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Marija Gimbutas

EDITED BY JOAN MARLER Harper, San Francisco, 1994, ISBN 978-0062508041
Chapter 10
The End of Old Europe: The Intrusion of Steppe Pastoralists from N.Pontic and the Transformation of Europe


http://www.i-u.ru/biblio/archive/gimbatus_civ/09.aspx (In Russian)


The Indo-European culture is not a rival with the Türkic culture, their origins and histories are much interspersed, the protestations appearing in the posting are aimed solely at distortions and misrepresentations endemic to the Eurocentric offshoot of the science, and a full credit must be given to Eurocentrism for the studies that unwittingly advanced Turkology. Without Eurocentrism, Turkology as we know it would not have even existed. The book of Prof. M.Gimbutas is her late work, after she consolidated and fine-tuned her theory in defense from numerous critics. Her theory was rooted on technology, the development of carbon isotope dating allowed systematization of accumulated observations and conjectures into a coherent storyline. Fortuitously, she stood on shoulders of F.Soddy and F.W. Aston, without whom her theory could not have been created. While whole schools of archeology discounted radiocarbon dating as too imprecise and unreliable, the new tool allowed M.Gimbutas to leapfrog into the 20th c. Only with the 21st c. technology of haplotype allele dating it became clear that archeologists confused two separate developments, a later west-to-east movement of non-Kurgan people with the earlier east-to west movement of the Kurgan people. The history of these movements, separated in time by a millennia, is yet unwritten, but it is already clear that much of M.Gimbutas interpretations will have to be disbanded, while the facts on the ground will remain solidly intact. The adjusted storyline will still rest on the shoulders of  M.Gimbutas, on the solid foundation she created using radiocarbon dating. A fallout of the picture drawn by the alleles is that R1a either pra-pra-Indo-Europeans or rather pra-pra-Türks reached C.Europe 10 mill. BP, the R1b1 pra-pra-Türks reached Urals 6.8 mill. BP, and the two strongly hybridized and metamorphised pra-kin groups met again in the C.Europe as a first wave of Kurganians 4.5 mill. BP. At about 3500 BC, Europe was invaded by the Kurgan wave 2, and at about 3000 BC Kurgan wave 3 flooded C.Europe. These waves, archeologically associated with the cultures dubbed Battle Ax and Corded Ware, roughly coincided in time with the Celtic expansion to the Central Europe, and wrecked there a havoc known as the Central European “killing fields”. These invader flows were predominantly marked by R1b haplogroup, the survivals that included possible pra-Indo-European male haplogroup I fled to the E. Europe and Scandinavia. This allele-driven scenario demands that the core traits of the 2500 BC-old pra-Indo-Europeans have already coagulated into a militant sexist patriarchy that Prof. M.Gimbutas improperly attributed to the matriarchal Kurgan people, creating a host of contradictions with the archeological and historical sources.

The dynamics of the haplogroup and linguistic striation in the Eastern European Plain, in the Near East, and in Europe has led to erroneous linguistic and archaeological concepts such as the “Indo-European Kurgan Culture”, with its transposed languages (postulated “Indo-European”, when it was a Türkic language), the wrong direction of movement (the “Proto-Indo-Europeans” were moving eastward, not westward; the Türks were moving westward, the westward Türkic movement was seen by the creators and supporters of the “Kurgan Culture” as the “Indo-European movement”, exactly the opposite of reality), incorrect periods: in the 3rd millennium BC the Proto-Indo-European language advanced eastward across the Eastern European Plain, while the ancient Pit Grave or “Kurgan” culture is dated by the period of the 4th-3rd mill. BC, and was moving westward. Misreading the historical dynamics induced fabrication of a religious conflict in C.Europe when there was none, and unwarranted coinage of fictional militancy and patriarchy for the Kurgan people.

The dynamics of the Indo-European peoples' creation was defined by a combination of the first migrants from Inner Asia to Europe marked by haplogroup R1a1, with all the additions they gained in the next 5,000 years, with the Eastern European Kurgan people of the haplogroup R1b1 who reached Iberia by southern circum-Mediterranean way, with all the additions they obtained in 1,200 years of migration, which formed the joint Beaker/TRB culture, which in turn absorbed uncounted additions when their migration pendulum reversed on their way to Central Europe, and one well-known part of which moved east, crossed the sands of the Central Asia, and reached India. The ignorance of the circum-Mediterranean component, with its powerful role in creating the Beaker/TRB culture, led the whole Kurgan model of Indo-Europeanization into a scientific chaos.

    Tracing R1a1 Tracing R1b1 Allele
16,000 BP 14th mill. BC South Siberia South Siberia  
12,000 BP 10th mill. BC Europe “Proto-Indo-European” R1a South Siberia “Proto-Türkic” R1b  
6,800 BP 5th mill. BC    ↓ Middle Volga, Samara, Khvalynsk, Ancient Pit Grave (“Kurgan”)  
6,000 BP 4th mill. BC    ↓ Through the Caucasus to Anatolia (“Kurgan”), South-Eastern Europe R1b1b2
5,700 BP 4th mill. BC    ↓ Kazakhstan Botai culture (“Kurgan”), South-Eastern Europe  
5,300 BP 4th mill. BC    ↓ Middle East, Lebanon (“Kurgan”), South-Eastern Europe  
5,150 BP 4th mill. BC    ↓ Palestine (“Kurgan”), South-Eastern Europe  
4,800 BP 3rd mill. BC Kurganization of Old Europe: Beaker Culture/TRB Crossed Gibraltar to Iberia (“Kurgan”) (Beaker Culture/TRB - Pra-Celts and Pra-Italics), South-Eastern Europe  
4,800 BP 3rd mill. BC Beaker Culture/TRB move to E.Europe, spread from Baltic to Black Sea South-Eastern Europe  
4,500 BP 3rd mill. BC Beaker Culture/TRB through the Caucasus Türkification of Europe, South-Eastern Europe  
4,200 BP 3rd mill. BC    ↓ Europe, Flanders (“Kurgan”) (Beaker Culture/TRB - Pra-Celts and Pra-Italics), South-Eastern Europe  
4,200 BP 3rd mill. BC    ↓ Europe, Sweden (“Kurgan”) (Beaker Culture/TRB - Pra-Celts and Pra-Italics), South-Eastern Europe  
4,100 BP 3rd mill. BC    ↓ Balkans, Slovenia, and Italy (“Kurgan”), South-Eastern Europe  
4,000 BP 2nd mill. BC To Ural, to S.Siberia, Andronovo. Disappearance of Europe “Indo-European” R1a1 Beginning of the Türkic languages' time in Europe, South-Eastern Europe  
3,900 BP 2nd mill. BC Central Asia Northern Africa, Berbers (“Kurgan”), South-Eastern Europe  
3,800 BP 2nd mill. BC    ↓ British Isles, Ireland (“Kurgan”), South-Eastern Europe  
3,700 BP 2nd mill. BC    ↓ Basques  (“Kurgan”), South-Eastern Europe  
3,600 BP 2nd mill. BC Anatolia, Central Asia South-Eastern Europe  
3,500 BP 2nd mill. BC India, Iran (Aryans), emergence of Indo-European linguistic family South-Eastern Europe  
3,000 BP 1st mill. BC Return, Indo-Europeanization of C.Europe Replacement of Türkic languages in C.Europe, repopulation of C.Asia  
2,500 BP 1st mill. BC Herodotus Western Europe:
West and North: Kurganized Old Europe R1a1
South-Central: Kurganized IE R1a1
Herodotus Eastern Europe:
North and North-East: Finnic
Center Belt: Kurganized Old Europe R1a1
South Belt: Türkic Kurgan Scythians, Sarmats R1b1

Page numbers are shown at the beginning of the page. The subheadings in bold blue, bold highlighting, the posting's notes and explanations added to the text of the author and not noted specially, are shown in parentheses in (blue italics), in blue boxes, or under blue headings. The annoying (blue italics) are repeated over again because information is mostly sought out as a quick look-up, and the same elucidations apply for each instance.

