the mortuary house. 87

At Klementowice, eastern Poland, the male skeleton in the center of the north end of the stone cist was equipped with as many as thirty-five artifacts including thirteen vases, four flint axes, three daggers of boar tusk, and the jawbone of a boar. A young woman, seated upright in the southern end of the cist, was equipped with only a small amphora, while the bones of an old man and of a headless individual were in the southeastern corner of the cist. 88 Generally, rich male graves contain only one female skeleton and one or two of children. One exceptional instance is the cist grave at Voytsekhivka in Volynia, containing a male skeleton flanked by two women and four children, with a young man and a woman at his feet. 89 (FIGURE 10-29)

In a number of cases, skeletal remains of adult males and children are found in separate stone cists together with sacrificed animals. The sacrificed human beings are headless or without legs, or are represented by heads alone. Often a double-pointed bone spear is found among the bones, suggesting the means of their death. At many Polish sites, a draft team of two oxen is buried near a cist with a human skeleton, as in the Baden complex (see fig. 10-26). They were laid sidewise, legs contracted, foreheads almost touching as if buried yoked, with bone disks in a star design around their necks. Near one such pair at Pikutkowo, central Poland, were two clay drums in a large dish. Other animal graves contained only cows or horses, or a combination including cows, pigs or boars, a stag, a fox, and a chamois. Pits filled with black-stained earth, perhaps remains of blood, have been noted at the animal burials.

The religious and social traditions of the Globular Amphora culture demonstrate that the grave structure was unrelated to that of the TRB culture. TRB graves contain extended burials arranged in long-barrows or megalithic passage graves which occasionally underlie Globular Amphora graves.

Sun Symbolism and the Quest for Amber

The extension of Globular Amphora sites into the area of the Nemunas and Narva cultures is explained by their quest for amber to which they attached great ideological importance. Its golden hue was symbolically significant to these sun-worshiping people, and amber discs, plain or with carved solar designs (star or cross patterns), are found in important male graves. 90 The largest amber sun disc, 10 cm in diameter (FIGURE 10-30) was discovered in a rich cist grave at Ivanne, near Rovno, northern Ukraine, some 600 km from the amber source area in East Prussia or Lithuania. 91 On it, an engraved scene shows schematic human figures holding a large bow with upraised arms. A schematic animal, possibly a horse, is separated by two dashes from the group of human figures. This engraving is closely related in style to those on Crimean stone-cist walls and North Pontic stelae.

Economy, Tools, and Weapons

The Globular Amphora people were seminomadic herders living in small groups who practiced a limited seasonal movement documented by seasonal settlements of two or three rectangular semisubterranean huts, or a singular above-ground timber house. (FIGURE 10-31) Hill forts and permanent settlements constituted the cultural focus for a tribe or clan. Agricultural tools, generally quern (grinder) stones, stone hoes, and wooden plowshares, indicate farming. The evidence of domesticated plants comes from impressions of barley, wheat, and pulses found in clay daub. Finds of carbonized acorns indicate their use either for human consumption or as fodder for swine. Agriculture, however, seems to have been only supplementary to an essentially stock breeding economy in which cattle were of paramount importance. They also bred pigs, horses, dogs, sheep, and goats and hunted, fished, and gathered wild plants.

Frequently present in their grave goods are two major wood-working tools: a trapezoidal flint axe, quadrangular in cross-section, and a flint chisel. These stone tools are replicates of a pair of metal tools, which in the west were very scarce. Flint, therefore, was universally cherished and the industry was intensive. At the impressive flint mine at Krzemionki in the Upper Vistula area at Opatow, some thousand shafts bear witness to the quantities of banded flint that were removed. 91 For the Globular Amphora people, this was the primary choice for the axes and chisels. Other tools and weapons — arrowheads, points, knives, and scrapers — were made of gray or chocolate flint from other sources. Bone was used for awls and needles as well as for ornaments.

Composite bows, known from engravings on stone stelae (see fig. 10-46), on walls of stone cist graves (Gohlitzsh, River Saale basin in central Germany), and from actual finds of burnt bows laid in graves (cf. grave at Bozejewice at Strzelno in western Poland) were made of wood, most likely of ash, as supported by . 93 The composite bow evidenced from around the end of the 4th millennium BC, between central Germany and the Lower Dnieper, has close analogies in central Asia, particularly in the Siberian-Mongolian steppe. (Leaving aside the unattested ash and “linguistic evidence”, the unaddressed by the Prof. Marija Gimbutas history of the composite bow and its travel to Siberia and Far East, and not the West, is consistent with the conclusion that the N.Pontic Pit Gravers were spreading in a pendulum motion, with reciprocal flows carrying innovations across great distances. The design of the composite bow could not be a secret, it is too obvious, and the secrets of its manufacture could not be contained, because every pastoral family was producing them for their own use; but the intricacies of its manufacture that make a difference between an indigenous quality and a knockoff reserved its manufacture to the steppe nomads, and made it a valuable trade commodity)

Physical Type of Population

The physical type of this population is not yet satisfactorily known. In Romania, only seven skeletons have been examined which were characterized by Olga Necrasov as "attenuated proto-Europid with some brachylization." 94 The broad-headed skulls from the stone-cist graves in western Ukraine are very similar to those from Romanian Moldavia, and the skulls from Poland are also broad-headed. Multivariate comparisons made between seventeen male skulls from central Germany, Czechoslovakia, and Poland by Ilse Schwidetzky has shown affinities with the substratum TRB population. Although the number of individuals examined is still very small, it is interesting to note that Schwidetzky sees a certain gradation within the Globular Amphora population in which breadth measurements decrease from east to west. The eastern groups are very similar to the Kurgan type, while the western resemble the central German TRB people. 95 We have yet to discover the amount of population influx and how much crossing took place between various types.

Nevertheless, it is apparent that the emergence of the Globular Amphora culture in the north European plain is crucial to an understanding of the Indo-Europeanization of this part of Europe. We must bear in mind that the fundamental social, religious, and economic components of the Globular Amphora culture link it to the North Pontic area. The fact that the Globular Amphora culture is more homogeneous than the Baden suggests that if these people were indeed Indo-European speakers, they completely succeeded in subverting the indigenous population or in converting them to their own creeds, customs, and language.

This brief summary highlights the flimsiness of the Prof. Marija Gimbutas argumentation, and the pitiful state of the studies. Distilled for the contents, the meager seventeen skull evidence shows a east-to-west cline, directly pointing to demographical insignificance of the intruders in the sampling zone. The temporal component of the seventeen skull sample is necessarily random, it does not allow an assessment on the number of generations that passed from the time of intrusion, to create a temporal graph. It also does not represent the population, since the samples are taken from the most prominent graves. The results of the study probably have the same demographical relevance as a similar study on the contents of the post-Mongol-time princely mausoleums, which showed a temporal decline of Mongoloidness in the ruling strata, but was irrelevant to the population of the Kipchak Khanate.

The non-existing Indo-Europeanization of this part of Europe is apparent Turkification of this part of Europe, when the fundamental social, religious, and economic traits of the N.Pontic were passed to the ancestors of the Globular Amphora culture, without violence and population replacement, and largely by example. That time is a candidate when the rich Türkic lexicon penetrated the Germanic languages with such eternal words as antler, castle, elm, ertho = earth, Thor = Te(ng)ri, kin, herr, and a host of others, the ideas of monotheistic Tengriism induced supply of travel accommodations to the departed, and back-breaking subsistence agriculture was supplanted by laissez faire pastoralism that not only radically improved the diet, but also allowed plenty of spare time to engage in technical development and arts. Once sown, the sprouts took a multitude of forms predicated on the cultures and traditions of the receptor societies, and with much limited movement within the sedentary populations, tended to coalesce into isolated population-specific cultures, seen on the numerous illustrations that reflect the forms attained by the Old Europe sedentary cultures.

FIGURE 10-31 Plan of a Globular Amphora semi-subterranean dwelling.
Biedrzychowice, district of Prudnik, Poland. L of the longest wall 10.5 m

1. Postholes
2. Outline of the walls
3. Contours of a dwelling pit
4. Hearth
5. Stone hearth in the center

The Third Wave, c. 3000 BC: The Intrusion of the N.Pontic “Pit Grave” Kurgans into East-Central Europe and Their Impact

The Kurgan Wave No. 3, c. 3000 BC, was a massive infiltration that caused drastic changes in the ethnic configurations of Europe. (FIGURE 10-32) Population shirts to western, northern, and northeastern Europe, as well as to the Adriatic region and Greece, account for the final Indo-Europeanization of Europe.

Late Yamna Graves in Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, and Eastern Hungary

The third Kurgan thrust is identified by hundreds of graves in Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia (south Banat), and eastern Hungary, which are identical to Late Yamna (Pit Grave) burials in the Lower Dnieper, the Lower Don, and Lower Volga basins. 96 Diagnostic features are: male burials in deep pits; timber-hut construction within the grave roofed with oak or birch beams; floor covering of wood mats, bast, or ashes; grave walls hung with rugs or other textiles; predominantly western orientation of the dead; and supine skeletal position with contracted legs (lateral in later graves). (FIGURES 10-33, 10-34) Ochre was scattered with the dead. Round and low kurgans, usually no higher than one meter, were surrounded by stone rings or ditches. Stone cists, orthostats, and stelae, common in the North Pontic Mikhailovka I complex, are not characteristic of Yamna architecture. Graves were poorly equipped, but important males were furnished with a hammerhead pin of bone or copper, a round copper plate, spiral hair rings or earrings of silver or copper, cord-impressed and stabbed beakers, chains or necklaces of copper wire tubes and canine teeth, flint arrowheads, tanged daggers of arsenic copper or flint, awls and flat axes of stone or copper. Evidence abounds for the sacrifice of human beings and animals. Among the animals sacrificed were horses, cattle, sheep, goats, deer, boar, and dogs (see cult and sacrifice above).

The differences in the burial traditions between the 2nd and 3rd waves, or between the Kurgan cultures of Early Pit Grave and Later Pit Grave resembles the situation when the Becenyo State supplanted the Bulgar/Khazar state in the N.Pontic. When the Avar Kaganate ca. 558 replaced the tribes of the Hunnic circle as a suzerain in the N.Pontic, the change was solely political, demographically Avars proceeded to and remained in the Balkan area, without affecting the burial traditions of the Hunnic circle tribes. When ca. 840 the Kangar/Bajanak tribes took over the suzerainty of the N.Pontic, they brought subtle, but sufficiently distinct changes into the N.Pontic kurgan burial practices. When ca. 990 the Kipchaks moved into the N.Pontic, they also supplanted the Bajanak/Bulgar tribes in the area, and also brought their subtle, but sufficiently distinct changes into the N.Pontic kurgan burial practices. The difference is that written histories allow to discriminate the waves of the 1st mill. AD, and associate distinct Kurgan burial practices with particular ethnoses and movements of people, whereas the ethnoses and movements of people in the 3rd mill. BC were not documented, and are only reflected in the archeological record. It is reasonable to expect that not only the Later Pit Grave Kurgan burials are distinct, but that their history and cultural traditions are different, they would display ethnological and morphological differences distinct from the traits of the Early Pit Gravers, and their vernacular also was somewhat different from the earlier Kurgans.


FIGURE 10-32 Kurgan Wave No. 3 c. 3000 BC (or soon thereafter) and its repercussions. The Late Globular Amphora-Early Corded Pottery culture shifted to the west, north, and northeast. The Vudedol shifted to western Bosnia and the Adriatic coast and ultimately reached the Peloponnese

——> - Kurgan culture c. 3000-2900 BC and its infiltration into east-central Europe
-----> - Globular Amphora and Early Corded Pottery culture before Kurgan Wave No. 3. Vucedol culture and its extension west and south in the early 3rd mill. BC.
Arrows indicate directions of expansion.

FIGURE 10-33 The third Kurgan wave is traced by hundreds of low kurgans with timber huts in pits (yamna, "pit"). This is a cross-section and plan of a Yamna type kurgan in northern Yugoslavia (Vojtovica at Pancevo, east of Belgrade). The mortuary timber hut in the pit was built of six wooden posts supporting horizontal beams and had a timber floor covering. Inside the hut was a male in a contracted position lying on the right side, head pointing to the west. Two silver hair-rings were found at his head, c. 3000-2900 BC. Kurgan is 8 m across

FIGURE 10-34 A pit grave (two views) from a Pit Grave kurgan in SW Romania. The skeleton lies on the back with contracted legs. Two silver earrings and red ochre were found at the head.
Plenita, near Craiova, S Romania, c. 3000-2900 BC
FIGURE 10-35 Pit Grave weapons: daggers of bronze and flint. Mikhailovka hill fort, layer III, the Lower Dnieper area.
Bronze dagger (left) is 19cm long



One of the most informative monuments north of the Black Sea is the Mikhailovka hill fort in the Lower Dnieper region, with its three layers of cultural deposits. The lower layer, Mikhailovka I, which belongs to the early Maikop culture, was overlain, after a hiatus, by two layers of the Pit Grave culture, Mikhailovka II and III. 97 Fortifications of stone walls, 2, m high, belong to Mikhailovka III. Bronze and flint daggers (FIGURE 10-35) and tall beakers with rounded bases, decorated with horizontal cord impressions, comb-stamped herringbone design, and cord-impressed or incised hanging striated triangles are typical of the Pit Grave layers. In addition to beakers, there are bowls, dishes, and three- or four-legged braziers. This type of pottery is also found in the Pit Grave graves of the Lower Volga.

In Moldavia and the western Ukraine, Wave No. 3 barrows are stratigraphically situated above the Usatovo-Foltesti settlements and graves. Most of the calibrated radiocarbon dates for the Yamna graves west of the Black Sea range shortly after 3000 BC. (TABLE 32)
Yamna graves from the Lower Dnieper, Don, and Lower Volga steppe date from the same time and also from a later period. A number of earlier Yamna radiocarbon dates from the Ukraine and southern Russia are given for comparison in table 33. The chronological link is obvious.
Physical Type of Population
Eighty skeletons from Yamna graves have been examined in Romania alone, a sufficient number for some conclusions about the physical type. The Yamna people in Romania were tall statured and strongly built, with predominantly dolichocephalic skulls, medium cranial height and rounded occipital, with variable facial mass, pronounced nose, and a robust mandible.98 This type corresponds to that of the Yamna graves in the Ukraine and south Russia.99
The Impact on the Balkans and Greece: The Vucedol Shift Northwest and South
The Vucedol shift from its core area into the peripheries caused changes in the whole Balkan peninsula, as well as in central Europe. Vucedol sites virtually disappeared from Hungary and the Danube lands in Yugoslavia. The migration to the northwest and south must have started c. 3000-2800 BC. and was obviously connected with the Yamna movement from the east.
hi central and northwestern Bohemia, the new settlers established a series of hilltop villages and are known under the name "Rivnac," so called after a hilltop site nine kilometers northwest of Prague, excavated in 1882-84.100 The major source of information derives from the hilltop village at Homolka northeast of Kladno in central Bohemia.101
Dalmatia, western Bosnia, and Albania were reached from the eastern Alpine region. Along the Sana River in western Bosnia, the Vucedol people occupied areas not previously inhabited. Their settlements in the newly acquired lands consisted of naturally protected hill forts and caves, usually difficult to access.102 Cemeteries of tumuli, including stone cists, were discovered at the Cetina River and at Rumen near Sinj near the Adriatic coast.103 At Mala Gruda, Tivat, a royal tomb in a tumulus came to light equipped with a silver axe, a gold dagger of Early Helladic H type (2900-2500 BC.), gold rings, copper plate, and Vucedol vases.104 (FIGURE 10-36] This tumulus was nearly 4 m high and 30 m across. At the base was a round platform built of river pebbles, and the central grave, a mortuary house built of stone slabs, was lowered into the ground. The male skeleton was in a contracted position with a silver axe and gold dagger deposited at his waist, with five gold rings and a copper plate at his head. A beaker and a conical dish stood at his feet. The tomb architecture and burial rites at Mala Gruda are the same as those of the North Pontic Maikop culture. Mala Gruda is located halfway between northwestern Yugoslavia and
FIGURE 10-56