Marija Gimbutas
Chapter 10
The End of Old Europe: The Intrusion of Steppe Pastoralists from N.Pontic and the Transformation of Europe


  The Domestication of the Horse 353
Culture Groups in the Forest-Steppe Region of the Middle and Lower Volga Basin 354
  The Samara Period of c. 5000 BC 354
  The Khvalynsk Period, First Half of the 5th Millennium BC 356
  The Early Pit Grave Period, Middle of the 5th Millennium BC 356
  Kurgan I Sites in the Lower Dnieper Basin: The Emergence of New Types of Burials, Pottery, and Weapons, and the Leadership of Males 357
The First Wave of Kurgans Into East-Central Europe c. 4400-4300 BC and Its Repercussions 361
  The Coexistence of Kurgan Pastoralists and Cucuteni Agriculturalists 362
  The Displacement and Amalgamation of the Varna, Karanovo, Vinca, and Lengyel Cultures 363
  The Emergence of Kurgan Elements in the Milieu of the LBK Culture 364
The Second Wave, c. 3500 BC, and the Transformation of Central Europe After the Middle of the 4th Millennium BC 366
  The Source: The North Pontic Maikop Culture 369
  An Amalgam of Kurgan and Cucuteni Traditions: The Usatovo Complex Northwest of the Black Sea 371
  A Kurgan-Influenced Culture in East-Central Europe: The Baden-Vucedol and Ezero Groups 371
  An Amalgamation of the Old European and the Kurgan Cultures 371
  The Baden-Vucedol Culture in the Middle Danube Basin 372
  Economy 372
  Burials with Sacrificed Animals and Vehicles; Physical type of Population 375
  The Vucedol Culture; Burial 376
  The Ezero Culture in Bulgaria, the Northern Aegean, and Western Anatolia 378
  The Globular Amphora Culture in the Northern European Plain Between Central Germany and East Romania 381
  Male Graves with Sacrificed Humans and Animals; Economy, Tools, and Weapons; Physical Type of Population 383
The Third Wave, c. 3000 BC: The Intrusion of the N.Pontic “Pit Grave” Kurgans into East-Central Europe and Their Impact 384
  Late Pit Grave Graves in Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, and Eastern Hungary 384
  Chronology; Physical Type of Population; The Impact on the Balkans and Greece: The Vucedol Shift Northwest and South 387
  Horse-Riding Warriors and Pastoralists; Kurgan Type Burials 391
  The Vinkovci-Samogyvdr Culture: Successors of the Vucedol and Kurgan (Late Pit Grave) in the Middle Danube Basin 391
  The Corded Pottery Culture of Central Europe and Its Expansion Northwest and Northeast 392
  Physical Type 393
The Proto-Indo-European Economic and Social Tradition 393
  Examples of Contrasting Symbols in Old European and Indo-European Mythologies (with added Türkic column) 400
Conclusion (with editorial translation from Indo-European to Kurgan) 414

The collapse of Old Europe coincides with the process of Indo-Europeanization (i.e. “Kurganization”) of Europe, a complicated transformative process leading to a drastic cultural change reminiscent of the conquest of the American continent. Archeological evidence, supported by comparative Indo-European linguistics and mythology, suggests a clash of two ideologies, social structures and economies perpetrated by trauma-inducing institutions. The Proto- or Early Indo-Europeans, whom I have labeled “Kurgan” people, arrived from the east, from southern Russia, on horseback. Their first contact with the borderland territories of Old Europe in the Lower Dnieper region and west of the Black Sea began around the middle of the 5th millennium BC A continuous flow of influences and people into east-central Europe was initiated which lasted for two millennia.

Indo-Europeanization of Europe is a misnomer, too frequently used in this work to keep emending it to “Kurganization of Europe”. That “Kurganization” had nothing to do with “Indo-Europeanization” is supported by a huge number of concurring evidence, among them the main points are:

1. “Kurganization” happened not only in Europe, but in the Middle East, in Central Asia, in S.Siberia, in China, and in Far East. Of all the places, only Europe is alleged to undergo “Indo-Europeanization”. In Central Asia, in S.Siberia, in China, and in far East, it was determined to be Turkification. In the Middle East the “-ization” is being disputed, but Turkification (Hungarization) is a leading candidate. For China, see P.N.Stearns Zhou (Chou) Culture sqq.

2. Alleged support “by comparative Indo-European linguistics” does not exist. Quite the opposite, the terms for mounted riding are absent from the Pra-Indo-European languages. The environment of Pra-Indo-European location is connected with agriculture, not with the agriculture-inhospitable Eurasian steppes. The Pra-Altaian has both elements, terminology for mounted riding and steppe environment. Indo-European does not have a shared pra-word for kurgans, Türkic does. See A. Dybo Pra-Altaian World

3. None of the Indo-European, Chinese,  Middle Eastern, or Far Eastern people retained the Kurgan burial tradition into the historical period. The traces of the Kurgan burial tradition only exist in accidental cultural borrowings, predominantly among the royalty, be it Greece, Middle East, or China. Only the ethnoses of the Türkic linguistic group, and the groups with considerable admixture of Türkic people (like Mongolians) preserved the Kurgan burial tradition into the historical period and in some cases into the modern times.

4. Genetically, the timing and direction of migrations are traceable and demonstrate that the migrational flows crossed the same territories at different times and in opposing directions. The Indo-Europeans migrated west-to-east, one millennium later than Türkic people, who a millennium earlier were moving east-to-west and brought “Kurganization” to Europe from two directions, one from N.Pontic via Caucasus, Middle East, N.Africa to Spain and beyond, and the other from N.Pontic to Central Europe and beyond. This information was not available during Marija Gimbutas' lifetime. The Indo-Europeanization of Europe in the 4400-3000 BC did not happen, it was “Kurganization” or Turkification of Europe. The Indo-Europeanization of Europe happened 2 millenniums later, in the 1st millennium BC, in a process of de-Türkification of Europe. See A.A.Klyosov Türkic DNA genealogy.

5. Of necessity, Kurgan people lived on meat and milk. By natural selection, Kurganians were lactose tolerant. In Eurasia, only the Türkic people and their historical neighbors with considerable admixture of Türkic people have lactose tolerance genes (C/T13910 at 2q21). Among human populations, the lactose tolerance is a weird deviation from normal. The genetical lactose intolerance is peculiar for the Indo-Iranian, Oriental, and most Semitic people. The clines of lactose tolerance provide a bird-eye picture of the events described by Marija Gimbutas, the advent and settlement of Kurganians in Old Europe. See the lactose tolerance maps

6. The territory delineated by  M.Gimbutas as Kurgan territory abounds with “unexplained” toponyms etymologized to “undefined” languages of the Old Europe. Many of them Turkological philologists explain as transparently Türkic names, and some, like the Caucasus, were even translated from the native Türkic into the languages of the Classical authors.

Except for the misguided attribution, Marija Gimbutas' work is superb in providing a panoramic view on cultures and archeology, and it affords a heretofore non-existing synthetic description of the Türkic Kurgan people in Europe. It also allows a better understanding of the Scythian westward migration, they were returning to the steppes retained in their national memory, and like the later generations of the Kurgan people, they readily buried their departed in their old kurgans.