FIGURE 10-36 Halfway between the north Adriatic-east Alpine area and the Peloponnese, kurgans girded with stone rings and with stone cist graves were discovered which belong to the North Pontic Kurgan (Maikop) tradition. Royal burials were equipped with elaborate vases and prestige items. This illustration depicts grave gifts from the royal burial at Mala Gruda at Tivat on the Adriatic coast; gold rings and dagger, silver axe, beaker, and dish with encrusted design of Vucedol type. Early 3rd mill. BC.
western Greece, where kurgans of the same tradition also emerged in the early 3rd millennium BC.
The migration of the Vucedol south to the mountainous regions and to the inhospitable and stony Dalmatian coast cannot be explained as a normal territorial extension occasioned by a population increase. This was caused by the intrusion of Yamna people into Yugoslavia and Hungary. There was a conspicuous occupation of a series of caves, both on the continent (Hrustovaca, Dabar Pecina, Zelena Pecina in Dalma-tia and Hercegovina) and on the Adriatic islands (Grapceva Spilja on the island of Hvar, Jamina Sredi on Cres, Vela Spilja on Korcula). Ample evidence from the islands of Leucas and the northwestern Peloponnese suggests that the Kurgans arriving in Greece at the beginning of the 3rd millennium BC, perhaps via Albania and the Adriatic, were descendants of the Indo-Europeanized east-central Europeans, i.e., the Baden-Vucedol people.
The cemetery of Steno on the island of Leucas, consisting of 33 kurgans, is a good example of the changed customs in Greece.105 These tumuli belong to several phases, dating from the Early Helladic II and III, c. 2900-2250 BC, and the buried chieftains and warriors were probably members of the dynasty ruling the island. The earliest and largest tumulus, encircled by a stone retaining wall, stood apart from the others (FIGURE 10-37, 2); its mortuary chamber was exceptionally large and well made, with walls of large round stones. This contained the skeletons of a man and a woman and pieces of a sheep and a lamb amid ash in the soil which suggest the remains of a funerary feast.
Other early tumuli contained inhumation graves in shafts covered by stone slabs, under a cairn of stones and a pile of earth. In some, stone cists had been inserted into the tumulus. This type of grave architecture and burial practice go back to the Maikop traditions which were diffused into east-central Europe by Kurgan Wave No. 2. Analogies are seen in the splendid kurgans northwest of the Black Sea (see fig. 10-10), the Tarnava kurgans in northwestern Bulgaria (see
fig. 10-11), and the Belotic tumuli in Serbia. Other close parallels are in Albania'06 and Dalmatia.107 The Early Helladic n date of the early or R group of the Steno tumuli is indicated by bird-shaped vases ("sauce boats"), typical of Early Helladic n. Triangular copper dagger blades, with or without the mid-rib and with two rivet holes and halberds, are known from the engravings on Valca-monica stelae (see figs. 10-41, 10-42, 10-43). Also found were slotted spearheads and poignards. But the most prestigious weapon of the elite class was the dagger which was a routine accoutrement of leading males (usually held in the right hand) found in all the rich tumuli, (FIGURE 10-37,2)
Tumuli on round stone platforms surrounded by stone rings, as well as apsidal houses, are also reported from the end of the Early Helladic period at Olympia and were continuous in the later, Middle Helladic period. Many other tumuli from the western Pelo-ponnese are reported as Early Helladic HI or Middle Helladic, i.e., the second half of the 3rd to the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC.108 Thus, in the middle and late 3rd millennium BC, the Kurgan tradition seems already to have been firmly established. A series of destroyed Early Helladic n sites in the Argolid speaks for a gruesome takeover. Destruction is evidenced at Lema, Tiryns, Asine, Zygouries, and Aghios Kosmas. At Lerna, the burned house of Tiles was not rebuilt, apsidal structures appeared, and the settlement plan changed.109
The takeover in Greece was apparently analogous to that of east-central Europe which entailed a transformation of the basic social structure and administrative system by the establishment of a ruling class in hill forts. A study of the physical types of the population shows that the Kurgan warrior groups were not massive in numbers and did not eradicate the local inhabitants.110 They came in small migrating bands and established themselves forcefully as a small ruling elite.
FIGURE 10-37

FIGURE 10-37 (1) Dag
ger, halberd, spear, and poignard blades from Steno kurgans. Scale 1:2. (2)The representative kurgan (round barrow) cemetery in Greece indicating cultural change at Steno, on the island of Leucas, west of Peloponnese. Early Helladic mil, early 3rd mill. BC. Kurgans had stone cairns and rings as in the North Pontic area. Stone cist graves were lowered into the ground. The royal tomb is on the left, separated from the rest. Outlines of 33 round barrows are shown (white circles mean destroyed barrows).

The Impact on Western Europe: The Bell Beaker Folk — Descendants of the Amalgamated Yamna and Vucedol Culture in the Middle Danube Basin — and Their Exodus to the West
The Bell Beaker culture of western Europe which diffused between 2500 and 2100 BC. between central Europe, the British Isles, and the Iberian Peninsula, could not have arisen in a vacuum. The mobile horse-riding and warrior people who buried their dead in Yamna type kurgans certainly could not have developed out of any west European culture. We must ask what sort of ecology and ideology created these people, and where are the roots of the specific Bell Beaker equipment and their burial rites. In my view, the Bell Beaker cultural elements derive from Vucedol and Kurgan [Late Yamna) traditions.
The specific correspondence between the Yamna, Late Vucedol, and Bell Beaker complexes is visible in burial rites which include grave pits under round barrows, the coexistence of cremation and inhumation rites, and the construction of mortuary houses. (FIGURE 10-38) In armaments we see tanged or riveted triangular daggers made of arsenic copper, spear points of arsenic copper and flint, concave-based or tanged triangular arrowheads of flint, and arrow straighteners. In ornaments there are necklaces of canine teeth, copper tubes, or bird bones; boar tusks; and crescent-shaped pendants resembling breast plates.111 In solar symbolism we find sun or star motifs excised and white encrusted on the inside of braziers, or incised on bone or amber button-shaped beads. Techniques of ceramic decoration include stamping or gouging in zoned

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FIGURE 10-38 Bell Beaker kurgans from central and western Europe, a continuous Kurgan burial tradition. (1) Cross-section of a kurgan with a pit-grave surrounded by a palisade Smolin near Breclav, Moravia. (2) Bell Beaker kurgan with a contracted skeleton in the center surrounded with wooden posts. Langedijk, Fries-land, the Netherlands. Diameter of the barrows; (1)11 m;(2)9m.
metopes, encrustation with white paste of delicate geometric motifs, zigzags, dashes, nets, lozenges, and dots or circles (a Baden-Kostolac-Vucedol tradition). Certain ceramic forms placed in graves, such as braziers and beakers, are from the Kurgan tradition. The Bell Beaker people, wherever they spread, continued the traditional ceramic art connected with their faith. Only the ritual importance of their uniquely beautiful stereotyped beakers could have motivated their production for hundreds of years in lands far from the homeland. The correspondences linking the Bell Beaker and Yamna with the Vucedol — in armament, costume, funeral rites, beliefs in life after death, and in symbolism — are precisely the most significant and revealing. It is very likely that the Bell Beaker complex is an amalgam of Vucedol and Yamna traditions formed after the incursion of the Yamna people into the milieu of the Vucedol culture, i.e,, in the course of 300 to 400 years after 3000-2900 BC.
Horse-Riding Warriors and Pastoralists
Horse bones hi a series of sites provide a clue to the mobility of the Bell Beaker people. Analysis of animal bones from the sites at Budapest (Czepel Hollandiut and Czepel-Haros) have shown that the horse was the foremost species of the domestic fauna, constituting more than 60 percent of the total animal bones.111 This suggests a large-scale domestication of the horse in the Carpathian basin, Bell Beaker migrations were carried out on horseback from central Europe as far as Spain (where horse bones have also been found in Bell Beaker contexts).113 The horse also played a significant role in religion, as can be seen from the remains of the horse sacrifice where skulls are found in cremation graves.
The Bell Beaker people were primarily herders of domestic animals since cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, and dog bones consistently occur in their habitation sites. House remains are scarce, but several surface structures with stake walls daubed with clay (the largest measuring 6 by 10 m) are reported from Czechoslovakia.114 Local metallurgy is evidenced by sandstone molds for daggers.
Kurgan Type Burials
The striking similarity of burial practices ties the Bell Beaker complex to the Kurgan (Late Yamna) tradition. Individual burials were in pit-built mortuary houses, variously constructed, some with four posts in the corners, sometimes roofed, sometimes not, or stone lined. A ditch surrounded the central grave in which several rows of stakes were set (as shown in the reconstruction of the burial at Smolin in Moravia),115 which was then covered by an earthen barrow. Individuals lay in a crouched position facing the rising sun. A great number of half-burned or dismembered child burials in cemeteries may imply sacrifice, not simple burial. The practice of cremation was inherited from the Vucedol culture; in Hungary, cremation burials constitute nearly 90 percent of all Bell Beaker burials.
The quantitative analysis of grave material indicates that the Bell Beaker people had a social composition approximating a ranked society.116 Three strata are represented: warriors (or rulers), craftsmen, and common folk (peasants). The richest graves are those of mature males. Grave goods indicating status are items such as earrings, button-shaped beads of amber, jet, and gold, belt rings, and weapons.
The great majority of Bell Beaker radiocarbon dates from western Europe cluster between the 25th and 21st centuries BC, while a few precede the middle of the 3rd millennium BC. The earliest date comes from the habitation pit of the Czepel Hollandiut site at Budapest.117 (TABLE 34)
The Vinkovci-Samogyvdr Culture: Successors of the Vucedol and Kurgan (Late Yamna) in the Middle Danube Basin
The culture that succeeds Vucedol and Yamna in Yugoslavia and Hungary is known under two names: Vinkovci and Samogyvar. The first comes from the excavation of a settlement at Trznica near Vinkovci in Srem, northern Yugoslavia,118 the latter from an excavation at the site of Samogyvar in southwestern
Hungary.lly Nearly 150 sites have been excavated or recorded in the last twenty years: hill forts, kurgans, and pits containing pottery (the sole remains of habitation sites). The stratigraphy from these excavations has shown that this culture superseded the late Vucedol culture. One of the best stratigraphies was uncovered in a settlement located on a high plateau at Pecina near Vrdnik, Srem. There, the Vinkovci pits were found dug into the late Vucedol cultural layer and the latter was above the Baden-Kostolac layer.120 The distribution of Vinkovci-Samogyvar sites covers western Hungary north up to Slovakia, western Romania, Slavonia, Srem, western Serbia, Bosnia down to Montenegro, and the Morava River basin of central Yugoslavia down to the Svetozarevo and Krusevac region. (FIGURE 10-39)
So far, archeologists have not linked the Vinkovci-Samogyvar culture with the Bell Beaker, in spite of the identity of burial rites, settlement type, and ceramics. There is hardly any reason to treat these groups as separate cultures. The repertoire of ceramic forms is inherited from the preceding late Vucedol-Mako culture of Yugoslavia and Hungary.
In western Hungary and western Yugoslavia, the Vinkovci-Samogyvar traditions continued into the 2nd millennium B,C., to be typified by hill forts and by the absence of tells, eventually developing into the "Encrusted Pottery Culture" of western Hungary and northwestern Yugoslavia, and the "Gradina culture" of Bosnia and Dalmatia (from gradina, meaning "hill forts").
FIGURE 10-39 The area of distribution of the Vinkovd-Samogyva> sites, the possible homeland of the Bell Beaker culture in the middle of the 3rd mill. BC. Dotted areas indicate the spread of the Bell Beaker culture in western Europe.

The distribution of Bell Beaker sites in central and western Europe
The most likely area of "homeland" (the distribution of Vinkovci-Samogyvar sites)
The Corded Pottery Culture of Central Europe and Its Expansion Northwest and Northeast
The Corded Pottery [also called Battle Axe) complex is known not only from the north-central European plain in Germany and Poland but also from Holland, Denmark, southern Sweden, southern Norway, and the East Baltic countries as far as southern Finland in the northeast; the easternmost branch (Fat'yanovo) reached the Upper Volga basin in central Russia [see fig.10-32). According to radiocarbon dates, expansion into northwestern and northeastern Europe, territories previously occupied by TRB, Nemunas, Narva, and Volosovo cultures, took place before the middle of the 3rd millennium BC. Migration on so large a scale seems to have been a repercussion of a new push from the east — Kurgan Wave No. 3.
In the earliest phase, grave equipment throughout this area exhibits features closely related to that of central Europe. Characteristic constituents are a beaker with horizontal cord impressions around the neck, a globular amphora with a radial pattern over the shoulder, a flint axe, a chisel, a blade or flake, and a stone battle axe (Type A).121 (FIGURE 10-40| The early phase is therefore called the "Common European Horizon." Burial in timber or stone mortuary houses under a low earthen barrow is universal. The striking uniformity in all areas where Corded Pottery graves are found is a strong argument for a more or less simultaneous dispersion.
Social Inequality and the Privileged Position of Males in Northwestern and Northeastern Europe
The social structure of the early Corded Pottery people is related to that of both the Globular Amphora and the Yamna of the Dnieper-Volga steppe. The barrows of the early phase contain only male skeletons and the central grave with mortuary pit-house structure probably honored a privileged individual. Apart from the primary burial, there are usually other graves dug into the earthen mounds that are close in time to that of
FIGURE 10-40

FIGURE 10-40 Corded pottery and axes from the "Common European Horizon" from Poland. Early 3rd mill. BC. Hof largest beaker 22 cm.

the primary grave, and point to the existence of at least two social categories. It is of interest that the dug-in graves outnumber the central sub-barrow graves. The lower social stratum is also represented by males. Not much is known about the burial of women and children in this period. Corded Pottery graves of the later period, however, show a normal constituency of females and juveniles.
Physical Type
Who were the Corded Pottery people? Do they represent an intrusion of a new Kurgan (i.e., Yamna) people from the east? Or does this period simply represent a later phase of the Globular Amphora complex, pushed to the north and northeast by the influx of the Yamna people? The latter seems likely. Both the Globular Amphora and Corded Pottery complexes contain components of the local TRB substratum and the Pontic steppe element. The TRB component is predominant in the physical type of the Corded Pottery population of Germany and Czechoslovakia, with the exception of some individuals who are considered to be of the steppe type.112 Analysis of the skeletal material from Poland shows a steppe origin.123 Elsewhere the bulk of the population were indigenous remnants of the Old Europeans.
The Corded Pottery culture has two main periods. During the first, c. 3000-2600 BC, the Common European Horizon, the practice of nomadic movement and the short occupation of any one spot have left very few preserved habitation sites. The simultaneous existence of the nomadic Corded Pottery pastoralists and the indigenous agriculturalists has been demonstrated by studies of Corded Pottery sites in southern Poland. The second period is characterized by the crystallization of local units. A number of radiocarbon dates from various parts of this culture fix this period between 2,600-2200 BC. (TABLE 35]

The Proto-Indo-European Economic and Social Tradition
! he proto-Indo-European (PIE) culture, as reconstructed on the basis of comparative Indo-European linguistics and mythology and supported by early historic records, coincides well with archeological data. In this section I shall touch upon the linguistic and mythological evidence relevant to the question of identity between the Kurgan and proto-Indo-European traditions.
Languages, like cultures, act as living organisms: they constantly change and live through periods of convergence and divergence. Although we cannot go back much further than Volga Neolithic and Eneolithic of the 6th and 5th millennia BC, we can reconstruct certain characteristics of this culture that are in agreement with linguistic and mythological elements. The period around 5000-4500 BC. is marked by incessantly growing mobility and trade. I therefore assume the possibility of linguistic consolidation in process at this period, just before the proto-Indo-European outburst into Europe. The hypothetical PIE language does not reflect preagricultural conditions. As linguistically reconstructed, domesticated animals (including the horse), mobility, and the classed patriarchal society, are among the most characteristic phenomena of the PIE culture. The Kurgan culture of the 5th millennium BC. in the Volga forest-steppe and steppe and its newly acquired territory north of the Black Sea agrees with much that is reconstructed on a linguistic basis as PIE.
Domesticated Animals
Domesticated animals played a paramount role in the PIE culture as shown by the common names for sheep (*owis), cattle j'gwows), steer ("(sftauio), pig ("sus and *porkos), horse (ekwo-ekwa], goat ('aigis, os), and dog (*kwon-kizn-) in most of the Indo-European languages. There is another name for "cows and sheep": *peku(s): Latin pecus, Old Indie pasu, Baltic peku. Since this word has a family of related words connected with
the meaning "fleece," "hair," and "to comb" (Greek pekos, "fleece"; Old High German fahs, "skin hair"; Lathi pectere, "to comb"), it is assumed that peku originally connoted a woolly animal, probably a sheep, and that there was a stage when only sheep were domesticated and the other animals were not. The words for wool and weaving are clearly PIE (Old Church Slavic vluna, Lithuanian vilna, German Wolle, Old Indie wina; German weben, "weave," Old Indie vabh-) and may date back to the early phase of animal domestication.
Cattle must have been the treasured possession of a family, clan, or tribe and were used in exchange, the trend also attested by words and early historic records. In Sanskrit, the term for lord means "lord of cattle." The earliest written sources, the Iliad and the Rigveda, speak of how a bride or weapons are obtained in exchange for cattle. Cattle (pecus] were the main possession that had the meaning of our word money. Hence, the Latin name for money, pecu-nia. This role of cattle continued up to the 20th century (as dowry for instance, in rural areas). Activities associated with cattle in Indo-European mythic and epic literature very clearly illustrate the importance of cattle raiding. The growth of private ownership derived a powerful impetus from the domestication of cattle.
The name for the domesticated horse is preserved as Latin equos, Gothic aihva-, Lithuanian asva. The PIE form is reconstructed as 'ekwos or "ekwa. Comparative Indo-European mythological research indicates the unquestionably prime role of the horse (particularly the white horse) as a sacred and sacrificial animal, the incarnation of divine power of the God of the Shining Sky. Archeology supports the linguistic and mythological evidence for an early date of horse domestication, probably no later than the end of the 6th millennium BC. The horse was a sacrificial and riding animal and as such was used in warfare from at least the middle of the 5th millennium BC. The earliest warriors were equipped with spear points, daggers, bows and arrows, and were able to shoot from horseback much like the
historic Indo-Europeans, Scythians, Sarmatians, and others. In cult, the horse as a divine and sacrificial animal
is attested as early as its known use for riding.
Linguistics has failed to reconstruct a common word for metallurgy. This should not be surprising since the early Rurgans (Kurgan I) did not have this technology. Copper items were introduced to them by the Old Europeans through barter with the Cucutenians. Metallurgy was acquired considerably later, in the second half of the 4th millennium BC. from Transcaucasia when it was transmitted north of the Black Sea, and with Wave No. 2 to east-central Europe.
The following words can be reconstructed from original Indo-European terms for weapons.124
"(H)nsi, a cutting and slashing weapon, "sword," originally a flint knife or dagger (Germanic xsaxsaz "sword" often substitutes for "knife"); Old Indie asi-, Lat. ensis
*keiu, "spearhead," "blade," or some sort of casting weapon (Vedic sara-meant "dart," "arrow," or "spear"; Germanic cognate is 'xeruz]
*Eengh-es~u, "spear," thrusting weapon; and 'ghai-so-s, "casting spear," "a javelin" (the source of Old Irish gae and Proto Germanic 'zaizas, Old Indie hesas, "missile")
"taqso-m, "bow"; Greek tokson, M Persian taxs, Latin taxus
*isu- arrow(head)
'gwiH, "bowstring" (Old Indie jya, Avestan jya, Lith. gija "thread," "sinew")
'Aek-on, "slingstone"
'Aek-mon-, "stone hammer"
These words support an early use of weapons which is in agreement with archeological evidence (see figs. 10-2, 10-4, 10-7, 10-35, 10-41, 10-42, 10-43, 10-45, 10-46).
Mobility is unquestionably a PIE characteristic, since horse riding was the prime means of Kurgan mobility. The reconstructed PIE form for vehicle (German Wagen, Lithuanian vezimas, Polish woz) is a form with the root *wegh-. Even parts of the vehicle are reconstructable: wheel — "rotha (Lithuanian ratas, German Rad, Old Indie rathah, "chariot," Latin rota); axis — 'ak'sis, lynch *pin (tulis in Lithuanian, Greek, and Germanic); and yoke — yugom (very well attested). The family of the root wegh-is associated with words for lifting, carrying, lever, and sleigh. This may imply that the original "vehicle" was for weight lifting or levering, or was a sledge. Even if it was not a four-wheeled cart in its original form, the proto-Indo-Europeans must have been acquainted with wheeled wagons from Kurgan I times. So far, the earliest evidence for the existence of wheels are miniature clay models of wheels found in Old European settlements jCucuteni A and Karanovo VI phases) dating from the middle of the 5th millennium BC. No parts of actual vehicles of this period have ever been found. The question as to who first invented the vehicle cannot as yet be solved.
The mobility of the Kurgans before their infiltration into Europe was probably similar to that of the later inhabitants of the steppe — the Scythians, Sarmatians, and others. Herodotus describes the Scythians as having no permanent structures or crops to defend, free to move about with their wagons, their possessions, and their livestock, and able to elude an enemy or to shoot at him from horseback whenever they chose. Indeed, it was easy for the Kurgans to burn their pit dwellings and set out for the next territory.
Social Structure
The PIE culture, as shown by comparative Indo-European linguistics and historical evidence and supported by archeology, can be described as a patri-lineal society under the patriarchal leadership of a warrior chief. Age was
the determining factor for leadership by this chief, who may have played an active role only in times of stress when greater group cohesion was necessary. Exogamous marriage occurred between small, mobile patrilocal families, members of a larger clan or tribe. A separate class of priests is unlikely to have been established by the proto period. Females possessed inferior status, elevated only by association with their male relations. The husband's strong rights over his wife is evidenced by epic songs and legal texts. Under the influence of the Indo-European culture, Neolithic women's influence collapsed and they became private property in the new trading and raiding society.
The evidence for patriliny, patrilocal-ity, and patripotency furnished by proto-Indo-European kinship terminology is excellent.125 There is general agreement among philologists and linguists that the PIE terms which concern familial and marital relationships describe a system of patrilineal inheritance and post-marital residence. For example, the basic terms that exist for one's parents' generation imply the domination of the male relations: father — *pHte:i; mother — *maHte:i; mother's brother or mother's father — *awyos; and father's brother — *pfitiwos. Common terms for both the maternal and paternal aunts are conspicuously absent. The terms for a person's own generation include; the brother — *bkraHte:i, which comprises a wide range of male peers (who traditionally form a patrilineal group with important ritual and political functions); the sister — *sweso:r which means "own" ("the woman of my clan"); the son- — *swHnws [*swH, "to give birth," suggesting a strong tie between mother and son); and daughter~*dhwgHte:r (which seems to be related to milking, "to milk" or "milkmaid"). Words also exist for the husband's parents (*swekwHs and *swekwios), the husband's siblings ("gHlows, feminine; "daHywe:r, masculine), in addition to the son's wife ("snwsos) and daughter/sister's husband (*genHi). The widow (*wydh, meaning "to be empty, inadequate") is recognized as a discrete status, where the widower is not.
There is no corresponding similarity of terms for the bride's family. The Indo-European wife would have joined her husband's household where she lived together with his father and brothers. This can further be interpreted as evidence of an exogamous pattern of marriage.
The proto-Indo-European "pot denotes the male family head, patri potestas, or chief. An additional pair of correspondences, 'genH-os/'genH-r provides further evidence of a patriarchal society: *genH-os is used to describe the patrilineal group into which an individual married, while the masculine noun 'genH-i refers to the most prominent member of that group. The picture of an Indo-European community leader [*pot or 'dompoti) painted by mythological and legal texts appears to be a despotic, and probably polygynous, warrior-patriarch who ruled his family or clan with absolute power over life and death.
The status of women was clearly inferior. The term for "bride price" derives from *wedh, "to lead" evocative of chattel. It has been suggested that females represent a "positive nuisance" to the stability of a mobile, warlike tribe.
Linguistic paleontology has provided evidence for the social organization above the immediate family. The *domos (*dreb in western PIE) or house belonging to a single family, also belonged to a small patrilocal extended family, or "weik. Residents of a *weik might further identify themselves as members of a common descent group, the *gen or clan, and chose marriage partners from within their largest ethnic group or tribe, the *teuta.
Agriculture and Its Increase in the European Branch
In the Kurgan culture of the steppe, agriculture was secondary to a pastoral economy. However, considerable knowledge of agricultural terminology in the European branch of the Indo-Europeans is suggested by lexical studies. It follows that the increase of agriculture is synchronous with a decrease of nomadism after the incursion of the Kurgan (Maikop) people into Europe, and espe-
cially into the territories where agriculture was a millennial tradition.
Some agriculture was practiced by the proto-Indo-Europeans. There are common names for "grain," "grinding" and "quern," "to sow," and "to cut"; and the word for "hoe," mat(e)ya, is widespread. Of great importance is the preservation of the names for millet (*meli, *melyom, *melya] for a lesser kind of wheat or grass, couch grass, sedge, spelt, rye grass: *puras,os; and for cereal used for fermentation and brewing: "yewos, pi. *yewoi. The root yew- is associated with the family of words having the meaning to gush or emanate, boil, ferment, agitate, rouse.
So far only millet has been identified in Kurgan sites of the Dnieper-Volga steppe. There is no trace of einkorn and emmer wheat, barley, oats, or rye, although stone hoes, sickle blades of flint, and quern stones have been found in settlements. Large hoe-like tools known from several settlements are considered to be primitive plowshares. It seems that the Kurgan people in their original home engaged in an extensive form of wild-grass economy. Except for millet, a "ground" cereal; *yewos, a cereal used for fermentation; and *pwis, a grass or spelt wheat, there are no other well-attested words for cereals, and there is no archeological evidence for their existence.
Common names for rye, barley, and oats are found only in the European branch of the Indo-European languages. *iughis "rye" is known in Slavic, Baltic, Germanic, and Celtic. The word for "oats" with the root *aw- is known in Slavic, Baltic, and Latin. "Barley" apparently designated "food derived from cereals" as Latin, Germanic, and Slavic forms suggest: Latin fax and farina-, Old Nardic barr, "barley"; Gothic barizeins, "of barley"; Old Church Slavic brasno, "food"; Serbian braSno, "flour"; and Russian borosno, "rye flour."
Some names are common to the Indo-European speakers in southern Europe: beans, peas, vetch, and poppies are attested in Latin, Albanian, and Greek. All of these plants are well known from the Neolithic in southeastern Europe, and it is quite possible that their names
were later inherited by Indo-European speakers. The name for flax, linum, is known in Latin, Greek, Slavic, Baltic, and Germanic. The word for hemp, *kannabis, is preserved in Greek, Albanian, Germanic, Slavic, and Baltic, but is not known among the eastern Indo-European speakers. The above suggest that Indo-European speakers in Europe were acquainted with many cereals and pulses and with flax and hemp. Some of the names are common to a larger group of languages and therefore may hark back in time to the formative period as an after-effect of Wave No. 2, to the second half of the 4th millennium BC. The pulses were apparently inherited from the Old European population of southeastern Europe. It is clear that the agricultural terminology became enriched as Indo-European speakers moved west.
The Collision of Two Ideologies
1 he Old European and Indo-European belief systems are diametrically opposed. The Indo-European society was warlike, exogamic, patriarchal, patrilineal, and patrilocal, with a strong clanic organization and social hierarchy which gave prominence to the warrior class. Their main gods were male and depicted as warriors. There is no possibility that this pattern of social organization could have developed out of the Old European matrilineal, matricentric, and endo-gamic balanced society. Therefore, the appearance of the Indo-Europeans in Europe represent a collision of two ideologies, not an evolution.
The building of temples, a long-lasting tradition of Old Europe, stopped with the Kurgan incursions into Europe, except in the Aegean and Mediterranean regions. The masterfully produced religious paraphernalia — beautiful vases, sacrificial containers, models of temples, altars, sculptures, and sacred script-disappeared as well. Not a single temple directly associated with the Kurgan people is known, either in the north Pontic or Volga steppe nor in the Kurgan influ-

enced zone of Europe during and after the migrations. The absence of any temples or even structured altars is consistent with the life of pastoralists.
The New Symbols and Deities of Europe
The Old European worship of the Goddess was partially truncated by Kurgan Wave No. 1 toward the end of the 5th millennium BC. Horse-head scepters and cord-impressed solar motifs on pots appeared in Dobruja and in almost the whole Danube basin, but the Old European religion continued to be practiced in the Aegean and the Mediterranean, in the Cucuteni culture of Moldavia and the western Ukraine, in the TRB of northwestern and central Europe, and in all parts of the western European Neolithic.
A renewed change of symbolism and mythical imagery occurred in the second half of the 4th millennium BC. Not only did sun and horse symbols appear, but images of male gods with their weapons and animals also emerged. The Goddess religion of the still extant Old European population was subdued. A completely new symbolic system with no roots in Europe is one of the strongest arguments for the presence in central Europe of new lords and their creeds.
The best witness of a new religion in Europe, typified by male gods, weapons, and solar symbols, are engraved stone stelae from the second half of the 4th millennium BC. found in the Alpine valleys, in Bulgaria, in Romania with close analogs north of the Black Sea, and in the Caucasus. Their symbolism differs sharply from those of the French and Italian statue-menhirs which portray the owl-faced female goddess before she was masculinized in the Bronze Age. The Kurgan stelae display solar symbols and masculine paraphernalia, including daggers, halberds, axes, bows, quivers and arrows, belts, breast plates, double-spiral pendants; male horses, stags, and he-goats; vehicles, and ox teams pulling a plow. (FIGURES 10-41 to 10-44) These are a prime source for the reconstruction of mythical imagery and are a great value in the accurate representation of
FIGURE 10-41

FIGURE 10-41 Representation of an Indo-European warrior god with multiple arms as halberds. Daggers are shown below the throat, in the chest area, and below the belt. A vehicle drawn by oxen is shown on the lower part. The head is not preserved. Stone stela from Lagundo, Alto Adige, N Italy, c. 3000 BC. H 3 m.
FIGURE 10-42 Two com-positions engraved on rocks from Valcamonica, northern Italy, including solar symbols (in place of the head), halberds, daggers, a belt, and a horse and stag. (1) Cemmo. H 1.15 m. (2) Papardo. Rock c. 0.60 x1.20m;c. 3000 BC.
FIGURE 10-43 Stela from Bagnolo, Valcamonica, northern Italy (0.80 x1.30 m) engraved with a radiating sun (head), a breast plate (upside down), perhaps a symbol of shining (daylight) sky, a double-spiral pendant (a symbol of morning and evening light), two daggers and two axes with long shafts, a ploughing scene with a pair of yoked oxen, and seven animals (perhaps horses, dogs, or deer), c. 3000 BC.
FIGURE 10-42
FIGURE 10-43

FIGURE 10-44

FIGURE 10-44 Stela from CavenatTeglio, Valtel-lina, N Italy. Radiating sun (for head) with two circles on both sides, two double-spiral pendants, and a breast plate, c. 3000 8.C. H 50 cm.
FIGURE 10-45 Anthropomorphic stela from Baia de Cris., district of Hune-doara, Transylvania, Romania. A shafted axe is shown attached at the belt on the side. The head is lost, arms are indicated. In front, a triangular collar extends down to the belt; on the back, a thong hangs attached to the collar. Tentative date c. 3000 BC. H 70 cm.
FIGURE 10-46
FIGURE 10-45