Following this collision of cultures, Old Europe was transformed, and later European prehistory and history became a “marble cake” composed of non-Indo-European and Indo-European elements (i.e. of Old Europe and Kurgan elements). The subsequent existence of a very strong non-Indo-European linguistic and mythological substratum cannot be overlooked. To begin to understand this complex situation, it is necessary to start thinking in terms of the social and symbolic structures of cultures.

In this chapter I shall discuss the Kurgan culture of the Volga-Ural and North Pontic regions in relation to Old Europe; its influence on, infiltrations into, and destruction of the floruit of the Old European civilization. Linguistic evidence suggests that the original Indo-European homeland had to be located between the areas occupied by the Finno-Ugric, Semitic, and Caucasian linguistic families. A discussion of this problem is beyond the scope of this book and, in my belief, beyond the reach of adequate archeological sources. (And of the linguistic too, there are more theories on Indo-European Urheimat than an average IE has on both hands) The materials of the Volga-Ural interfluve and beyond the Caspian Sea prior to the 7th millennium BC are, so far, not sufficient for ethnographic interpretation. More substantive evidence emerges only around 5000 BC. We can begin to speak of “Kurgan people” when they conquered the steppe region north of the Black Sea around 4500 BC.

Prof. Marija Gimbutas very precisely and pungently described the ethereal foundation of her theory. For Indo-European Urheimat studies: the archeological sources are not adequate, they do not have sufficient materials for ethnographic interpretation. So, given the absence of reasons for Indo-European Urheimat constructions, Prof. Marija Gimbutas proceeds with construct and advocacy of the Kurgan Culture as Indo-European Urheimat erzats. Like for the millennia-sturdy Ptolemaic geocentric system, it is obvious that neither people can walk upside down, nor the wild hordes of Türkic or Hunnic nomadic cattlemen could be seriously viewed as European Kurgan people. The integrity level of the theory is illustrated by the fact that not even a single reference in this chapter on Kurgan people directly mentions the real historical bearers of the Kurgan tradition. In contrast, Ptolemy honestly discussed alternatives to earn acceptance of his views. The difference between science and politics is that facing divergent opposition, the science grows, the politics wanes.

The Russian word “kurgan” (itself borrowed from the Turkish) (as much “Russian” as the Vietnamese “pizza”, itself borrowed from the Italian via English) means literally a “barrow” or “tumulus” and the term “Kurgan tradition” was introduced by the author in 1956 as a blanket term for the culture of these seminomadic pastoralists who built round funeral mounds.1

In science, except the politicized history and philology, terminology is paramount. If we used euphemisms in physics, we would still be living in the 18th century. The term “Kurgan Culture” is one of the terminological victims, it is not a culture, it a “Kurgan tradition”, and in Soviet/Russian tradition it is defined not by its constituent cultures, but by the periods. We do not have “Samara Culture”, we have “Samara period”, not “Khvalynsk Culture”, but “Khvalynsk period”. Period of what? Even the term “Kurgan tradition” did not exist, it was introduced by Prof. Marija Gimbutas to describe the expansion of the eastern Kurgan Culture into Europe to postulate a renewed Indo-European Urheimat theory. We see the terms “Kurgan Culture”, “Samara Culture”, “Khvalynsk Culture” only as slips of the tong, because the descriptions are of the cultures according to the archeological cannons, but in the euphemistic system of doubletalk they are “periods” of unnamed “What Culture?”

The conflicts between the Russian historiography and Western scholars are profound, from details and methods to assessments of reality. The Russian officialdom science is still following the infamous 1944 prescript of the USSR Communist Party against “ancientization” of the Türkic history. The temporary demise of the FSU brought about a bifurcation of the science in Russia into two unequal parts, with the mass of state-controlled science following the 1944 prescripts, and a dissident science that spends most of its efforts on confronting the officialdom's enforcement, and consequently lesser efforts on scientific work. The non-conforming generals of science are still being replaced like lieutenant colonels in the armed forces. The Western scholars have to face the predominant euphemistic science, and wade thru the spin ambiguities to operate with the underlying facts. For the Eurocentric-oriented scientists, the situation is generally favorable, both sides focus on advancement of the same concept. On elements of conflict between Western scholars and Russian historiography see C.C.Lamberg-Karlovsky  Case of the Bronze Age Indo-Iranians, D.Anthony Bronze Age Herders of the Eurasian Steppes.

On the etymology of the word “kurgan”, M.Alinei observed: “the Russian word kurgan itself is not of Russian, or Slavic, or IE origin, but is a Turkic loanword, with a very wide diffusion area in Southern Europe, which corresponds to the spread of the kurgan culture” (M.Alinei Paleolithic continuity of Indo-European, Uralic and Altaic populations in Eurasia, 2000, 2003)

No weapons except implements for hunting are found among grave goods in Europe until c. 4500-4300 BC, nor is there evidence of hilltop fortification of Old European settlements. The gentle agriculturalists, therefore, were easy prey to the warlike Kurgan horsemen who swarmed down upon them. These invaders were armed with thrusting and cutting weapons: long dagger-knives, spears, halberds, and bows and arrows.

The Kurgan tradition represents a stark contrast to the civilization of Old Europe which was, in the main, peaceful, sedentary, matrifocal, matrilineal, and sex egalitarian. The Kurgans were a warlike, patriarchal, and hierarchical culture with distinctive burial rites that included pit graves with tent- or hutlike structures of wood or stone, covered by a low cairn or earthen mound. Their economy was essentially pastoral with a rudimentary agriculture and seasonal, transient settlements of semi-subterranean houses. (All of warlike, patriarchal, and hierarchical traits are questionable. History knows more examples of symbiosis, cultural exchange, and trade then wars. In many societies, it was agriculturists who encroached on nomadic pastures, with violence and genocide. The matriarchal vestiges remain with the Kurgan people to this day, a woman has an equal status even after and in spite of the centuries of Islamic enforcement; unlike for the IE nations, Kurgan people had Queens leading the state: Tamiris, Boarix. The ability to drift away from an oppressor did not allow authoritarian regimes to take hold, all nomadic states were and remain unions and confederations with a variation of a parliamentary system, take the modern Kazakh Juzes. You can't keep a mounted rider a slave, unlike a stationary peasant in farming societies, first you need to impoverish the nomads of their horses.)

The Kurgan tradition became manifest in Old European territories during three waves of infiltration: I at c. 4400-4300 BC, II at c. 3500 BC, and III soon after 3000 BC. This chronology does not represent the evolution of a single group but of a number of various steppe peoples who shared a common tradition, extending over broad temporal and spacial parameters. Kurgan I people were from the Volga steppe; Kurgan II, who were culturally more advanced, developed in the North Pontic area between the Lower Dniester and the Caucasus mountains; Kurgan III people were again from the Volga steppe.

FIGURE 10-1 Earliest sculptures associated with the horse and oxen cult (what cult? why cult? People were artists, that is clear, no need to invent mysticism). (1,3) Horse, double-headed horse and (2,4) oxen figurines carved out of bone from the cemetery of S'ezzhee on R. Samara, tributary of Middle Volga, district of Kuybyshev (Modern Samara Province. Kuybyshev was a Stalinist-period re-naming that replaced one venerated Turkic name with another name in an ignorant belief that it was not Turkic).
The pendants with double oxen heads were found in a child's grave under the sacrificial area of horses. (Sacrifices only in a perfunctory sense, in reality the grave inventory is not a donation to supernatural beings prospecting for reciprocal favors, which is a definition of sacrifice, but supplying a departed with necessities for travel to another word. Entirely missing is understanding that these are the earliest relicts associated with the Tengriism etiology)
Samara culture; early Eneolithic of the Volga region, c. 5000-early 5th mill. BC. L of horse 11 cm; L of oxen heads 12cm.