FIGURE 10-46 Portrayals of a thunder god with an axe, mace, and bow engraved between the hands and at the belt.
(1) Stone stela from Natalivka, Lower Dnieper area. Tentative date
c. 3000 BC. H 144cm.
(2) Stone stela from Kernosovka, Lower Dnieper region. Tentative date, end 4th mill. BC. He. 1.5 m.
hilted daggers, shafted halberds and axes, bows, quivers, vehicles, belts, and breast plates, objects rarely preserved in graves. Double-spiral pendants, breast plates, bronze daggers with triangular blades, flat axes, and flint halberd blades such as appear engraved on stelae are known from depots and graves of the Baden and Remedello (Po River Valley) cultures.
The engravings on stelae reveal a great deal about the new ideology. In fact, they constitute the richest source for the study of the earliest Indo-European symbolism and god images. These symbols are characteristically grouped, making possible the study of their interrelationships. Their consistent association on the roughly anthropomorphic stelae leaves no doubt that the engraved weapons, animals, and solar symbols are linked, that their concurrence is not accidental.
The following symbols are recorded: solar signs (circles, radiating suns, and a circle with groups of long rays) engraved in the area of the head; breast plate (a semicircle of multiple concentric lines); double-spiral pendant, one or a pair, on the chest or at the solar sign; a circle at either side of the radiating sun,- hilted dagger — one, two, five, seven daggers or more — shown in the middle part of the stela; shafted halberd, one or many; shafted axe, one or more; belt of parallel lines (beaded fabric?) or of zigzag or diamond pattern (woven?); four-wheeled vehicle (shown below the belt); bow, quiver, and arrows; footprints; plow pulled by two yoked oxen; horsejs), stagjs), and he-goat(s).
The content and association of the symbolic groups are of particular interest. The most frequent are the solar groups: the radiating sun, the circle on either side of the radiating sun, the double spiral pendants, and the breast plate. This group of symbols is further associated with the belt, dagger, halberd, horse, stag, plowing scene, and a vehicle. To the specialist in comparative Indo-European mythology, such combinations of symbols will certainly recall the image of the God of the Shining Sky, who bestows progeny and promotes vegetation. This deity is known in various Indo-European groups from early historic records and is still extant in folklore: the Indie Mitra, Baltic Dievas, Roman Dius Fidius, Janus, and Mars, Celtic Lug (called "Sun faced"), German 'Tiwaz (from 'deiuos], Anglo Saxon Tiw, German Ziu, Icelandic Tyr, northwestern Slavic Jarovit-Sventovit, and others. This god is associated with morning and daylight, and with the spring, summer, autumn, and winter sun. His powers are transmitted by his weapon, the dagger (or sword, later in prehistory and early history); by his animals, the stag and horse; and by the shining vehicle in which he travels. As protector of vegetation, particularly of the grain, he is associated with his pair of oxen and with plowing.
Other compositions and groupings represent other Indo-European deities. The axe is connected with the Thunder God; the club, bow, quiver, and arrows are also his. (FIGURES 10-45, 10-46)
Present knowledge of stelae would indicate that the majority represent the God of the Shining Sky. In Indo-European mythology, the image of this god is linked with kingship. The erection of stelae, therefore, may have marked the death of important personages, either chieftains or fallen heroes; a hero may substitute for a god and his weapons became divine. The second of importance was the Thunder God, the hunter and warrior, fighting with the evil and adversary of the God of Death and Underworld, the purifier and fructifier of earth. This god is best preserved in all Indo-European mythologies. The representations of male gods on stelae are quite overwhelmingly Indo-European.
The Contrasting Sets of Goddesses and Gods
The main theme of Old European goddess symbolism is the cyclic mystery of birth, death, and the renewal of life, involving not only human life but all life on earth. Symbols and images cluster around the parthenogenetic (self-generating) Goddess who is the single source of all life, Her energy is manifest in springs and wells, in the moon, sun, and earth, and in all animals and plants.
She is the Giver-of-Life, Wielder-of-Death, Regeneratrix, and the Earth Fertility Goddess, rising and dying with the plants. Male gods also exist, not as creators but as guardians of wild nature, or as metaphors of life energy and the spirits of seasonal vegetation.
The proto-Indo-European pantheon of gods was a socially and economically oriented ideology. This system was well suited to a pastoralist/mixed farming economy with prominent sovereign and warrior classes which had mastered the horse and weapons of war. The life-creating and death-wielding functions belonged to the principal male gods who also rode horses and brandished weapons. Female goddesses, like the Dawn and Sun Maiden, were not creatrixes but were simply brides or wives of male deities. This religion was oriented toward the rotating sun and other sky phenomena such as thunder and lightning. Their sky gods shone as "bright as the sky" and, in Bronze Age representations, carried shining weapons — daggers, swords, and shields — and were adorned with copper or gold chest plates, gold or amber discs, and copper-plated belts. The Indo-Europeans worshiped the swiftness of arrow and spear and the sharpness of the blade. The touch of the axe blade was thought to awaken the powers of nature and transmit the fecundity of the Thunder God. The frightening black God of Death and the Underworld marked the warrior for death with the touch of his spear tip, glorifying him as a fallen hero.
Differing Beliefs in an Afterlife
These two systems exhibit very different sets of beliefs concerning an afterlife. The Old Europeans had a strong belief in cyclic regeneration in which the main idea in grave architecture is "tomb is womb." Graves are egg shaped, uterus shaped, or anthropomorphic, the latter being conceived as the body of the Goddess. The generative triangle also figures in grave and shrine outlines and architecture. Engravings on stones of megaHthic graves are symbols of regeneration, life-giving water and life energy (cupmarks, concentric circles with cen-
tral dot, concentric arcs, winding snakes, snake coils, bull heads as uteri, triangles, lozenges, hourglass shapes, zigzags, lunar cycles); or images of the Goddess of Regeneration herself engraved with labyrinths, vulvas, and breasts. It was thought that the afterworld was in the West, and that a barrier of water existed between this world and the next that was crossed by ships, themselves symbols of regeneration.
Communal burials were a typical Old European practice. The megaliths of western Europe were sacred centers of the community, and the burial of de-fleshed bones to these central shrines meant a return to the ancestors. Furthermore, the bones were compared to seed which produced rebirth. Indeed, all Old European burials were, in various forms, a return to the body of the Mother for regeneration within the womb of nature.
The Indo-Europeans believed in a linear continuity of the individual from this world into another "life" in the world of the dead. Therefore, mortuary houses were built in which the dead took their belongings — tools, weapons, and ornaments that represented their rank — to the afterworld. Royal tombs and those of other important members of the society were lavishly equipped, providing the dead with status. Death in battle was particularly glorified. Kings and chieftains were often buried with their entire households — wives, servants, children — and animals, including horses, teams of oxen, and dogs. Gifts of food continued to be made after the funeral, considered necessary for the well-being of the shades.
From comparative Indo-European mythologies and beliefs we know that the world of the dead was imagined as a cold, swampy, underground realm ruled by the sovereign male god. The journey to the gloomy underworld involved a road or a river, usually a three-day period of walking, riding, or travel in chariots. Souls drifted there in a pale and passive manner, and there was no belief in the possibility of rebirth.
These radically different beliefs could not have developed from the Old Europeans. With the formation of the Baden-Ezero culture in east-central Europe and
Examples of Contrasting Symbols in Old European and Indo-European Mythologies
The Color Black Color of fertility and Mother Earth Color of death and of the God of Death and the Underworld, called "Black God" (in Slavic and Baltic mythology)
The Color White Color of bone, symbolic of death related to yellow, gold, amber, marble, alabaster Color of the God of the Shining Sky, related to yellow, gold, amber
The Serpent Benevolent snake, symbol of life energy in humans, animals and plants; stimulating and protecting the life powers of the family and domestic animals; poisonous snake an epiphany of the Goddess of Death Symbol of evil, especially lurking in whirlwinds; epiphany of the God of Death and the Underworld, adversary of the Thunder God
The Bull, the Bucranium Source of life, symbol of regeneration, simulacrum of woman's uterus Epiphany of the Thunder God, symbol of strength and maleness
The Sun Symbol of regeneration and one of the manifestations of the Goddess of Regeneration (feminine gender for the sun in Celtic, Germanic, Baltic, and Slavic languages is inherited from Old Europe) The dominant symbol of the Indo-Europeans: life-giving symbol associated with the God of the Shining Sky who is a year-god representing the birth of the sun, the young sun (spring), the triumphant sun (summer), and the old sun (autumn)
The Horse Nonexistent in pre-lndo-European Europe Sacred animal and epiphany of the main gods; white or gray — epiphany of the God of the Shining Sky, Twins, and Moon God; black — the epiphany of the God of Death and the underworld; mare — epiphany of the Dawn Goddess; gods are portrayed riding horses, or horses pull their chariots

the Globular Amphora culture in northern central Europe in the second half of the 4th millennium BC, the Indo-European mode of burial and beliefs in the other world took root in Europe and gradually replaced the burials of the Old European type.
The Contrast Between Old European and Indo-European Symbols
The analysis of Old European and Indo-European symbols shows that these two religions and mythologies had entirely different sets of symbols which are still extant today in the mythologies and folklore of Europe. I shall give just a few examples, not the whole glossary of symbols (see chart on facing page). Examples are taken from the animal world, sky bodies, and colors.
ast-central Europe in the period of 4500-2500 BC. was in a con-'stant state of transformation, due to repeated Kurgan incursions from the Volga and North Pontic steppe zone. There were several major stages of changing ethnic configurations.
1. Around 4300 BC, horse-riding pas-toralists from south Russia (Wave No. 1) created the first shock wave and population shifts in the Danube basin. The flowering of Old Europe was truncated and the hybridization of two very different culture systems began. Most affected were the Black Sea littoral (Varna), Karanovo-Gumelni£a, Vinca, Lengyel, and LBK cultures. The Cucuteni culture survived. In the west, signs of Kurgan elements (single burials under round mounds) appeared in England and in eastern Ireland before 3500 BC.
2. In the second half of the 4th millennium BC, from the North Pontic-North Caucasus region, strong influences increased the transformation of central Europe. The conversion of what was still Old European into an Indo-European social structure and ideology was remarkably successful. Central Europe was now ruled from hill forts and by daggers made of hard metal (copper-
arsenic alloy). The transition from a matricentric and matrilineal to a patri-lineal and patriarchal system was in process.
3. The massive Kurgan Wave No. 3, from the lower Volga region after 3000 BC. into east-central Europe, caused new ethnic shifts. The Indo-Europeanized populations of central Europe migrated northeast to East Baltic and central Russia, northwest to southern Scandinavia, and south to Greece (Corded Pottery and Vucedol extensions).
4. The warlike and horse-riding Bell Beaker people of the middle and second half of the 3rd millennium BC, who diffused over western Europe, are likely to have originated from an amalgam of remnants of the Vucedol people with the Yamna colonists (after Wave No. 3) in Yugoslavia and Hungary. Their parent culture is called Vinkovci-Samogyvar. This was the largest and last outmigra-tion, from east-central Europe into western Europe, up to the west Mediterranean and the British Isles, before the onset of a more stable period, and the formations of Bronze Age cultural units.
By the third quarter of the 3rd millennium BC, almost all parts of Old Europe were transformed economically and socially. Pastoralism and seminomadism increased and tillage decreased. Old European patterns of habitation vanished except for territories and islands which were never completely Indo-Europeanized. The Indo-European religion became official, but the Old European Goddess religion was carried on to the present day through fragments of Old European culture.
The functions and images of Old European and Indo-European deities, beliefs in an afterlife, and the entirely different sets of symbols prove the existence of two contrasting religions and mythologies. Their collision in Europe resulted in the hybridization of two symbolic structures in which the Indo-European prevailed while the Old European survived as an undercurrent. Without this insight into different symbolic structures, the ideologies of European peoples and the genesis and meaning of their symbols, beliefs, and myths cannot be comprehended.
The clash between these two ideologies and social and economic structures led to the drastic transformation of Old Europe. These changes were expressed as the transition from matrilineal to patri-lineal order, from a learned theacracy to a militant patriarchy, from a sexually balanced society to a male dominated hierarchy, and from a chthonic goddess religion to the Indo-European sky-oriented pantheon of gods.
CHAPTER 7, 8, 9 NOTES /413
57. M. Brennan, The Stars and the Stones; Ancient Art and Astronomy in Ireland (London: Thames and Hudson, 1983].
58. M. J. OTCelley, Newgrange: Archaeology, Art, and Legend (London: Thames and Hudson, 1982,): figs. 45-47.
59. G. Eogan, Knowth and the Passage-Tbmbs of Ireland (Ireland: Thames and Hudson, 1986]: 147 ff.
60. C.-T. Le Roux, Gavrinis et les iles du Morbihan. Les megalithes du golfe. Guides Archeologiques de la France. Impr. Nationale, 1985. For more illustrations see Twohig 1981 (note 56], pp. 172-75.
Chapter 8
1. N. Vlassa, "Chronology of the Neolithic in Transylvania in the Light of the Tartaria Settlements Stratigraphy." Dacia N.S., vol. 7 (1963): 485-94.
A. Falkenstein, "Zu den Tontafeln aus Tartaria." Germanic 43:2 (1965): 269-73. V. Milojcic, "Die Tontafeln von Tartaria (Siebenburgen) und die absolute Chronologic des mitteleuropaischen Neolithi-kums." GeTmania 43. Heft 2 (1966]: 261-68. M. S. E Hood, "The Tartaria tablets." Antiquity 51 (1967): 99-113. Id., "The Tartaria tablets." Scientific American (May 1968]: 30-37. J. Makkay, "The Late Neolithic Tordos Group Signs." Alba Regia (Annales Musei Stephani Regis] 10 (1969): 9-49. D. Whipp, "The Tartaria tablets." Antiquity 57 (fune 1973]: 147-49.
2. Shan M. M. Winn. Pre-writing in Southeastern Europe: the Sign System of the Vinca Culture, ca. 4000 BC. [Calgary: Western Publishers, 1981].
3. Harold Haarmann, "Writing from Old Europe." The Journal of Indo-European Studies. 17 (1990). Also Universalgeschichte der Schrift (Frankfurt-New York: Campus Verlag, 1990): 69-94.
Chapter 9
1. J. J. Bachofen. Versuch uber die Grabersymbolik der Alten [Basel, 1859). Reprinted with a Foreword by C. A. Bernoulli and an Appreciation by Ludwig Klages (Basel, 1925). Das Mntterrecht: Eine Unter-suchung uber die Gynaikokratie der alten Welt nach ihier religiosen und rechtlichen Natur (Stuttgart, 1861, reprinted Basel, 1897). Die Sage von Tanaquil [Heidelberg, 1870]. Myth, Religion, and Mother's Right. Selected Writings. Translated by Ralph Manheim (Bellinger: Princeton University Press, 1973), Series 84. Robert Briffault, The Mothers. A Study of the Origins of Sentiment and Institutions, three volumes, first published in 1927; The Mothers, abridged, with an introduction by Gordon Rattray Taylor [London: George Allen and Unwin, 1959, and New York: Atheneum, 1977).
1. George Thomson, The Prehistoric Aegean. Studies in Ancient Greek Society (London: Lawrence andWishart, 1949).
3. David Fraser, Land and Society in Neolithic Orkney. BAR British Series 117 [1983]. John Bintliff, European Social Evolution. Archaeological Perspectives (University of Bradford, 1984). Colin Renfrew, Approaches to Social Archaeology [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984].
4. Pieter van de Velde, "The Social Anthropology... a Neolithic Cemetery in the Netherlands." Current Anthropology 5 [1979]: 37-58. S. Skomal, Wealth Distribution as a Measure of Prehistoric Change: Chalcolithic to Copper Age Cultures in Hungary (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International, 1983]. See also notes 24, 31, 32, 34.
5. J. J. Bachofen, Myth, Religion and Mother Right [see note 1): 81.
6. Riane Eisler, Chalice and the Blade (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1987).
7. Demetrios R, Theocharis, "Development and Diversification: The Middle Neolithic of Thessaly and the Southern Region." Neolithic Greece [Athens, National Bank of Greece]: 65.
8. Ibid.
9. R. J. Rodden, "Recent Discoveries from Prehistoric Macedonia." Balkan Studies 5 (1964): 109-24.
10. Cited by S. Tabaczynski, Neolit Srodkowo Europejski. Podstawy gospodarcze [Warsaw-Cracow-Wroclaw; Ossolineum, 1970]: 242.
11. John Bintliff, European Social Evolution. Archaeological Perspectives (University of Bradford, 1984]: 101.
12. T. S. Passek, Periodizatsiya tripohkikh poselenii, Materialy i Issledovaniya po Arkheologii SSSR, 10 [1949]: 149-50.
13. J. Luning, "Research into the Bandkeramik Settlement of the Aldenhovener Platte in the Rhineland." Analecta Praehistorica Leidensia 15 [1982]: 19.
14. Ibid., 16-19.
15. Bintliff (see note 11), p. 86.
16. S. Milisauskas, "Olszanica, an early farming village in Poland." Archaeology 29:30-41.
17. Pieter van de Velde, "On Bandkeramik Social Structure: Analysis of Pot Decoration and Hut Distribution from the Central European Neolithic Communities of Elsloo and Hienheim." Analecta Praehistorica Leidensia 12 (1979). Repeated in Current Anthropology 20 (1979): 37-58.
18. A. Patricia Phillips, "Attribute Analysis and Social Structure of Chassey-Cortaillod-Lagozza Populations." Man 6 (1971]: 341-52.
19. A. Benac, "Obre I," in Wissenschaftliche Mitteil-ungen des Bosnisch-Herzegowinischen Landes-museums 3A (Sarajevo, 1973): 347-59. J. Nemeskeri, "Outline on the anthropological finds of a neolithic site," in M. Gimbutas, ed., Obre I & II, Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen des Bosnisch-Herzegowinischen Landesmuseums 6A (Sarajevo, 1974): 37-46.
20. J. C. Chapman, "Meaning and Illusion in the Study of Burial," in Balkan Prehistory. Ancient Bulgaria. Papers presented to the International Symposium on the Ancient History and Archaeology of Bulgaria, 1981, A. G. Poulter, ed., Part I (University of Nottingham, p. 8.
21. T. W. Jacobsen and T. Cullen, "A Consideration of Mortuary Practices in Neolithic Greece: Burials from Franchthi Cave," Mortality and Immortality. The Anthropology and Archaeology of Death,
S. C. Humphreys and K. King, eds., p. 88.
22. The total number of cemeteries dating from the fifth millennium BC. is about 80. The following largest were excavated: Cemica at Bucharest with 362 graves of the Boian group. Gh. Cantacuzino, "The prehistoric necropolis of Cernica and its place in the neolithic cultures of Romania and of Europe in the light of recent discoveries." Dacia 13 (Bucharest, 1969): 45-59; Cemavoda at Constanta of the Hamangia culture with about 600 graves (400 were excavated): D. Berciu and S. Morintz. "San-tierul arheologic Cernavoda." Materiale si Cercetari Arheologice 3 [Bucharest, 1957]: 83-92; also D. Berciu, Cultura Hamangia [Bucharest, 1966); Zen-govarkony of the Lengyel culture with 368 graves uncovered:). Dombay, Die Siedlung und das Graberfeldin Zengovarkdny (Budapest, I960); Tiszapolg£r-Basatanya with 200 graves in northeastern Hungary: I. Bognar-Kutzian, Tiszapolgar-Basatanya (Budapest, 1963); Azod with 220 graves of the Lengyel culture: N. Kalicz, Kdkori falu Aszodon [Asz6d: Peton Muzeum, 1985).
23. Rudolf Feustel and Herbert Ullrich, "Totenhut-ten der neolithischen Walternienburger Gruppe." Ah-Thuringen, (1965): 105-202.
24. Olaf Hockmann, "Zur Verteilung von Manner-und Frauengrabem auf Graberfeldern des Fruhneo-lithikums und des alteren Mittelneolithikums." farhbuch des Romisch-Germanischen Zentral-museums. Mainz 29 (1982): 13-74.
25. |, Paviik, "Zur Problem der Graberfelder mit der Linienbandkeiamik." Actuelle Fragen der Bandkeramik. Szekesfehervar (1972): 23-129.
26. Hockmann (see note 24], p. 30.
27. Pavuk (see note 25) and Hockmann [see note 24), p. 18.
28. G. Gallay and R. Schweizer, "Das bandker-amische Graberfeld von Rixheim." Archaologisches Korrespondenzblatt. Mainz (1971): 15-22.
29. A. Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa, "The Linear and Stroked Pottery Cultures." The Neohthic of Poland, T. Wislanski, ed. Instytut Historii Kultury Material-nej Polskiej Akademii Nauk [Warsaw, 1970).
30. N. Kalicz, Kokori falu Aszodon. Asz6d, (1985): 103.
31. Istvan Zalai-Gaal, Sozialarchaologische Unter-suchungen des mitteleuropaischen Neolithikums aufgrund der Graberanalyse (Beri Balogh Adam Muzeum evkonyveboS 14 (Szekszard 1988].
32.1. Lengyel, "Sozialarchaologische Deutung der Ergebnisse von Laboruntersuchungen unter beson-derer Berucksichtigung der spatneolithischen Grabergruppe von M6ragy-Tuzkodomb." In International Prehistoric Conference Szekszard, 1985. A Bferi Balogh Adam Muzeum Evkonyve 13 (1986): 155-69.
33. Settlement and graves were excavated by
K. Jazdzewski in the 1930s and by R. Grygiel and P. Bogucki in the 1970s. See R. Grygiel, "The household cluster as a fundamental social unit of the Lengyel Culture in the Polish Lowlands." Place i Materialy (L6dz) 31:43-271.
34. S. Skomal, Wealth Distribution as a Measure of Prehistoric Change: Chalcolithic to Copper Age Cultures in Hungary, UCLA PhD dissertation, 1983. University Microfilms Internationa!: 94ff.,
201 ff. Marita Meisenheimer, Das Tbtenritual, gepriigt dutch fenseitsvorstellungen und Gesell-schaftsrealitat. Theorie der Totenrituals eines kupferzeitlichen Friedhofs zu Tiszapolgar-Basatanya (Ungarn). BAR International Series 475 (1989).
35. V. A. Dergachev, Vykhvatinskiy mogil'nik (Kishenev, 1978).


Третья волна курганной культуры ( ок . 3000 г . до н . э .): вторжение южнорусской «ямной» культуры в Восточную и Центральную Европу и его последствия

Третья волна курганной культуры ок. 3000 г. до н. э. представляла собой массированное нашествие, в корне переменившее этническую конфигурацию Европы (рис. 10-32). Перемещение ее носителей на запад, север и северо-восток Европы, а также к Адриатике и Греции, обусловило окончательную индоевропеизацию Европы.

Позднеямные захоронения в Румынии, Болгарии, Югославии и Восточной Венгрии

О третьем нашествии курганной культуры говорят сотни могил в Румынии, Болгарии, Югославии (Южном Банате) и Восточной Венгрии, идентичные позднеямным захоронениям в бассейне Нижнего Днепра, Нижнего Дона и Нижней Волги 9 6. Их отличает ряд признаков: это мужские захоронения в глубоких ямах; в могилах имеются деревянные постройки-«домики» с кровлей из дубовых или березовых балок; полы покрыты деревянным настилом, лыком или золой; стены обвешаны коврами или другими ткаными материалами; покойники в основном уложены головой к западу на спину ноги поджаты — в более поздних захоронениях они лежат на. боку (рис. 10-33, 10-34). Тела посыпаны охрой. Над могилами возводили круглые невысокие курганы (как правило не более 1 м в высоту); вокруг них — каменные кольца или канавы. В отличие от северопонтийской культуо ы михайювка I для этого архитектур-ного комплекса не характерны каменные цисты ov - тостаты и стелы. Погребальный инвентарь в целом скуден однако знатные МУЖЧиНЫ снабжались мОЛОточковидной булавкой из меди или кости, круглой медной пластиной, спиральными кольцами для волос или серьгами из серебра или меди, кубками с шнуровым или гравированным орнаментом, цепочка­ми или ожерельями из медных проволочных трубочек и собачьих зубов, кремневыми наконечниками стрел, черешковыми кинжалами из мышьяковистой меди или кремня, шильями и плоскими топорами из камня или меди. Многие находки подтверждают, что здесь совершались жертвоприношения людей и животных. Среди жертвенных животных — лошади, крупный рогатый скот, овцы, козы, олени, кабаны и собаки.


Один из самых содержательных источников информации о Северном Причерноморье - нижнеднеп­ровское городище Михайловка с тремя слоями культурных отложений. Самый нижний слой (Михайловка I ) относится к ранней фазе майкопской культуры; затем последовал перерыв, а после — два слоя ямной культуры (Михайловка II и III ) 97 . Двухметровые каменные стены принадлежат слою Михайловка III . Кроме того, для слоев ямной культуры характерны бронзовые и кремневые кинжалы (рис. 10-35) и вы­сокие кубки с закругленным основанием, украшенные горизонтальными шнуровыми оттисками, гребенчато-штампованным орнаментом из «селедочных скелетов» и шнуровыми или резными цепочками бороздчатых треугольников. Помимо кубков, здесьтак- же имелись чаши, блюда и жаровни на трех или четырех ножках. Этот тип керамики также присутствует в захоронениях ямной культуры на Нижней Волге.

В Молдавии и на Западной Украине курганы третьей волны стратиграфически расположены над поселениями и захоронениями культуры усатово-фолтешты. Большая часть откорректированных радиоуглеродных датировок захоронений ямной культуры Западного Причерноморья попадает на период сразу после 3000 г. до н. э. (Табл. 32).

Гробницы ямной культуры в нижнеднепровских, донских и нижневолжских степях датируются этим и более поздним периодом. Несколько более ранних радиоуглеродных датировок, полученных на Украине и в России, приведены для сравнения в Табл. 33. Хронологическая связь представляется вполне очевидной.

Физические характеристики населения

Только в Румынии было исследовано 80 скелетов из захоронений ямной культуры, что позволяет сделать некоторые заключения по поводу их антропологического типа. Носители ямной культуры в Румынии отличались высоким ростом и крепким сложением, в основном имели долихоцефальные черепа


1 - Курганная культура ок. 3000-2900 гг. до н. э. и ее распространение по Восточной и Центральной Европе

- Культура шаровидных амфор и ранней шнуровой керамики до прихода третьей волны курганной культуры. Вучедольская культура и ее передвижение к западу и к югу в начале III тыс. до н.э. Стрелки указывают направление распространения средней высоты с закругленной Рис. 10-35 затылочной частью, разнообразный лицевой скелет, с выступающей носовой областью и массивной нижней челюстью 98 . Этот тип соответствует тому, что характерен для захоронений ямной культуры на Украине и в Южной России 91 '.

Рис. 10-32 Третья волна курганной культуры ок. 3000 г. до н. э. (или чуть позже) и ее последствия. Поздняя культура шаровидных амфор и ранняя культура шну­ровой керамики передвигаются на запад, север и северо-восток. Вучедольская культура смешается в Западную Боснию и к побережью Адриатики и в конечном итоге достигает Пелопоннеса.

Рис. 10-33 Третью волну курганной культуры можно просле­дить по огромному количеству невысоких курга­нов, под которыми находятся могильные ямы (отсюда название культуры - «ямная») и деревянные постройки. План и поперечный разрез кургана «ямного» типа из Северной Югославии (Войновица, г. Панчево к востоку от Белграда). Деревянный «домик мертвых» в могильной яме имел 6 деревянных столбов, которые поддерживали поперечные балки, пол был покрыт деревянным настилом. В «домике мертвых» находились останки мужчины, который лежал на правом боку в скорченной позе, головой на запад. У его головы найдено два серебряных кольца для во­лос. Ок. 3000-2900 гг. до н.э.; диаметр кургана 8 м.

Рис. 10-34 Захоронение (вид сверху и сбоку) из кургана ям-ной культуры в Юго-Западной Югославии. Скелет с поджатыми ногами лежал на спине. У его головы найдены две золотые серьги и красная охра. Пленицауг. Крайова, Южная Румыния. Ок. 3000-2900 гг. до н.э.

Последствия для Балкан и Греции: смещение вучедольской культуры на северо-запад и юг

Перемещение вучедольской культуры от центральных территорий ареала к пограничным рай­онам вызвало серьезные изменения на всем Балканском полуострове, как и в Центральной Европе. Из Венгрии и из придунайских областей Югославии вучедольские поселения практически исчезают. По всей видимости, миграция на северо-запад и на юг началась ок. 3000-2800 гг. до н. э., будучи очевидным образом спровоцирована наступлением с востока ямной культуры.

В Центральной и Северо-За­падной Богемии новопоселенцы основали целый ряд городищ, одно из которых дало имя всему комплексу — рживнак: это поселение в 9 км к северо-западу от Праги, раскопанное в 1882-1884 гг. 100 Основным источником информации об этой культуре является городище Гомолка к северо-востоку от Кладно (Центральная Богемия) 101 .

В Далмацию, Западную Боснию и Албанию переселенцы попали из Восточноальпийского региона. В Западной Боснии по берегам реки Сана носители вучедольской культуры заняли прежде необитаемые территории. Их поселения в этих новых местах — городища, выстроенные в естественно защищенных местах, и по большей части труднодоступные пещеры 102 . Курганные могильники с каменными цистами были найдены в Румене на реке Цетина неподалеку от города Синь и побережья Адриатики 103 . У Мала-Груды, Тиват, под курганом обнаружена царская гробница, в которой были серебряный топор, золотой кинжал раннеэлладского II типа (2900-2500 гг. до н. э.) золотые кольцэ медная пластинз. и сосуды вучедольской культуры'" (рис. 10-36) Высота этого ктогана была почти 4 м а ширина - 30 м. Основанием ему служила платформа из речной гальки, а центральное захоронение - «домик мертвых» из каменных плит - было углублено в землю. Скелет мужчины уложен в скорченной позе, у его пояса положены серебряный топор и золотой кинжал, у головы - пять золотых колец и медная пластина. У его ног стояли кубок и блюдо конической формы. Архитектура и погребальные обряды в Мала-Груде - те же, что в майкопской культуре Северопонтийского региона. Заметим, что Мала-Груда расположена на полпути между Северо-Западной Югослави­ей и Западной Грецией, где курганы этой культурной традиции появились в начале III тыс. до н. э.

Рис. 10-35 Оружие ямной культуры: бронзовые и кремневые кинжалы. Городище Михайловка, III уровень, район Нижнего Днепра. Бронзовый кинжал (слева) имеет 19 см в длину.

Рис. 10-36 На полпути от Северной Адриатики к Восточным Альпам и Пелопоннесу были найдены опоясанные каменными кольцами курганы с захоронениями в каменных цистах: они принадлежали к северопонтийской курганной (майкопской)традиции. Царские захоронения были снабжены изысканными сосудами и другими статусными артефактами. На этом рисунке - погребальный инвентарь из царского кургана в Мала-Груде, Тиват, побережье Адриатики: золотые кольца и кинжал, серебряный топор, кубок и блюдо с инкрустированным узором вучедольского типа. Начало III тыс. до н.э.

Миграция носителей вучедольской культуры на юг, в гористые местности и на неприветливое каменистое побережье Далмации не может быть объясне­на обычной территориальной экспансией, вызванной ростом численности населения. Ее причиной было вторжение носителей ямной культуры на территорию Югославии и Венгрии. Об этом красноречиво свидетельствует заселение ряда пещер как на континенте (Груштоваца, Дабар-Печина, Зелена-Печина в Далмации и Герцеговине), так и на ад-риатических островах (Грапчева-Спиля на о. Хвар, Ямина-Среди на о. Крес, Вела-Спиля на о. Корчула). Много-численные материалы с о. Лефкас и Северо-Западного Пелопоннеса указывают на то что носители курганной культур ы прибывшие в Грецию (возможно через Албанию и Алоиатику) в начале III тыс до н э были потом­ками индоевропеизированных обитателей Восточной и Центральной Европы т е представителямибаденско-вучедольской культуры.

Прекрасный образец перемены в обычаях Греции - могильник Стено на о. Лефкас, куда входят 33 курга­на1 05 . Они представляют несколько фаз культурного развития, начиная с раннеэлладских II и III периодов (ок. 2900-2250 гг. до н. э.); погребенные в них вожди и воины, скорей всего, принадлежали к правящей династии острова. Самый древний и большой по размерам курган обнесен каменной стеной и стоит в стороне от других (рис. 10-37.2); его погребальная камера необычайно просторна и хорошо сделана, а стены сложены из больших круглых камней. В ней найдены скелеты мужчины и женщины а посреди пепла — остатки овцы и ягненка — по всей видимости следы погребального пиршества. ,

В других древних курганах были ингумационные шахтовые захоронения, покрытые каменными плитами, поверх которых возведены каменные и земля­ные насыпи. В ряде случаев под курганами были каменные цисты. Этот тип погребальной архитектуры и обычаев восходит ктрадициям майкопской культуры, распространившейся по Восточной и Центральной Европе вместе со второй волной курганной культуры. Их аналоги — великолепные курганы к северо-западу от Черного моря (см. рис. 10-10), тарнавские курганы Северо-Западной Болгарии (см. рис. 10-11) и курган Белотич в Сербии. Кроме того, близкие аналоги им можно найти в Албании 106 и Далмации 107 . На принадлежность ранней группы (или R - rpynпы) кургана Стено к раннеэлладскому II периоду ука­зывают характерные сосуды с птичьими очертаниями («соусники»). По резным изображениям на стелах в Валкамонике нам известно о существовании медных тре­угольных лезвий для кинжалов - с прожилкой посередине или без нее и с двумя отверстиями для заклепок, — а также алебард (см. рис. 10-41, 10-42, 10-43). Кроме того, были обнаружены наконечники копий с прорезями и тонкие кинжалы. Однако наиболее престижным оружием знатных людей оставался кинжал который непременно сопровождал их в могилу (обычно его вкладывали по койнику в правую dvkv ! и потому может быть найден во всех богатых курганах (рис. 10-37. 2).

•  Кинжал, алебарда, копье и тонкие кинжальные лезвия i з курганов в Стено, масштаб 1:2.

•  Характерный курганный могильник в Греции, по которому можно наблюдать измене­ния, происходившие в Стено на о. Лефкас, к западу от Пелопоннеса. Раннеэлладская И III культура, начало III тыс. до н.э. Курганы (круглые могильные насыпи) имели каменные каирны и кольца, каквСеверопонтийском регионе. Захоронения в каменных цистах были углублены в землю. Слева, отдельно от остальных, расположена царская гробница. Кроме того, обозначены контуры 33 круглых курганов (белыми кружками обозначены разрушенные курганы).