Russian archeologists use the terms “early Yamna” (i.e “Yamna culture” in English “Pit Grave Culture”) for Kurgan I; “Mikhailovka I” or “Maikop” culture for Kurgan II; and “late Yamna” for Kurgan III. (Yamna comes from yama, “pit,” i.e., “pit grave” under a barrow.)

The livelihood and mobility of the Kurgan people depended on the domesticated horse, in sharp contrast to the Old European agriculturalists to whom the horse was unknown. Pastoral economy, growing herds of large animals, horse riding, and the need for male strength to control the animals must have contributed to the transition from matrism to armored patrism in southern Russia and beyond at the latest around 5000 BC (Although the accurate date of this process as yet is difficult to establish, it certainly started much earlier than 4000 BC, the date used for the transition to patrism and violence in Saharasia caused by the pressures of severe desertification; see Demeo 1991.) (The oldest traditions of the known Kurgan people, Bulgarians ca 5th c. AD, tell about physical and social equality of sexes, male pretenders having to wrestle with his bride-to-be and not infrequent defeats, as well as female sexual freedom prior to marriage, and Amazon-type female warriors. As a minimum, the allegations of patrism are strongly exaggerated. The situation resembles the gap between the Chinese annals and Chinese archeology: studying the Bulgar kurgans, an archeologist would come to the same wrongful conclusions of unequal sexes, of patrism, and male warrior society as was advanced by Prof. Marija Gimbutas.)

The Domestication of the Horse

The large horses of the Pleistocene became extinct during the drastic climatic changes that followed the last glacial period. The medium-sized horses that survived belong to one single species, Equus fems Boddaeit, and can be divided into two subspecies, the tarpan (Equus ferns gmelini Antonius] and the taki (Przewalski type). (Taki is Turkic for “mount”, a generic riding animal) Of the two, the tarpan, a small but strongly built animal with a short head, tail, and mane, was domesticated. Small groups of the wild tarpan continued to live in eastern Europe until the end of the 19th century when unbridled hunting caused their extinction.

“Domestication” is a misnomer, fully applicable only to the agricultural economies, where animals are in continuous human contact and dependent on humans for survival. The Kurgan people learned how to control and exploit wild animals, the animals remained wild well into the 2nd millennium AD. A better concept for nomadic herds is acculturation, horses are trained from birth that humans are not dangerous. The wild herds were left wild in open ranges the whole year around, led by a tamed stallion trained to lead the herd, pretty much like the present-time lions in the wild country safari zoo, minus feeding and vets; only a limited number of mares was corralled for milking, riding, and draft, and even smaller number of stallions were castrated and corralled for riding and draft. Functionally, the Kurgan “domestication” is no different than learning how to use trees for bows, metal for tools, or wild fowl for eggs, it is a natural extension of the foraging economy that used wild horses to hunt wild horses.

The type of horses is also grossly misunderstood. The nomads used two types simultaneously, one for meat, the other for work, including riding. Naturally, the bone remains found at the settlements are the remains of the smaller food horses, the work horses could be used for food only at times of need, apparently the horse breeders had the same aversion to eating riding and working horses as it exists today. In the burials were left the riding horses, needed for travel to the other world. Accordingly, no traces of bit teeth wear would be found in the settlement rubbish piles. The genetics and genesis of the horses made great strides with improved genetic analysis. Testing of more isolated modern Norse horses gave a relatively recent date of their departure from Mongolia at ca. 150 BC (Bjornstad et al., Genetic relationship between Mongolian and Norwegian horses? Animal Genetics, Vol 34, Issue 1, pp 55–58, February 2003, http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1046/j.1365-2052.2003.00922.x/full).

Horse domestication may have taken place in the area between the eastern Ukraine and the northern Kazakhstan around 5000 BC. or earlier, most likely at forest edges and close to rivers whose basins were also forested. It is not surprising that the earliest evidence for the presence of the domesticated horse comes from the forest steppe of the Middle Volga basin where a Neolithic economy — stock breeding and small-scale farming — was present from the end of the 7th millennium BC (It is now believed that the first horse “domestication” occurred in the Botai Culture in Kazakhstan).

Botai culture 3600 BC
botai map

The earliest artifacts associated with the cult of the horse and evidence for horse sacrifice (see cult and sacrifice above) have been discovered in the Middle Volga region from this time, i.e., around 5000 BC in the cemetery at S'ezzhee on the bank of the Samara River, district of Kuybyshev (Modern Samara Province) miniature horse figurines were found carved out of flat bone. (FIGURE 10-1) These were perforated, suggesting that they were worn as pendants and must have had symbolic meaning. Horse skulls and long bones were found above the burials in sacrificial hearths. 2 This cemetery predates the Khvalynsk period in the Lower Volga basin, dated by radiocarbon to the first half of the 5th millennium BC (see the following section on Khvalynsk).

S.A.Pletneva studied 6000-years older kurgan necropolises of the N.Pontic, and found nearly exactly the same burial traditions of Bulgars, Oguzes, Bajanaks/Kangars, and Khazars, all ethnically Türkic people with quite divergent histories. Such long preservation of the same burial traditions is absolutely remarkable, especially in light that these practices are still observable now, 7000 years later, in spite of the millennia-long pressures of the state “world religions” and colonial Kulturträgers. Nothing like exist in the IE milieu. See S.A.Pletneva Kipchaks

Bones from a domesticated horse have been analyzed at Deieivka in the Lower Dnieper basin, 70 kilometers from the town of Kremenchug. 3 Dereivka belongs to the Sredniy (Sredny) Stog II group of the Kurgan culture, which entered the Dnieper steppe around 4500 BC. or somewhat earlier (Sredniy Stog I is a Dnieper-Donets site). Fifteen fragments of sexable horse mandibles found at this site were those of young adult or juvenile males, which suggests an advanced stage of domestication.(For a dietician, and a pastoralist, all that tells is that young adult or juvenile male horses were less needed in the economy, and were tastier than the aged variety. No difference from the current pastoralist practices) By the middle of the 5th millennium BC, large herds of horses were kept in the forest steppe and steppe zone between the Lower Dnieper on the west and northern Kazakhstan. The analysis of animal bones in the settlement at Repin on the bank of the Don River has shown that 80 percent of all domesticated animal bones belonged to the horse. 4 Great numbers of horse bones (more than 100,000) have also been discovered near Petropavlovsk (i.e. pre-colonial Kyzyl Yar) in the northern Kazakhstan in a site having Kurgan I (Early Yamna) (Pit Grave) affinities. There, horse bones constitute about 90 percent of all domesticated animal bones. 5

One motive for the domestication of the horse may have been its use for meat and milk which continues among steppe peoples to the present day. Of greater importance, however, was its ability to be ridden, which must have occurred from the initial domestication. Although cattle, sheep, and goats can be easily herded on foot, riding was essential for large-scale horse breeding. Antler tine (antler branch) cheek pieces, possibly used as bridle equipment, have been found in the Sredniy (Sredny) Stog sites of the middle of the 5th millennium BC (six occurred at Dereivka). Pairs of cheek pieces were found in graves or were associated with a ritual pit which included the skull, mandible, and leg bones of a stallion and the skulls and foreparts of two dogs.

The significance of the dogs in the kurgan burials is the same as horses, food, implements, or the fill of the kurgan itself. Kurgan is a pile of the pastureland soil, pasture is needed for the mounted travel to the other world. Dogs are needed to keep the herds confined to the kurgan pasture. All kurgan grave goods are strictly utilitarian, without any sacral value, so habitually ascribed to them by the scholarly folks who follow the modern mystic mentality.