Окруженные каменными кольцами курганы на круглых каменных платформах зафиксированы с конца раннеэлладского периода в Олимпии и продол­жали существовать в более поздний среднеэлладский период; то же самое можно сказать и об апсидных до­мах. Многие курганы Западного Пелопоннеса отно-

сятся к раннеэлладскому III или среднеэлладскому периоду, т. е. ко второй половине III — началу II тыс. до н. э. 108 По всей видимости, к середине — концу III тыс. до н. э. традиции курганной культуры можно считать уже прочно устоявшимися. Разрушенные поселения раннеэлладского II периода в Арголиде говорят о том, что здесь имел место насильственный захват. Следы разрушений также заметны в Лерне, Тиринфе, Асине, Зигуриесе и Агиос-Космасе. Так, сожженный дом Тила в Лерне не был отстроен, вме-сто него появились апсидные дома и изменился план поселения .

Судя по всему, завоевание Греции было аналогич­но завоеванию Восточной и Центральной Европы и повлекло за собой кардинальное изменение базовой общественной структуры и системы управления, ко­гда укрепленные городища стали местом обитания правящего класса. Изучение антропологических типов населения показывает, что группы воинов курганной культуры были не слишком многочисленными и что туземные жители не были подвергнуты истреблению" 10 . Завоеватели приходили малыми отрядами и силой утверждались в качестве правящего сословия.

Рис. 10-38 Курганы культуры колоколовидньис кубков в Центральной и Западной Европе являются продолжением погребальной традиции курганной культуры. (1) Поперечный разрез кургана с окруженной изгородью могильной ямой. Смолин у г. Бржецлав, Моравия. (2) Курган культуры колоколовидных кубков; лежащий в центре в скорченной позе скелет окружен дере­вянными столбами. Ланге-дийк, Фрисландия, Нидерланды. Диаметр курганов (1) 11м;(2)9м.

Последствия для Западной Европы: носители культуры колоколовидных кубков — амальгамы ямной и вучедольской культур в бассейне Среднего Дуная и их исход на запад

Западноевропейская культура колоколовидных кубков, в 2500-2100 гг. дон. э. распространившаяся по территории между Центральной Европой, Британскими островами и Иберийским полуостровом, не могла возникнуть на пустом месте. Эти подвижные племена конных воинов, которые погребали своих покойников в курганах того же типа, что представители ямной культуры, не могли быть потомками какой-либо из западноевропейских культур. Необходимо понять, какова была породившая их природная и идеологическая среда и где следует искать источник их погребальных обычаев и атрибутов. По моему мнению, в культуре колоколовидных кубков сочетались элементы курганной (позднеямной) и вучедольской традиций.

Особую соотнесенность этих комплексов — ямного, поздневучедольского и культуры колоколовидных кубков — можно проследить на примере погребальных обычаев, которые включали в себя ямные захоронения под круглыми курганами, сосуществовавшие практики кремации и ингумации, а также построение «домиков мертвых» (рис. 10-38). В оружейный набор входили треугольные кинжалы — черешковые или с заклепками — из мышьяковистой меди или кремня, треугольные кремневые наконечники стрел  — череш­ковые или с выемкой в основании, — а также «выпрямители стрел». Среди украшений встречались ожерелья из собачьих зубов, медных трубочек или птичьих костей а также подвески в форме полумесяца напоминающие нагрудные пластины 111 . Солярная символика представлена солнечными и звездными мотивами в виде выемчатого орнамента с белой инкрустацией, которые фигурируют на внутренней сто­роне жаровен или могут быть вырезаны на пуговицеобразных бусинах из кости или янтаря Среди способов декорирования керамики необходимо назвать штамповку или прочерчивание в зональных метопах инкрустацию белой пастой тонких геометрических мотивов зипагон черточек сеток ромбов точек или окружностей (баденско-костолацко-вучедольская традиция) Некоторые разновидности керамики такие как присутствующие в гробницах жаровни и кубки пришли из курганной традиции Куда бы ни проникали носители культуры колоколовидных кубков они сохраняли свое керамическое ^Гкусство имев шее непосредстмнное^ошение Гих верованиям ^шГоитуальная i 3^ vm ^^« c ^ K ^^^ oi ^' сивыхолно^родньЕмест сохраняли на про™

Связи между культурой колоколовидных кубков, ямной и вучедольской прослеживаются в их вооруже­нии, нарядах, погребальных обрядах, формах веры в загробное существование и в используемой ими символике и говорят об очень многом. Можно предположить, что культурный комплекс колоколовидных кубков сформировался при слиянии ямных и вучедольскихтрадиций, произошедшем после вторжения носителей ямной культуры в ареал вучедольской культуры, т. е. где-то через 300-400 лет после 3000 —  2900 гг. до н. э.

Конные воины и скотоводы

Обнаруженные в ряде поселений лошадиные кости объясняют секрет мобильности носителей куль­туры колоколовидных кубков. Как показало изучение останков животных в будапештских поселениях (Цепел-Холландиут и Цепел-Харош), главенствующее место среди домашних животных занимала лошадь, поскольку ее кости составляют более 60% от общего количества останков животных1 12 . Судя по всему, в Карпатском бассейне шел активный процесс доместикации лошади. Всадники культуры колоко­ловидных кубков доходили от Центральной Европы до Испании (где были обнаружены лошадиные кости вместе с материалами культуры колоколовидных кубков) 113 Кроме того лошадь играла важную роль в их религии о чем говорят остатки жертвоприношений лошадей и черепа порой обнаруживаемые в кремационных захоронениях

Насколько можно судить, носители культуры колоколовидных кубков занимались разведением домашнего скота, поскольку в их поселениях непременно присутствуют кости крупного рогатого скота, овец, коз, свиней и собак. От их жилищ практически ничего не осталось, только в Чехословакии зафиксировано несколько наземных построек со стенами из кольев, обмазанных глиной 114 . О существовании местной металлургии говорят литейные формы из песчаника для изготовления кинжалов.

Захоронения курганного типа

Поразительное сходство погребальных обычаев связывает культурный комплекс колоколовидных кубков с курганной (позднеямной) традицией. В обоих случаях это были индивидуальные захоронения в ямах, в которых возводили «домики мертвых» разнообразных конструкций: у некоторых в каждом углу было по столбу, могла наличествовать или отсутствовать кровля и каменная облицовка. Вокруг центрального захоронения была вырыта канава, в которой было установлено несколько рядов кольев (см. реконструкцию погребения в Смолине, Моравия)" 5 , а сверху насыпан земляной курган. Тела укладывали в скорченных позах, лицом к восходящему солнцу. Большое количество детских полусожженных или расчлененных останков могут быть интерпретированы не как обычные захоронения, а как следы жертвоприношений. От вучедольской культуры здешнее население унаследовало обычай кремации; так, в Венгрии кремационные захоронения составляют почти 90% от всех захороне­ний культуры колоколовидных кубков.

Количественный анализ погребальных материалов говорит о том, что общественное устройство культуры колоколовидных кубков приближалось к сословному 116 . Из них можно выделить три: сословие воинов (или правителей), ремесленников и простолюдинов (крестьян). Богаче всего могилы взрослых мужчин. Среди погребального инвентаря показателями статуса являются серьги, тгуговицеобразные янтарные, гагатовые и золотые бусины, поясные кольца и оружие.


Большая часть радиоуглеродных датировок, полу­ченных в западноевропейских поселениях культуры колоколовидных кубков, относятся к XXV — XXI вв. до н. э., и лишь несколько — к периоду до середины III тыс. до н. э. Самая ранняя датировка была получена в ямном жилище будапештского поселения Цепел-Холландиут 117 (Табл. 34).

Культура винковци-шамодьвар: наследники вучедольской и курганной (позднеямной) культур в бассейне Среднего Дуная

В Югославии и Венгрии на смену вучедольской и ямной культурам пришла культура, известная под двумя названиями, винковци и шамодьвар. Первое было дано по раскопкам поселения Тржница в окрестностях города В ин ковци (Северная Югославия) 118 , второе - по имени раскопанного поселения в Юго-Западной Венгрии 1 " 9 . За последние двадцать лет было раскопано или просто зафиксировано около 150 мест, связанных с этой культурой, — городищ, курганов и ям с керамикой (единственных остатков поселений). Стратиграфический анализ показал, что культура винковци легла поверх поздней вучедольской культуры. Одна из самых лучших стратиграфии представлена поселени­ем, которое располагалось на высоком плато в Пецине поблизости от Врдника. Там ямы культуры винков­ци были выкопаны в позднем слое вучедольской куль­туры за которым следовал слой баденско-костолацкой культуры 120 . Поселения культуры винковци-шамодьвар встречаются от Западной Венгрии до Словакии Западной Румынии Славонии Среме от Западной Сербии и Боснии до Черногории и от бассейна реки Морава в Центральной Югославии до городов Светозарево и Крушевац (рис. 10-39).

Несмотря на абсолютное сходство погребальных обрядов, характера поселений и керамики, археологи до нынешнего времени не связывали культуру вин ковци-шамодьвар с культурой колоколовидных куб ков. Однако трудно найти причину, по которой эт] группы следует рассматривать как две отдельные i независимые друг от друга культуры. Ихассортимен керамических изделий унаследован от предшество вавшей им в Югославии и Венгрии культуры вуче дол-мако.

В Западной Венгрии и в Западной Югославш культура винковци-шамодьвар, с характерными дл! нее городищами и отсутствием теллей, продолжал; существовать и во II тыс. до н. э., постепенно пре вращаясь в «культуру инкрустированной керамики Западной Венгрии и Северо-Западной Югославии i в «градинскую культуру» Боснии и Далмации (о « gradina » - «городище»).

Последствия для Северной Европы: центральноевропейская культура шнуровой керамики и ее экспансия на северо-запад и северо-восток

Культурный комплекс шнуровой керамики (вдй боевых топоров) известен не только на севере центральноевропейской равнины в Германии и Польше но также в Голландии, Дании, Южной Швеции Южной Норвегии и в землях Восточной Балтит вплоть до лежащей на северо-востоке Южной Финляндии; его восточное ответвление (фатьяновска$ культура) достигало Верхневолжского бассейна Центральной России (см. рис. 10-32). Согласно радиоуглеродным датировкам, его распространение на северо-запад и северо-восток, по территориям, которые перед этим занимала культура воронковидных кубков а также неманская нарвская и волосовская культуры, произошло еще до середины III тыс. дон. э. По всей видимости, крупномасштабная миграция явилась результатом нового импульса с Востока, данного третьей волной курганной культуры.

По всей территории данной культуры погребальный инвентарь древнейшей фазы обнаруживает близкую связь с центральноевропейскими аналогами. Его основными характеристиками являются кубки с горизонтальным шнуровым орнаментом вокруг горловины, шаровидные амфоры с радиальным узором по плечикам, кремневые топоры, резцы, лезвия или осколки и каменный боевой топор (тип А) 121 (рис. 10-40). Именно поэтому древнейшую фазу называют «общеевропейским горизонтом». Другой общей чертой данной культуры являются захоронения в деревянных или каменных «домиках мертвых» под низкими земляными насыпями. Удивительное единообразие, характерное для всех территорий, где были обнаружены захоронения культуры шнуровой керамики, - сильный довод в пользу предположения о ее одновременном' распространении по этому региону.

Цивилизаця я Великой Богини

Ареал распространения поселений культуры винковци-шамодьвар, возможная родина культуры колоколовидных кубков середины III тыс. до н.э. Более темными пятнами обозначены районы распространения культуры колоколовидных кубков по Западной Европе.

% —  Распространение поселений культуры колоколовидных кубков по Центральной и Западной Европе. — Вероятная «родина» данной культуры (ареал распространения поселений культуры винковци-шамодьвар)

Социальное неравенство и привилегированное положение мужчин в Северо-Западной и Северо-Восточной Европе

Социальная структура носителей ранней культу­ры шнуровой керамики в равной мере связана с культурой шаровидных амфор и с ямной культурой днепро-волжских степей. Под ее древнейшими кур­ганами находят только мужские скелеты и одно цен­тральное захоронение в ямном «домике мертвых», которого, вероятно, удостаивались особо знатные мужи. Обычно, помимо первоначального захороне­ния, в земляных насыпях делали несколько допол­нительных могил, что говорит о существовании по крайней мере двух социальных категорий. Любопыт­но что вырытые в кургане могилы более многочис-ленны, нежели те, над которыми он был возведен. Более низкое сословие также представлено мужски­ми скелетами. Нам практически ничего не известно

о женских или детских захоронениях этого периода. В более позднюю эпоху могилы культуры шнуровой керамики демонстрируют обычный процент женских и детских захоронений.

Физические характеристики

Кем были носители культуры шнуровой керамики? Представителями новой курганной (т. е. ямной) культуры, вторгшимися с Востока? Или это — поздняя фаза развития комплекса шаровидных амфор, чьи предста­вители оказались отброшенными к северу и северо-востоку нашествием носителей ямной культуры? По­следнее кажется более правдоподобным. Культуры шаровидных амфор и шнуровой керамики в равной мере сочетали в себе элементы субстрата местной культуры воронковидных кубков и некоторые черты куль­туры понтийских степей. В Германии и Чехословакии среди носителей культуры шнуровой керамики превалировали антропологические черты носителей культуры воронковидных кубков, за исключением отдельных личностей, которые относились к степному типу 122 . Анализ скелетных материалов из Польши говорит об их степном происхождении 123 . В других местах большую часть населения составляли туземные жители - древнеевропейцы.


Культура шнуровой керамики подразделяется на два основных периода. От первого (ок. 3000-2600 гг. до н. э., общеевропейский горизонт), в силу кочевого образа жизни его носителей, устраивавших лишь кратковременные стоянки, практически не сохранилось поселений. Изучение стоянок в Южной Польше показало, что кочевые скотоводы культуры шнуровой керамики существовали рядом с туземными земледельцами. Основной храктеристикой второго периода является кристаллизация местных сообществ. Согласно радиоуглеродным да­тировкам, полученным из разных областей распространения данной культуры, он приходится на 2600 — 2200 гг. до н. э. (Табл. 35).

Протоиндоевропейская традиция в хозяйственном укладе и в обществе

Протоиндоевропейская культура, в том виде, в каком ее удается реконструировать при помощи сравнительных исследований индоевропейских языков и мифологий, а также по древнейшим историческим свидетельствам, вполне соответствует своему археологическому образу. В этом разделе я коснусь некоторых лингвистических и мифологических данных, которые имеют отношение к проблеме идентичности курганной и протоиндоевропейской традиции.

Подобно культурам, языки существуют по законам живого организма: они постоянно претерпевают изменения и то сливаются, то расходятся в разные стороны. Хотя крайним пределом для нас остается волжский неолит и энеолит VI — Утыс. до н. э., мы можем попытаться реконструировать некоторые элементы этой культуры так, чтобы они органично сочетались с лингвистическими и мифологическими данными. В период ок. 5000 — 4500 гг. до н. э. значительно возрастает подвижность населения и усиливаются торговые связи. Поэтому я считаю возможным предположить, что в это время, прямо перед вторжением протоиндоевропейцев в Европу, идет процесс языковой консолидации. В гипотетическом протоиндоевропейском языке нет следов доземледельческого уклада. Согласно лингвистической реконструкции, наиболее характерными чертами этой культуры являлись наличие домашних животных (в том числе и лошади), подвижность образа жизни и классовое патриархальное общество. Курганная культура Утыс. до н. э., какой она была в волжских степях и лесостепях а также на недавно завоеванных ею землях Северного Причерноморья, во многом соответствует этой модели протоиндоевропейской культ уры реконструированной на основе лингвистических данных.,

Одомашненные животные

Одомашненные животные играли первостепенную роль в протоиндоевропейской культуре, о чем свидетельствуют их названия, общие для большинства индоевропейских языков: овца (* owis ), крупный рогатый скот (* gwows ), кастрированный бычок (*( s ) tauro ,, свинья (* sus и * porkos ), лошадь ( ekwo - ekwa ), коза (* aigis , os ), собака (* kwon - kun -). Коров и овец также называли словом * peku ( s ), что соответствует латинскому pecus , древнеиндийскому рази, балтийскому реки. Поскольку с этим понятием связано целое семейство близких терминов со значениями « dvh о » «волосы» «расчесывать» (греческое P € kos — «руно»' древневер,хнегерманское fahl - «шерсть» латинское pectere - «расчесывать») то можно предположить что первоначально слово века обозначало животное с большим количеством шерсти, вероятно, ORIIV и чТО сЛ/щССТВОВЯЛ периол когяя одомашнены быте одни овцы а прочие животные-еше нет Слова обозначающие «шерсть» и «ткачество» также имеют отчетливо индоевоопейское происхождение (старославянское * iv /* e титовское vilna немецкое Walk ^ bHtuHa ^ cSxwinat ^ tw ^ ume шЬеп - «пояс™ и ^ ходяГкранне^

Крупный рогатый скот был, по всей видимости, ценнейшим имуществом семьи, рода или племени и служил, как это зафиксировано в соответствую­щих терминах и древних исторических свидетельствах, предметом обмена. В санскрите слово «господин» буквально означает «властелин скота». В древнейших письменных источниках, таких как «Илиада» и «Ригведа», скот служил выкупом за невесту или оружие. Скот ( pecus ) был основным до­стоянием и имел то же значение, что для нас день­ги. Отсюда латинское название денег - pecunia . Эта функция сохранилась за скотом вплоть до XX в. (к примеру, в сельских районах он может выступать в качестве приданого невесты). Соответствующие сюжеты индоевропейской мифологии и эпической литературы ясно говорят о том значении которое придавали угону скота. Одомашнивание скота дало сильный толчок росту частной собственности.