The situation of initial domestication may have been similar to a practice known from Siberia several centuries ago. During the 18th century, Russian colonists found pastoralists between the Caspian Sea and the Altai Mountains who practiced little cultivation but kept herds of horses, cattle, sheep, and goats. Their herding was done on horseback // and the horse held a prominent position in their society. Geldings were ridden, and the main herds of horses were kept more or less wild under a stallion whose mares were milked and kept hobbled near the tents. 6 (Thanks for the tents, without it we would not have guessed that the subject are the numerous Türkic tribes of the Junior, Middle, and Senior Juzes in the Kazakhstan who lived in yurts, euphemistically named “tents”. Re-reading the paragraph again, the audacity of the author in avoiding the reference to the Türkic nomads is rattlingly marvelous, in the whole chapter the Türkic people are not mentioned even once, other then superveiled allusion)

The bovine remained the main draft animal of the Volga Neolithic as evidenced by figurines of probably yoked oxen (FIGURE 10-1, 2, 4) while the swift horse became the “motor” of transport. This innovation cut traveling time by a factor of five or more, nullifying whatever territorial boundaries had previously existed. These developments largely affected the exploitation of steppe resources and virtually all other aspects of life. Riding provided the ability to strike out across great distances, instigated cattle-looting or horse-stealing raids, the accumulation of wealth, trading capacities, and the development of. Once the steppe was conquered, it inevitably became a source of outward migration. (This depiction of the animal husbandry society is not rational, fair, or factual, even applied to the limited space of the Europe, and totally absurd in retrospect of their spread through the rest of Eurasia down to the Pacific Ocean. The main impetus for both directions was trade: the nomads had mind-boggling excesses of produce, and needed markets to trade with. The annalistic records tend to emphasize the disasters brought over by the nomads to the settled population, but the same annalistic records note a matching number of instances when nomads saved the farming states from Rome to China. There is a sea of difference between having a superior military technical capability and being militaristic society. In the historical period, invariably the nomadic militancy was a defensive reaction caused by aggression of sedentary states, be it Romans, Ahaemenids, or Chinese. The depiction of the endemic violence and warfare serves to conform to the image of Indo-Europeans as nations-warriors)

Material remains of the first half of the 5th millennium BC show that in an enormous territory east of the Don River and between the Middle Volga, the Caucasus Mountains, and the Ural Mountains there spread a uniform culture. Almost identical ornaments, tools, and weapons in sites thousands of kilometers apart speak for an unprecedented mobility between the tribal groups. The first incursion into the Dnieper steppe by these horse-riding peoples is dated before the middle of the 5th millennium BC. Not much later, Kurgan I horse-riding warriors appeared in the heart of Europe.

Horse riding changed the course of European prehistory. Coupled with the use of weapons, the mounted warrior became a deadly menace to the peaceful, unarmed agriculturalists. From the middle of the 5th millennium BC, the swift horse became a carrier of unrest that continued for millennia. If we look back at European history, at the routine massacres by horse-riding Scythians, Sarmatians, Huns, Avars, Romans, Slavs, and Vikings and the horse-drawn chariots of the Celts and those described by Homer — even the Christian Crusaders — we see how violence, abetted by the rise of the swift horse, became a dominant aspect of life. (If the reference to the Slavs is in respect to their invasion of Greece, they were an infantry force of the Türkic Avars, and clearly out of Kurgan Culture context. Crusaders also were a crowd of unprofessional infantry, with few mounted knights, no relation to the Kurgan people. Romans can't be accused of being Kurgan people. The rest can't be accused of routine massacres other then being the victims of routine massacres. The horse riding did change the course of history, in Europe and around the steppe belt, not by violence, but by spreading technologies, facilitation exchanges, bringing new concepts and so on. As to the negative application of the new technologies, they grew on the local soil, and ascribing them exclusively to the nomadic cattlemen is not accurate)

Culture Groups in the Forest-Steppe Region of the Middle and Lower Volga Basin

The Volga culture of the 5th millennium BC, referred to as Eneolithic in Soviet literature (meaning “Copper-Stone Age” or “Chalcolithic”), developed from the local Volga Neolithic culture. 7 Its territory covered the southern zones of the steppe areas between the lower Don, middle Volga, and the lower Ural, bordered by the Caucasus Mountains and the Caspian Sea farther south. The Neolithic and Eneolithic of this large area has been discovered only during the last twenty years, and several regional groups and chronological phases have already been recognized. The Eneolithic is subdivided into three periods: early, middle (or “developed”), and late.

The Samara Period of c. 5000 BC
(i.e. Samara Period of the Kurgan Culture, or Samara Form of the Kurgan Culture, or simply Samara Culture)

The Early Eneolithic is known as the “Samara culture” in the forest steppe area of the Middle Volga and the “north Caspian culture” in the Lower Volga basin. The discovery, in 1973, of the cemetery of S'ezzhee on the bank of the River Samara, a tributary of the Middle Volga in the district of Kuybyshev (Modern Samara Province), 8 began an understanding of this culture which, until then, was almost entirely unknown. The cemetery was partly destroyed, and the remaining six single graves and one triple grave were in pits, 0.70-1.0 m deep, a few of which were covered with a cairn or a low earthen mound (“mound” stands for kurgan). The striking discovery here was the evidence of horse sacrifice (see cult and sacrifice above) in association with burials and the bone figurines of horses, double-headed horses, and double-headed oxen.

A sacrificial area was uncovered 40 cm below the surface in the central part of the cemetery in which two skulls of horses were found surrounded with broken pots, shell beads, sweet water shells, and harpoons all sprinkled with ochre. Another sacrificial area of this cemetery yielded an accumulation of horse and cattle leg bones. Under the first sacrificial area, the richest graves of the cemetery were found, several containing children, all lying on a layer of ochre and sprinkled intensively with it. The most outstanding of all was the grave of a 1.5 to 2-year-old child (No. 6) equipped with a long flint dagger (FIGURE 10-2, 1), two flat figurines of double-headed oxen made of boar's tusk (FIGURE 10-1, 2, 4), three spoon-shaped objects with sculptured heads of ducks at the ends (ducks have a special place in the Türkic genesis myth), pendants and laminae of shell, a necklace or belt of shell beads, animal teeth, and two large gouges and adzes of polished stone. These grave gifts suggest an upper-class, probably royal, burial. The deposition of a dagger and sculptures in a grave of such a young child is unusual, although symbolic. From later archeological materials and comparative Indo-European mythology, it is known that the dagger and the yoked oxen pulling carts are attributes of the sovereign God of the Shining Sky. It is likely that the sacrifice (see cult and sacrifice above) of horses was associated with the death of a royal male child.

In Tengriism, everything has a soul, called kut. A tree, a mountain, a wagon, a spoon has a kut, any object and even a distinct part of of an object, like a person has a person kut and each arm has an arm kut. To depart to the other word, to assist the kut of the deceased, the deceased is given material objects whose kuts are bringing the deceased to to the other word. There was a whole industry that created effigies of the travel objects, to contain the kuts of the travel objects. A kut of a broken pot is a good kut, a kut of a specially cast miniature cauldron a good kut, a kut of a horse effigy is a good kut of a horse. The grave goods consist of two categories: the objects that belong to the deceased, like a necklace or belt or toy horse of a child, and the objects given to the deceased for travel, like a dagger or oxen effigies or gouges and adzes. Naturally, the objects and ritualistic procedures changed with time and from one distinct group to another, but the overall picture of the Tengrian Türkic burials was quite monotonous, making it difficult to associate particular necropolises with particular ethnicity, that was specifically noted by S.A.Pletneva.