Название одомашненной лошади сохранилось в латинском языке как equos , готском — aihva -, литовском - asva ; на основании чего его индоевропейская форма реконструирована как * ekwos или * ekwa . Компаративные исследования индоевропейской мифологии говорят о первостепенной роли лошади (в особенности белой) в качестве священного, жертвенного животного, воплощения божественных сил Бога сияющего неба. Археологические данные подтверждают лингвистические и мифологические сведения о ранней доместикации лошади, которая, скорей всего, имела место не поздней конца VI тыс. до н. э. Лошадь выступала в качестве жертвенного животного и животного для верховой езды: в последнем качестве она, по крайней мере с середины V тыс. до н. э., стала участницей боевых схваток. Древнейшие воины были вооружены копьями, кинжалами, луками и стрелами и, подобно историческим индоевропейцам — скифам, сарматам и другим, — умели стрелять на скаку. Культ лошади как божественного и жерт­венного существа столь же древен, как и ее использование для верховой езды.


Лингвистам не удалось реконструировать общий термин для металлургии. Это не удивительно, поскольку представители ранней курганной (курган­ной I ) культуры не были знакомы с этой технологией. Медные предметы попадали к ним из Древней Европы через бартерный обмен с кукутенской культурой. Металлургия была получена ими значительно позже, во второй половине IV тыс., из Закавказья; затем она попала в Северное Причерноморье и оттуда, вместе со второй волной курганной культуры, в Восточную и Центральную Европу.


Из первоначальных индоевропейских названий разных видов оружия удалось реконструировать следующие 124 :

*( H ) nsi — режущее и рубящее оружие, «меч», первонач&тьно — кремневый нож или кинжал (германское xsaxsaz , «меч», часто заменяет «нож»), древнеиндийское asi -, латинское ensis ;

*кеги — «наконечник копья», «лезвие», или некоторая разновидность метательного оружия (ведическое .гаги - может означать «дротик», «стрела» или «копье»; германский эквивалент - * xeruz );

* Eengh - es - u — «копье», колющее оружие; и * ghai - so - s — «метательное копье» (источникдревнеирландского gae , протогерманского * zaizas , древнеиндийского hesas , «метательный снаряд»);

* taqso - m - «лук»; греческое tokson , персидское taxs , латинское taxus ;

* isu - - стрела (наконечник стрелы);

* gwiH - «тетива лука» (древнеиндийское/ра , авестийское/уо, литовское дао , «нить», «сухожилие»);

*Аек-оп — «камень для пращи»;

*Аек-топ- - каменный топор. .

Эти слова говорят о раннем использовании оружия, что подтверждается археологическими данными (см. рис. 10-2, 10-4, 10-7, 10-35, 10-41, 10-42, 10- 43, 10-45, 10-46).

Средства передвижения

Мобильность являлась одной из основных характеристик протоиндоевропейцев: благодаря верховой товское ra ms , немецкое Rad , древнеиндийское rathah , «колесница», латинское rota ); ось — * ak ' sis , lynch * pin ( tulis в литовском, греческом и германском языках); и ярмо - yugom (чтоточно подтверждено). Производные от корня wegh - связаны с подниманием, переносом, поднятием при помощи рычага и ездой на санях. Это может означать что первоначально «повозка» исполь­зовалась для подъема тяжестей, в частности, при помощи рычага, или что она имела форму саней. Но даже если в первоначальном виде она и не была, четырехко­лесной, четырехколесные повозки были известны протоиндоевропейцам начиная с курганной I культупы На данный момент древнейшими свидетельствами суще-ствования колеса являются миниатюрные пиняные модели колес из древнеевропейских поселений (фазы к vkvtc ни А и карано ro VI ) датируютпиеся серединой Утыс дон э и более поздним периодом Обнажить какие-либо час™ шетояших повозок того времени ГТОКЯ T TLfKOTVTV 1-ТР "УТТЯИЯТТОСТ» И во nnOC " о ТОм КТО ~Ж.?" 1Лзо

Структура общества

Как показывают сравнительные исследования индоевропейских языков, исторические документы и данные археологии, протоиндоевропейская куль­тура была связана с патрилинейной структурой об­щества и патриарх&тьной системой власти, во главе которой стоял вождь-воин. Возраст был определяю­щим фактором его признания, тем более что он, по-видимому, играл активную роль лишь в тяжелые вре­мена, когда требовалась повышенная сплоченность сообщества. Браки носили экзогамный характер и заключались между малыми подвижными патрило-кальными семьями, которые были частью более об­ширного клана или племени. Не похоже, чтобы в этот период у протоиндоевропейцев уже обособился от­дельный класс жрецов. Женщины имели более низ­кий статус который могло повысить лишь родство с занимающими высокое положение мужчинами. О -том какова была законная власть мужа над женой гтжорят эпические тексты и правовые установления Под влиянием индоевропейской культуры неолити­ческие женщины утратили свой престиж и в этом новом обществе занятом торговлей и набегами превратились в еще,один вид частной собственности

Прекрасным доказательством патрилинейного, патрилокального и патридержавного характера про­тоиндоевропейского общества являются обозначения родства 125 . Филологи и лингвисты пришли к общему мнению, что индоевропейские обозначения родства и брачных связей подразумевают патрилинейную сивнимание отсутствие общего наименования для теток с отцовской и с материнской стороны. В число терминов, относящихся к поколению ровесников, входят следующие: брат - * bhraHte : r , обозначающий широкий круг ровесников мужского пола (традиционно образовывавших патрилинейные группы, которые имели важные ритуальные и политические функции); сестра — * sw € so : r , что означает «наша», т. е. «женщина из нашего рода»; сын — * SW - Htiws (* swff — «рождать», что говорит о тесной связи между матерью и сыном); дочь — * dhwgHte : r (по всей видимости слово имеет отношение к дойке и означает «доить» или «доярка»). Клэоме того существуют слова для обозначения мужней родн и и * swekwros ), его братьев в

(* dnHvwp r ) и сестер (^ eHlnwsV лля жены сына (* ши>5<э?1 и мужа дочери/сестры ( * еепНг) В качестве отдельной категории выделяются вдовы' (* w vdh что означает «п^аТГнеполноценная»), но не вдовцы.

Аналогичных терминов для обозначения родни невесты не существует. По всей видимости, при за­мужестве индоевропейские женщины уходили в дом мужа, где жили рядом с его отцом и братьями. Это также может служить свидетельством экзогамного характера брака. .

Протоиндоевропейский термин * pot обозначает мужчину, стоящего во главе семьи, pathpotestas , или вождя. О патриархальном устройстве общества гово­рят и парные термины * genH os /* genH r . первый опи­сывает патрилинейную группу, с которой человек породнился при браке, второй - наиболее уважаемого члена этой группы. На основании мифологии и правовых установлений можно заключить, что глава индоевропейской общины (* pot или * dompoti ) был деспотичным и вероятно полигамным воином-пат-риархом,который имел полную власть над жизнью и смертью членов своей семьи или клана.

Очевидно, что статус женщины был низким. Тер­мин, означающий «выкуп за невесту», происходит от т wedh , «вести», что, возможно, имеет отношение к движимому имуществу. Есть мнение, что женщины были «помехой» для этих подвижных, воинственных племен. .

Благодаря лингвистической палеонтологии у нас есть сведения о том, в какую непосредственно струк­туру была встроена семья. Принадлежащий малой семье дом - domos (или * dreb западных протоиндо­европейцев) входил в небольшую патрилокальную расширенную семью - * weik . Кроме того, обитатели * weik могли идентифицировать себя как поттмков одной группы или рода, * gen , и выбирать себе брач­ных партнеров из более широкой этнической или племенной общности, * teuta .

Рост земледелия у европейского ответвления протоиндоевропейцев

В степной курганной культуре земледелие играло второстепенную роль по сравнению со скотоводческим укладом. Однако исследования лексики указывают на то, что европейское ответвление индоевропейцев обладало значительными познаниями в земледельческом словаре. Следовательно, рост земледелия происходил одновременно с упадком номадизма, который начался после прихода носителей курганной (майкопской) культуры в Европу, в особенности на тех территориях, где земледелие уже было тысячелетней традицией.

Протоиндоевропейцы в какой-то мере занимались земледелием. Существуют общие термины для зерна, перетирания и размола, высевания и жатвы; также широко распространено слово mat ( e ) ya «мотыга». Чрезвычайно важно, что сохранились наименования проса (* meli , * metyom , * mefya ); мелкой разновидности пшеницы, ползучего пырея, осоки, спельты и райграса — * puras , os \ зерновых, используемых для закваски и брожения, - * yewos , мнж. * yewoi . Корень jew - связан с группой слов, которые обозначают «литься» или «исходить» «кипеть» «бродить» «волноваться» «подниматься».

До нынешнего времени в поселениях курганной культуры Днепро-Волжского региона удалось идентифицироватьтолько просо. Несмотря на то, что там были обнаружены каменные мотыги, кремневые лезвия для серпов и зернотерки, не было найдено ни следа пшеницы-однозернянки или эммера, ячменя, овса или ржи. Известные по нескольким поселениям крупные мотыгообразные орудия считаются при­митивными плужными лемехами. Насколько можно судить, на своей родине носители курганной культу­ры занимались экстенсивным выращиванием травы. За исключением проса, «земляного» зерна, * yewos , зерна для закваски и * nuris травы или спельты нет никаких других наименований зерновых культур как нет и археологических данных об их присутствии.

Общие названия для ржи, ячменя и овса обнаруживаются только у европейской ветви индоевропейских языков. Так, в славянских, балтийских, германских и кельтских языках есть слово * rughis — «рожь». Общий корень * aw - для обозначения овса обнаруживается в славянских, балтийских языках и в латыни. Судя по всему, «ячмень» означает «пища из зерна», во всяком случае на это указывают его латинская, германские и славянские формы: латинские far и farina '. древненардское barr — «ячмень»; готское barizeins — ««и ячменя»; старославянское брашно - «пища»; сербское brasno - «мука»; русское борошно - «ржаная мукаа»

Некоторые названия являются общими для всех носителей индоевропейских языков Южной Европы: бобы, горох, вика и мак одинаково именуются на ла-

тыни, албанском и греческом. Все эти растения были хорошо известны в Юго-Восточной Европе с эпохи неолита, и не исключено, что их названия были восприняты индоевропейцами. Единое название для льна, linum , существует в латинском, греческом, славянских, балтийских и германских языках. Название конопли — * kannabis сохранилось в греческом, албанском, германских, славянских и балтийских языках но не известно у восточных носителей индоевропейских языков. Все это говорит о том, что индоевропейцы в Европе были знакомы со многими зерновыми и бобовыми культурами, льном и коноплей. Некоторые названия, будучи общим достоянием большой группы языков, вполне могут восходить к важному формативному периоду к ото р ый последовал за второй волной курганной культуры (вторая половина IV тыс дон э) Насколько можно судить бобовые культуры были восприняты новопоселенцами отдревнеевропейского населения Юго-Восточной Европы Очевидно что земледельческий словарь индоевропейцев расширялся по мере их продвижения на запад.

Столкновение двух идеологий

Древнеевропейцы и индоевропейцы обладали диаметрально противоположными системами верований. Индоевропейское сообщество было воинственным, экзогамным, патриархальным, патрилинейным и патрилокальным, с сильной клановой организацией и иерархической структурой, где превалировало воинское сословие. Его основные божества были мужскими и изображались в виде воинов. Совершенно исключено, чтобы этот тип социального устройства мог развиться из матрилинейного, матрилокального и эндогамного общества Древней Европы. Отсюда следует что появление индоевропейцев в Европе - не эволюция, но столкновение двух идеологий.

За исключением Эгейского и Средиземноморского региона, с набегами представителей курганной культуры в Европе оборвалась долгая древнеевропейская традиция возведения святилищ. Вместе с ней исчезли культовые предметы поразительной выдел­ки — прекрасные сосуды, жертвенные вместилища, модели святилищ, алтари, скульптура, священные письмена. Ни в северопонтийских землях, ни в волжских степях, ни в тех частях Европы, которые во время или после эпохи миграции оказались под воздействием курганной культуры, не известно ни одного святилища которое можно было бы напрямую связать с курганной культурой Их отсутствие как и отсутствие более простых алтарных построек вполне согласуется с образом жизни скотоводов. ,

Новые европейские божества и символы

Древнеевропейскому культу Богини был нанесен ущерб уже при первой волне курганной культуры конца У-гыс. до н. э. В Добрудже и почти по всему Ду­найскому бассейну появились скипетры с конскими головами и горшки со шнуровым солярным орнаментом; однако древнеевропейская религия продолжала существовать в Эгейском и Средиземноморском регионах, в рамках кукутенской культуры Молдавии и Западной Украины, в культуре воронковидных кубков Северо-Западной и Центральной Европы, а так­же по всему ареалу западноевропейского неолита.

Новое изменение символики и мифологической образности произошло во второй половине IV тыс. до н. э. Тогда появились не только символические изображения солнца и лошадей, но и мужские божества в полном вооружении и с полагающимися им животными. Естественное для еще не исчезнувшего древнеевропейского населения поклонение Богине отступило на второй план. Это возникновение совершенно новой, лишенной европейских корней символической системы - сильнейший довод в пользу того что в Центральной Европе появились новые властители со своими верованиями.

Превосходным образцом новой европейской религии с характерными для нее мужскими божествами, оружием и солярными символами являются резные каменные стелы второй половины IV тыс. до н. э., найденные в альпийских долинах, Болгарии и Румынии (их близкие аналоги следует искать в Северном Причерноморье и на Кавказе). Их символика резко отличается от той, что свойственна французским и итальянским статуям-менгирам, на которых  — до их маскулинизации в бронзовом веке — была представлена совиноликая богиня. На стелах курганной культуры можно видеть солярные символы и мужскую атрибутику в том числе кинжалы алебарды топоры луки стрелы и колчаны пояса нагрудные пластины подвески в виде двойной спирали; жеребцов, оленей-сам­цов и козлов; телеги и тянущие плуг воловьи упряжки (рис 10-41-10-44) Эти изображения являются основными ИСточнИКАМИ для реконструкции мифологических образов и имеют о гр о мную ценность с точки зре­ния изучения материальной культуры поскольку дают четкое представление о кинжалах рукоятью алебардах и топорах с рукоятью луках колчанах повозках поясах и нагрудных пластинах - всех тех предметах! которые редко можно найти всохранном виде Что касается изображенных на этих стелах подвесок в виде двойнойспирали, натудньгх пластин бшнзовых кинжаловс^треугольными теми^ плос^1»Горов и кремневыхлезвий лтя Sani тоЗи такжГизвест ныпомог^ (из долины оеки По)

Резные изображения на стелах дают большое количество информации о новой идеологии. Точнее, это богатейший источник для изучения древнейших форм индоевропейской символики и божественных изображений. Очень характерна и группировка символов, благодаря которой мы можем изучать их взаимосвязи. и.

Поскольку они неоднократно появляются на более ил и менее антропоморфных стелах, нет сомнения, что все эти резные изображения оружия, животных и солярные мотивы действительно связаны друг с другом и что их соседство далеко не случайно.