Two figurines of horses (FIGURE 10-1, 1, 3) are from destroyed graves, as are many gouges and adzes of polished stone, large bone spears, daggers, flint points, arrowheads, and scrapers. Daggers were of flint and bone, some as long as 56 cm, which were truly formidable weapons. Flint or quartzite blades were set into shafts of bone on two sides. (FIGURE 10-2, 3)

Pots were not laid in graves but are found mostly in sacrificial areas (The grave pots apparently were made of perishable materials:  tree bark, reeds, grass, wood. The ceramic pots used for funeral feast were left behind at the grave, to not bring back any bad spirits from the  funerals, this custom is still being followed. Additional pots are also left after the ritual wake feasts). S'ezzhee pots were tempered with crushed shells, as all later pottery of Kurgan tradition. Most were made in a truncated egg shape with a narrow end, a flattened base, and a thickened, outwardly turned rim. The whole surface, or just the upper part, was decorated in horizontal or zigzag lines. These were executed by stabbing or stamping, by making comb impressions, and had pitted or “button” designs below the rim. (FIGURE 10-3) Similar pottery occurred in a number of settlements recently discovered between the Lower Don and Lower Ural. 9

FIGURE 10-2 In contrast to peaceful Old European agriculturalists, the Volga pastoralists around 5000 BC produced formidable flint and bone daggers.
(1,2) The cemetery of S'ezzhee, R. Samara, district of Kuybyshev (Modern Samara Province);
(3) Lipovski Ovrag.
The flint dagger was deposited in the grave of a boy, one-and-a-half to two years old. Bone daggers were found at the arm or skull of adult males. L of bone dagger (left) 53 cm
FIGURE 10-3 When painted pottery art florished in southeast and east-central Europe, Volga pastoralists produced primitive egg-shaped beakers with thickened rims decorated with horizontal lines by stabbing, incision, comb impression, and pits.
Clay was tempered with crushed shells. S'ezzhee cemetery, district of Kuybyshev (Modern Samara Province). Samara period, c. 5000 BC. Scale 1:3


Not much is known about the settlements. All are small and thin layered and have yielded only potsherds, flint scrapers, quartzite tools, and polished stone adzes and gouges. Since there are no radiocarbon dates for the S'ezzhee cemetery or other sites with similar materials, their chronology rests on typological comparisons. For instance, laminae of boar's tusks are known from the Dnieper-Donets sites and from the Samara culture. In the former area they precede the Sredniy (Sredny) Stog n period; in the latter, the Khvalynsk. If Khvalynsk, on the basis of radiocarbon dates, belongs to the first half of the 5th millennium BC, the Samara culture should be placed around 5000 BC or early 5th millennium BC

The Khvalynsk Period, First Half of the 5th Millennium BC
(i.e. Khvalynsk Period of the Kurgan Culture, or Khvalynsk Form of the Kurgan Culture, or simply Khvalynsk Culture)

The “developed Eneolithic” in the Volga basin is represented by the cemetery of Khvalynsk, located on the bank of the Volga in the district of Saratov, excavated by Vasiliev and others. 10 One hundred and fifty-eight skeletons were unearthed in an area of 30 by 26 m, mostly from single graves, although some held two to five skeletons or more. The dead were buried in pits in a contracted position, lying on their backs with their knees upward. Twelve graves were covered with stone cairns. As in S'ezzhee, sacrificial areas were unearthed with remains of horse, cattle, and sheep sacrifices (see cult and sacrifice above), while animal bones were also found in graves and deposited separately (leg bones of a horse and a calf, skulls of cattle, and sheep bones). The inventory of grave finds include about forty metal artifacts (rings and spiral rings), large pendants of boar's tusk, bone and shell beads and bracelets, a perforated and polished lugged axe, a schematized horse-head sculpture which was probably a scepter, bifacially retouched flint points and daggers, stone adzes, and bone harpoons. A very similar inventory was brought to light in a grave of a rich individual accidentally discovered in 1929 at Krivoluchie, in the district of Samara. The body lay in a contracted position on ground scattered with ochre and was equipped with a lugged axe of porphyry, six flint points of fine workmanship, a flint dagger, a scraper, bracelets of polished stone and bone, beads of deer teeth, and annular and cylindrical beads of pectunculus shell.11 (FIGURE 10-4) This individual must have been an important member of the society. (The padding of ochre, or less frequent typologically synonymous chalk or charcoal is one of the markers of the Kurgan burial tradition, observable and used for typological definition not only for kurgan burials, but also in cases where kurgan mounds were washed away, blown off, plowed over, or were impossible to build. Some of the following descriptions skip over the typological kinship and omit mentioning of the grave padding, instead concentrating on the grave goods that serve for typological distinctions expected in the excavation reports. The kurgan burial ceremony associated with red ochre for padding or sprinkling, underlayment of the bottom of the tomb with grass, reed, or felt, and accompanying the deceased with horses and food for travel are the typological elements that unite temporal and spatial embodiments of the Kurgan Culture across Eurasian steppes in the European and Asian Pit Grave, Andronovo, Afanasiev, Timber Grave, Cimmerian, Scythian, Hunnic, Avar/Kangar/Bajanak, Bulgar, Oguz, and Kipchak Cultures)

In the south, related finds and burial rituals were discovered at Nalchik in the northern Caucasus in the region of Kabardino-Balkaria. One hundred and twenty-one graves were excavated under a low kurgan, 0.67 m high and 30 m across. The contracted bodies lay in groups of five to eight, on layers of ochre, and were covered with stones. Among the most common grave goods were beads of pectunculus shell, stone, and the teeth of deer, wolf, bear, boar, and other animals, stone or bone bracelets, pendants of boar's tusk, long flint daggers, arrowheads, and points. The latter were bifacially retouched. 12

The astonishing similarity of grave goods in sites separated by thousands of kilometers suggest the existence of phenomenal mobility and intertribal relationships between Samara and the Caucasus. On the west, sites with related materials extend to the Sea of Azov and on the east to the River Ural. The types of stone tools, weapons, ornaments, and pottery of the Khvalynsk phase continued from the Samara period. The chronology of the Khvalynsk phase is indicated roughly by similarity with the finds of the Sredniy (Sredny) Stog sites in the Lower Dnieper basin, dated by radiocarbon and contacts with the Karanovo and Cucuteni cultures to the middle of the 5th millennium BC. The first radiocarbon dates for the Khvalynsk materials (analyzed by the laboratory of the Ural Institute of Education) fall within the early 4th millennium BC. When calibrated, they must belong to the period before the middle of the 5th millennium BC. 13

The same astonishing continuity observed between Samara and the Caucasus in the archeological record of 4,500 BC is observed uninterrupted till the 16th-18th cc. AD, when the expanding Russia wiped out large chunks of the continuity; it was positively broken down at the end of the 19th c. AD with massive Russian colonization of the Middle Volga basin, and finally decimated and dismembered with the abolition of the indigenous written culture in 1920's-1930's and deportation of the Türkic people from the Caucasus in the 1944. What the tumults of the 6 millenniums could not achieve was achieved in a blink of an eye by Stalin and his cohorts.

The Early Pit Grave Period, Middle of the 5th Millennium BC
(i.e. Pit Grave Period of the Kurgan Culture, or Pit Grave  Form of the Kurgan Culture, or simply Pit Grave Culture)

The “Late Eneolithic” period of the Lower Volga basin is the Early Yamna (Early Pit-grave) culture, characterized by a number of kurgans and settlements. In all respects it is a continuation from the Khvalynsk period. The excavated settlements have revealed the same tradition of ceramic craft and of flint, quartzite, and bone industry, indicating no changes in art or technology. The egg-shaped pots with out-turned rims (FIGURE 10-5), stone-tool kits dominated by adzes, gouges, and weapons — flint arrowheads, points, and daggers — continued to be produced. The continuity of the material culture is well documented by excavations in the same areas where Khvalynsk sites previously existed — by the settlement of Alekseevo near Khvalynsk, for instance, located on the terrace of a small river, a tributary of the Middle Volga. 14

Before the discovery of the Samara and Khvalynsk cemeteries of the Volga culture, the Early Pit Grave kurgans with burials in pits under earthen barrows were considered to be the earliest. Their origin was nebulous. Examples of such Early Pit Grave kurgans were known from excavations during the fifties and sixties: Berezhnovka I, 15 Politotdelsk, 16 and Arkhara 17, were known from the excavations of 1950 - 1960-ies. Low earthen barrows above pit graves became the most characteristic and universal feature. During the Khvalynsk period, graves were rarely covered with an earthen mound, more often with a stone cairn or a mound which accumulated because of the sacrificial activities above the graves. The earliest earthen kurgans could have started in the Khvalynsk period in the steppe territories and may have existed side by side with flat graves of the forest-steppe region. 18 The kurgan is a feature of the steppe.

“Volga culture”? What is “Volga culture”? There is no such archeological term or phenomenon as “Volga culture”, this is one of the absurd ethereal euphemisms to state that Volga or Itil basin was one of the Kurgan Culture indigenous areas. Mind you, Prof. Marija Gimbutas was an archeologist, knew perfectly well the cultures constituting her theory, and should not have used the borrowed absurdities.

The site of this period, in the region between the Lower Don and Lower Ural, is Repin, located on the bank of the Don, excavated in the fifties by I. V. Sinitsyn. 19 This settlement yielded the greatest numbers of pots and horse bones which, as mentioned above, constituted 80 percent of all domesticated animal bones. Ten other sites with similar materials are known now in this region.

FIGURE 10-4 Prestige weapons from a chieftain's grave:
(1) Flint arrowheads.
(2) Lugged axe of porphyry.
(3) Carefully retouched flint dagger.
This grave, found at Krivotuchie, R. Samara, district of Kuybyshev (Modern Samara Province), also included stone and bone bracelets, shell pendants, beads of deer teeth and shell.
Scale 1/3. Khvalynsk period, first half 5th mill. BC
FIGURE 10-5 Pottery from the early “Yarnna” (Early Pit Grave) (Kurgan I) kurgans in the Lower Volga area.
(1) Arkhara.
(2) Berezhnovka.
(3) Politotdelsk (A unique name of the times, meaning “Political Dept.”, an arm of the Communist Party at army subdivisions and local administrative centers responsible for the thoughts of the supervised, a la religious police, and running all individual and mass murders. The name is just short of “Torture Department” and the like)
(4) Altata.
Mid-5th mill. BC. H (1)26 cm; (2) 28 cm; (3) 14 cm; (4) 18 cm.

Chronologically, the Late Eneolithic (i.e. the Late Eneolithic period of the Early Pit Grave Culture of the Kuragan Culture) follows the Khvalynsk period (i.e. the period of the Khvalynsk Culture) which belongs to the middle of the 5th millennium BC. This is the Kurgan I period in which the Kurgan people expanded into east-central Europe as far as the Karanovo culture in Bulgaria and in the Danube valley. (FIGURE 10-6)

Kurgan I Sites in the Lower Dnieper Basin: The Emergence of New Types of Burials, Pottery, and Weapons, and the Leadership of Males

The Kurgan people first entered European prehistory during the mid-5th millennium BC, when they streamed into the basin of the Lower Dnieper and west of the Black Sea (FIGURE 10-6).

hi the Dnieper rapids region, the Dnieper-Donets settlement of Sredniy (Sredny) Stog I was found overlain around 4500 BC or earlier by a new cultural complex, Sredniy Stog II, whose people practiced single burial in cairn-covered shaft or cist graves. The bodies in these later graves were supine, either contracted or extended, and were usually supplied with flint daggers, arrowheads, spear points, and beakers with pointed bases in the Kurgan tradition. (FIGURES 10-7A, B) The skeletal remains, moreover, are dolichomesocranial, taller statured, and of a more slender physical type than those of their Dnieper-Donets predecessors, 20 who were of robust Cro-Magnon type. (FIGURE 10-7C).

The Chapter 10 of this book recapitulates more extensive descriptions provided in Prof. Marija Gimbutas' other books, articles, and comments, and generally skips on the descriptions of the physical type, which of course are not less important than the linguistic recitations given in sufficient detail to argue her point. The book also addresses only the westward expansion of the Kurgan Culture, leaving aside the eastward and south/southeast expansion

The expansion waves carried genetic composition and linguistic impacts, at least for the cultural and technological innovations, their traces must be and are detectable, both biologically and linguistically, is spite of the relatively recent replacement of the Kurgan language(s) by the Indo-European variety.

M. Gimbutas' conceptual map of Kurgan westward waves (from R.R.Sokal et al. 1992)
The M. Gimbutas' map conflicts with the tracing of the datable genetic markers, pointing to the shortcomings of archeology, which so far failed to detect migrations into the Kurgan origin territories, and the migration across Caucasus into the Middle East, on to N.Africa, and on to Iberia, marked by No Kurgan on the map.

A similar picture pertains to the linguistic traces, which could link a part of etymologically undefined lexicon and possibly elements of grammar to the Kurgan influence. A similar work performed in the Chinese languages located numerous cognates between the Türkic and Chinese languages, some of them traceable to the first elements of writing, 3600 BP. The first recorded Türkic elements in Greek and Assyrian ascend to 2800 BP. They are not *reconstructions, they are real.

M. Gimbutas' conceptual map of Kurgan westward waves (from R.R.Sokal et al. 1992)
With superimposed migrations of the datable genetic markers

In contrast to the vegetal-temper characteristic of the earlier Dnieper-Donets ceramics, the pots of these new inhabitants were tempered with crushed shells, and their stamped, pitted, or cord-impressed decorations present a solar motif. Local evolution cannot account for such abrupt changes.

FIGURE 10-6A Kurgan thrust into east-central Europe and its influence on the Danube basin and beyond in the period between 4300 and 3500 BC. This influence is traceable even in England and eastern Ireland in the middle of the 4th mill. BC (Genetical markers ascribe Spain, England and Ireland to circum-Mediterranian advance of Kurgan people; arrow is incorrect)

Light shade - Origin of Kurgan influence in Lower Volga-Don steppes and distribution of Kurgan I (Early Yamna) (Early Pit Grave) culture
Dark shade - Cultures transformed by Kurgan elements

(It jumps into the eyes that exactly the same territories were favored by the later, historically known Kurgan people, who in addition to their own new kurgans used the existing kurgans for their own cemeteries:

- Cimmerians
- Scythians
- Huns
- Avars
- Bulgars
- Kangars-Bajanaks
- Oguzes
- Kipchaks

- and their descendents, who gradually lost their Kurgan burial tradition with convergence to Christianity and Islam:

- Danube Bulgars
- Khazars
- Itil Bulgars
- Türkic people of Kipchak Khanate)

FIGURE 10-6B Kurgan I thrust (arrows) into east-central Europe c. 4400-4300 BC. Wave No. 1 moved from the Lower Volga to the Lower Dnieper region, then infiltrated the territory west of the Black Sea. It spread across the Danubian plain, and also to the Marica plain in Bulgaria, as well as to Macedonia. Following the Danube or crossing Transylvania, it reached the east Hungarian grasslands.