Документально зафиксированы следующие сим­волы: солярные знаки (окружности, солнечные диски с сиянием, окружности с группами длинных лучей), которые бывают вырезаны в районе головы; нагрудная пластина (полукруг из нескольких концентрических линий) и одна — две подвески в виде двойной спирали, расположенные на груди или рядом с солярными знаками; окружности по обеим сторонам от сияющего солнечного диска; кинжал(ы) с рукояткой (от одного до семи и более), обычно изображаемый в средней части стелы; одна или несколько алебард с древком; один или несколько топоров на рукоятке; пояса из параллельных линий (из бусин?) или зигзагов или ромбовидного узора (из тканого материала?); четырехколесные повозки (изображенные в нижней части стелы) л ук колчан и стрелы отпечатки ног; плуг с парой впряженных в него быков; лошади, олени-самцы и козлы.

Особенный интерес представляет содержание и связь различных групп символов. Чаще всего встречаются солярные группы: солнечный диск с сиянием, окружности по обеим его сторонам, подвески в виде двойных спиралей и нагрудная пластина. Далее, к этой группе примыкают изображения пояса, кин­жала, алебарды, коня, оленя-самца, сцена пахоты и рисунок телеги. Специалистам в области компаратив-ных исследований индоевропейской мифологии этот набор символов безусловно укажет на Бога сияюще­го неба, который посылает потомство и покровитель­ствует растительности. Это божество существовало у различных индоевропейских групп, о чем говорят древнейшие исторические свидетельства и подтверждают фольклорные источники: это индийский Митра балтийский Диевас римские Диус Фидиус Янус и Марс кельтский Луг (именуемый «солнцеликим») германский Тивиас (от * deiuos ) англосаксонский Тиу скандинавский Тюр и Яровит-Свентовит северо-за­падных славян. Оно связано с утренним и дневным светом с весенним летним осенним и зимним солнцем Символами его могущества являются оружие - кинжал (или в конце доисторического - начале историческсто периода меч) посвященные ему животные - олени-самиы и жеоебцы а также сияющая повозка в ко тор ой^ зн^перелвигается качестве покповитетя пастительности и впервую очередь зер^оТ^о^ир^сяс^рой волов и с пахотой ой

Другие сочетания и группы символов представля­ют других божеств индоевропейского пантеона. Так, топор, равно как и булава, лук, колчан и стрелы, являются атрибутами Бога-громовержца (рис. 10-45,10-46).

Судя по имеющимся в нашем распоряжении дан­ным, на большей части стел изображен Бог сияющего неба. В индоевропейской мифологии он связан с идеей верховной власти. Как можно предположить, стелы возводили, чтобы увековечить гибель каких-то важных особ, вождей или павших героев, где герой выступал в качестве заместителя божества, а его оружие становилось священным. Вторым по значению был Бог-громовержец, охотник и воин, сражающийся со злом, противник Бога смерти и подземного мира, оплодотворяющий очиститель земли. Его образ лучше всего сохранился во всех индоевропейских мифологиях. Обычай изображать мужские божества на стелах является безусловной чертой индоевропейской культуры.

Противоположные пантеоны женских и мужских божеств

Сердцевиной древнеевропейской символики является циклическое повторение таинства рождения, смерти и нового возвращения к жизни не только человека, но всего живого. Ее символы и образы концентрируются вокруг партеногенетической (самозарождающейся) Богини, единственного источника жизни. Ее могущество — в бьющих ключах и колодцах, в свете луны и солнца, в земле, во всех животных и растениях. Она — дарительница жизни и смерти, богиня возрождения и земного плодородия, рождающаяся и умирающая вместе с растительностью. Рядом с ней существуют мужские божества, однако они выступают не в качестве творцов, а в качестве хранителей дикой природы или как метафорические воплощения жизненных сил и духа растений.

Протоиндоевропейский пантеон богов был выражением общественно ориентированной и хозяйственной идеологии. Его система вполне отвечала скотоводческому/смешанно-земледельческому укладу, в котором имелось обособленное сословие правителей и воинов, приручившее лошадей и научившееся пользоваться оружием. Функции дарения жизни и смерти принадлежали здесь основным мужским божествам, которые также скакали на лошадях и пускали в ход оружие. Женские божества, такие как девы зари и солнца, не обладали творческими функциями, но играли роль невест или супруг богов. Этот культ был обращен к небу, для него был важен ход солнца, молния, гром и другие небесные феномены. Эти небесные боги блистали как «дневное сияющее небо» и судя по изо-бражениям бронзового века, сияло и их оружие — кинжалы, мечи и щиты, — и их снаряжение — медные или золотые нагрудные пластины, золотые или янтарные диски обшитые медными пластинами пояса. Индоевропейцы поклонялись бы -строй стретс и копью octdomv клинку Считалось что прикосновение топора пробуждает силы природы и служит передатчиком плодородных сил Громовержца А ужасный черный Бог смерти и подземного мира касался обреченного на смерть воина концом своего копья, славя его как павшего героя.

Несовпадающие представления о загробной жизни ни

Этим культурным системам свойственны совершенно различные представления о загробном мире. Древнеевропейцы твердо верили в существование регенерационного цикла — отсюда основной мотив могильной архитектуры, «могила как утроба»: как правило, гробницам придавали яйцевидные, маткообразные или антропоморфные формы, представляющие часть или все тело Богини. Кроме того, в архитектуре гробниц и святилищ важную роль играл ее лобковый треугольник. На камнях мегалитических гробниц вырезаны символы регенерации, жизнепорождающей влаги и жизненной энергии (чашевидные знаки, концентрические круги с точкой посередине, концентрические дуги, извивающиеся и свернувшиеся змеи, бычьи головы (символ матки), треугольники, ромбы, песочные часы, зигзаги и лунные циклы) или сама Богиня Воз-рождения украшенная резными изображениями лабиринтов вульв и грудей Считалось что потусто­ронний мир расположен на Западе и что он отделен от обычного мира большим водным пространством которое можно пересечь на кораб­ле (еще один символ регенерации).

Типичной чертой древнеевропейской культуры являлись общинные захоронения. Так, западноевропейские мегалиты были сакральными центрами того или иного сообщества, а помещение экскарнированных костей в эти оссуарии означало возвращение к предкам. Более того, кости при­равнивались к семенам, из которых должна возникнуть новая жизнь. Все древнеевропейские захоронения на разные лады представляли идею возвращения в Материнское лоно для следующего цикла природного возрождения.

Индоевропейцы верили в линейную конечность земного существования и в продолжение «жизни» в загробном мире. Именно поэтому они возводили «домики мертвых», в которые помещали покойника со всем необходимым для загробного существования добром — инструментами, оружием и украшениями, отражающими его общественный статус. Царские гробницы и могилы знатных членов этого общества украшались с редкостной пышностью, чтобы мертвые не лишились завоеванного статуса. Особенно почиталась смерть в бою. Царей и вождей нередко погребали вместе со всеми ихдомашними -женами, слугами, ЛЙТЬМи __ И ЖИВОТНЫМИ В ТОМ ЧИСлелошадьми, бычьими упряжками и собаками. Приношения снеди продолжались и после погребения, поскольку считались необходимыми для благополучия их теней.

Рис. 10-41 Изображение индоевропейского воинственного многорукого бога с алебардами. Под горлом, на груди и ниже пояса изображены кинжалы, в нижней части стелы - изображение запряженных в телегу волов. Верхняя часть не сохранилась. Каменная стела из Лагундо, Альто- Адидже, Северная Италия. Ок. 3000 г. до н.э.; высота 3 м.

Рис. 10-42 Две композиции, выгравированные на камнях в Валкамо-нике, Северная Италия: соляр­ные символы (вместо головы), алебарды, кинжалы, пояс, лошадь и олень. (1) Чеммо, высо­та 1,15 м; (2) Папардо, камень приблизительно 0,60 на 1,20 м. Ок. 3000 г. до н.э. э.

Рис. 10-43 Стела из Баньоло, Валкамоника, Северная Италия (0,80 на 1,30 м). На ней выгравированы солнеч­ный диск с расходящимися лучами (голова), перевернутая нагрудная пластина, возможно — символ сияния (дневного света), подвеска в виде двойной спирали (символ утреннего и вечернего света), два кинжала и два то­пора с длинными рукоятками, а также сцена пахоты с упряжкой волов и 7 другими животными (возможно, лошадьми, собаками или оленями). Ок. 3000 г. до н. э.

Рис. 10-44 Стела из Кавена, Тельо, долина Вальтеллина, Северная Италия. Наверху солнечный диск с лучами (вместо головы), по бокам от него - по кругу — две подвески в виде двойных спиралей и нагрудная пластина. Ок. 3000 г. до н.э.; высота 50 см.

Рис. 10-45 Антропоморфная стела из Бая-де- Криш, район г. Хунедоары, Трансильвания, Румыния. Сбоку на поясе изображен топор на рукоятке. Голова утрачена, руки намечены. Спереди треугольный воротник соединен с поясом; сзади висит прикрепленный к воротнику ремень. Приблизительная датировка ок. 3000 г. до н.э.; высота 70 см.

Рис.10-46 Изображения бога грома с топором, булавой и луком (выгравированы между его руками и поясом). (1) Каменная стела в Натальевке, район Нижнего Днепра. Приблизительная датировка ок. 3000 г. до н. э.; высота 144 см. (2) Каменная стела из Керносовки, район Нижнего Днепра. Приблизительная датировка конец IV тыс. до н.э.; высота ок. 1,5 м.

Благодаря сравнительным исследованиям индоевропейских мифологий и систем верований мы знаем, что мир мертвых виделся холодным и топким под­земным царством, управляемым мужским божеством. Путешествие в это мрачное место было связано с трехдневной дорогой (пешим ходом, верхом или на колеснице) или путешествием по реке. Попав туда, бледные души пребывали в безучастном парении; веры в повторное возрождение не существовало. ло.

Некоторые примеры антонимичных символов в древнеевропейской и индоевропейской мифологиях

  Древнеевропейская мифояогия Индоевропейская мифологи оги


Цвет плодородия, земли — матери Цвет смерти, а также Бога смерти и потустороннего мира, который именуется «Чернобо-гом» (в балто-славянской мифологии)

Белый цвет вет

Цвет кости, а потому — сим­вол смерти, которая также связывается с желтым цветом, с золотом, янтарем, мрамором и алебастром Цвет Бога сияющего неба, кото­рый также связан с желтым цветом, золотом и янтарем

Змей, змея

Безобидная змея - символ человеческой, животной и растительной жизненной энергии; стимулирует и оберегает жизнь семьи и домашних животных; ядовитая змея — воплощение Богини смерти Символ зла, имеющий особую связь с вихрями; воплощение Бога смерти и потустороннего мира, противника Бога-громовержца
Бык, букрания Источник жизни, символ возрождения, своими очертания­ми сходный с женской маткой кой Воплощение Бога-громовержш, символ мужественности и силы
Солнце нце Символ регенерации, одно из проявлений Богини возрождения (в кельтских, германских, балтийских и славянских языках солнце женского рода, что является наследием Древней Европы) Цетральный элемент индоевропейской символики: жизнеродный символ, связанный с Богом сияющего неба, который является божеством года и представляет собой рождение солнца, молодое солнце (весну), торжествующее солнце (лето) и старое солнце (осень)


Отсутствует до прихода в Европу протоиндоевропейцев Священное животное, воплощение нескольких главных божеств: белый или серый конь - Бога сияющего неба, Близнецов и Бога луны; черный - Бога смерти и потустороннего мира; кобыла - Богини зари; боги изображаются в виде всадников или стоящими на колесницах, в которые впряжены лошади

Столь радикально иная система верований не могла быть результатом развития древнеевропейских представлений. Начиная со второй половины IV тыс. до н. э., когда в Восточной и Центральной Европе формируется баденско-эзерская культура, а в северной части Центральной Европы - культура шаровидных амфор, ин­доевропейские погребальные обряды и вера в загробное существование пускают корни в Европе и постепенно вытесняют погребения древнеевропейского типа.

Несовпадение древнеевропейской и индоевропейской символики

Анализ древнеевропейской и индоевропейской символических систем показывает, что эти религии и мифологии оперировали диаметрально противо­положными наборами символов, посей день сохранившихся в европейской мифологии и фольклоре. Я приведу лишь несколько примеров из возможно­го списка символов (см. выше таблицу): они связаны с животными, небесными телами и цветами.

Заключение ние

ВВ 4500-2500 гг. до н. э. Восточная и Центральная Европа находилась в состоянии непрерывной трансформации, вызванной повторяющимися нашествиями курганной культуры из волжских и северопонтийских степей.

Изменение этнической конфигурации региона происходило в несколько этапов: в:

•  Около 4300 г. до н. э. пришедшие с юга России конные скотоводы (курганная I культура) вызвали своеобразную «взрывную волну», отбросившую исконное население к бассейну Дуная. Так был оборван пе­риод процветания Древней Европы и начался процесс смешения двух совершенно разных культур. Более всего это затронуло Черноморское побережье (варнскую культуру), а также культуры караново-гумельница, винча, лендель и линейно-ленточной керамики. Кукутенская культура выстояла. В западных регионах отдель­ные черты курганной культуры (одиночные погребения под круглыми насыпями) сохранялись в Англии и Восточной Ирландии до 3500 г. до н. э.

•  Во второй половине IV тыс. до н. э. интенсивное влияние, шедшее из Северопонтийского и Северокавказского регионов, усилило трансформацию Центральной Европы. Переход от еще сохранившегося древнеевропейского культурного уклада к индоевропейским общественным и идеологическим структурам увенчался полным успехом. Власть перешла к городищам, сила которых держалась на кинжалах из твердого металла (сплава меди и мышьяка). Постепенно осуществлялось преображение матрицентричной и матрилинейной системы в патрилинейный партиархат.

•  После 3000 г. до н. э. мощная волна курганной III культуры с Нижней Волги вызвала очередные этнические сдвиги в Восточной и Центральной Европе. Уже индоевропеизированное население Центральной Европы мигрировало на северо-восток в Восточную Балтию и Центральную Россию, на северо-запад, в Южную Скандинавию, и на юг в Грецию (культуры шнуровой керамики и вучедол).

•  В середине — второй половине не III тыс. до н . э. по Западной Европе распространились воинственные всадники — носители культуры колоколовидных кубков, которая, судя по всему, появилась в Югославии и в Венгрии в результате слияния представителей вучедольской культуры с колонистами ямной (курганной III ) культуры. Родственная им культура носит название винковци-шамодьвар. Это была последняя и наиболее многочисленная миграция из Восточной и Центральной в Западную Европу, докатившаяся до Западного Средиземноморья и Британских островов; вслед за ней наступил период относительной стабильности и началось формирование культурного комплекса бронзового века.

К третьей четверти III тыс. до н. э. практически все части Древней Европы пережили процесс экономической и общественной трансформации. Увеличилась доля скотоводческого и полукочевого уклада, уменьшилась доля земледелия. Исчезла древнеевропейская структура поселений, отчасти сохранившаяся лишь на тех территориях, которые были не полно­стью индоевропеизированы. Индоевропейская религия стала официальным культом, однако связанные с Великой Богиней древнеевропейские верования сохранились до наших дней в разрозненных осколках древнеевропейской культуры.

Функции и образы зы древнеевропейских и индоевропейских божеств, как и представления о загробной жизни, и кардинально отличающиеся символические системы, говорят о том, что перед нами — две совершенно разные религии и мифологии. Их столкновение на территории Европы привело к смешению двух символических систем, в котором взяли верх индо­европейские элементы, а древнеевропейская часть сохранилась в качестве некоего подземного течения. Без понимания того, что изначально здесь существовали две диаметрально противоположные системы символов, мы не сможем понять различные идеологии европейских народов, генезис и значение их символов, верований и мифов.

Столкновение двух идеологий и двух социо-экономических структур привело к радикальному преображению Древней Европы. Изменения прежде всего выразились в замене матрилинейного уклада патрилинейным, умудренной теократии - воинственным партиархатом, общества полового равновесия - иерархией, где доминируют мужчины, религии хтонической богини - индоевропейским пан­теоном небесных богов.

Линки к Андроновской культуре

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Map of the approximate maximal extent of the Andronovo culture. The formative Sintashta-Petrovka culture is shown in darker red. The location of the earliest spoke-wheeled chariot finds is indicated in purple. Adjacent and overlapping cultures (Afanasevo culture, Timber Grave culture, BMAC) are shown in green.

Situation at ca BC 200, Jetyasars overlay on Andronovans

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