Light shade - Distribution of Kurgan I sites
——> - Kurgan
-----> - Old European

Contemporary groups in northern Europe:
1. Narva (Finno-Ugrians or Europids=Caucasians)
2. Nemunas (Unattributed nomadic hunting)
3. Dnieper-Donets (robust late Cro-Magnons, hunting, ~ Samara culture people)
4. Volosovo (settled fishing)
5. Volga-Kama (Finno-Ugrians ?, hunting-fishing)
6. Sperrings (settled hunting-fishing)

FIGURE 10-7A In the Lower Dnieper basin, Kurgan I flint weapons - dagger, arrowheads, spearpoints — and beakers with stabbed decoration appeared in the mid-5th mill. BC.

(1) Alettsandriya.
(2-5, 9) Dereivka.
(6) Yama.
(7) Strilcha-Skela.
(8,10, 12) Petrovo-Svistunovo,
(11) Goncharivka.
H of flint dagger 45cm; H of largest spearpoint 15 cm
FIGURE 10-7B Kurgan I (Sredniy (Sredny) Stog ll) beakers from the Lower Dnieper region. When viewed from the top, the stabbed decoration forms a solar design. FIGURE 10-7C Reconstruction of Kurgan I (Sredniy Stog II) male skull from Aleksandriya, Lower Dnieper, mid-5th mill. BC
(1) Domotkan.
(2) Mayorka.
H of larger pot 13cm

(The miniature sizes of the pots, unsuitable for practical use as storage or cooking/warming pots, or personal utensils, clearly point that they are effigies, containers for the spirits of the pots given to the deceased for travel purposes. That they were fired makes likely an effigy industry, possibly a kam (priest) had them prepared in advance like the pre-industrial casket and funerary appurtenance production at the local churches, mosques, and synagogues; but they could as well be made within a family, manufacture and firing of small pots could be done in a day, while the entombment was seasonal, allowing plenty of time for preparations; a person who died in the autumn or before summer season could wait till the ground thaws, as is done in the historical times. The “solar design” is in the eyes of the beholder, this design was still active in the local ceramics of the same area prior to WWII, and can still be found in many homes seen as traditional decoration without any sacral connotations)

The Sredniy (Sredny) Stog II complex represents an extension of the Volga pastoralists into the Dnieper basin which occurred at the end of the Khvalynsk period. Their horse cult (see cult and sacrifice above) and burials are related to those found in the Middle Volga forest steppe region. At Dereivka in the Lower Dnieper region, tombs contain remains of sacrificed (see cult and sacrifice above) horses and dogs. Graves of a man and woman, perhaps the widow, and of a man and one or two children in one grave, buried at the same time, are frequent. As the Kurgans moved into Old Europe, however, certain influences were inevitably absorbed from the local indigenous cultures. The hundred sites in the lower Dnieper-Don interfluve are primarily cemeteries, and their grave goods reflect this influence and are enriched by copper and gold objects from the west. 21

Chisels, scrapers, and often long (to 22 cm) pointed flint daggers were placed at the man's hand and even in the cairn above. Occasionally as many as fifteen such daggerlike blades occur in a grave. Bifacially worked spearpoints, triangular flint arrowheads, narrow-butted flint and polished stone axes and daggers form the prototypical Indo-European weaponry (Indo-European is kind of exaggeration. While the Kurgan weaponry is known, the Indo-European Urheimat and weaponry still await their hour). These were usable from horseback and are still seen later in the Bronze and Early Iron ages.

Exceptionally rich male graves include thousands of pectunculus or other shells (originally attached to disintegrated leather or woven belts); copper bead and animal tooth necklaces; shell and copper pendants,- spiral arm rings and finger rings of copper; long, thin spiral-headed copper pins and tubes. Presumably, this copper came from the Ai-Bunar mines in central Bulgaria via barter with the Cucuteni. Some of the copper artifacts, however; such as the spiral arm rings, tubes, and shell-shaped pendants, are unparalleled in the west and may have been the product of local craftsmen. (The belts are the hallmark of the Kurgan and all its embodiments' dress. The belts are noted as distinct feature in the burials, in the annalistic records, in the ethnological descriptions, in statuary starting from Cimmerian/Scythian times to the Late Kipchak times, and into the Modern Age. The Türkic kaftans and belts, together with their boots, were imitated, adopted, and absorbed, they became the textbook image of the Russian peasant down to the 20th c., they can be seen on Chinese and Middle Eastern depictions, and they still can be found in the most recent kurgan burials around Altai)

The presence of antler hoes and querns is conclusive proof of agricultural activity in Sredniy (Sredny) Stog II, although no grains have thus far been identified. Awls, picks, polishers, and hammer-axes of bone and antler are found in the settlements in considerable numbers. (The reason that no grains have thus far been found is that until recent, the Russian archeology used a shovel-height layering in excavations, primarily searching for datable ceramics, trinkets and precious metals, and largely ignoring biological remains that do not provide Caucasoid/Mongoloid discriminators. Thus, the bulk of the archeological monuments in the European Russia were, and still are, destroyed without extracting information needed for scientific studies. Sifting is still is not a requirement, it is up to the archeologist to use or not to use it. In the history of Russian archeology, the first, and maybe the last, excavated kurgan was restored to its original shape in 2005. Kurgans are not listed in the registry of the national or local treasures, they are just piles of mud with no owner. Of the thousands upon thousands of osteological remains uncovered in the European Russia, to date, as of 2011, only one genetical testing was performed, and it identified the mtDNA of a female with the Türkic population, see Sarmatian mtDNA)

At Dereivka, the bones of 55 horses were counted within a settlement of three dwellings, representing 63 percent of the total number of domesticated animal remains. Antler cheek pieces and the depiction of possible bridle equipment on stone sculptures is fairly convincing evidence of horse riding. (FIGURE 10-8) Radiocarbon determinations for Dereivka in calibrated chronology are within the second half of the 5th millennium BC, (UCLA 1466 : 4570-4150 BC; Kiev 466 : 4460-4000 BC; Kiev 465: 4340-3810 BC).

The First Wave of Kurgans Into East-Central Europe c. 4400-4300 BC and Its Repercussions

The Emergence of Warrior Elite Graves, the Custom of Suttee, and the Horse Cult

After penetrating the Dnieper rapids region and the area north of the Sea of Azov, the Kurgans struck central Europe (see Fig. 10-6). Actual Kurgan graves (round kurgans with pit graves) found in Moldavia, southern Romania, and east Hungary are eloquent witnesses of these incursions. The earliest Kurgan graves in Moldavia date from Cucuteni A2-A3 phase, c. 4400-4300 BC. Their graves were almost exclusively for male burials, a distinct contrast to the even ratio of male-female burials in contemporary Old European cemeteries (The comparison should also have been with the source locations in Sredny Stog II, otherwise the conclusions on raiding are not substantiated). In contrast to the simple pit graves of Old Europe, the Kurgan tombs were cairn- or earth-covered and were reserved for the warrior elite with their favorite war gear, the spear, bow and arrow, and flint dagger or long knife. (FIGURES 10-7, 10-8, 10-9)

Burial excavations reveal two aspects of Indo-European (i.e. Kurgan) ideology, found for the first time in east-central Europe at Suvorovo in Moldavia and at Casimcea on the Lower Danube. These two graves demonstrate the Kurgan religious concepts of the worship of the horse as a divine animal (see cult and sacrifice above) and the custom of suttee or sacrifice of the female consort or wife (FIGURE 10-9) (The suttee custom is documented by Ibn Fadlan for the Vikings called Rus in the 10th c. AD, in China consequent to the Zhou conquest in 12th-3rd cc. BC, and in India at the time of the British colonization. India underwent numerous conquests by the Kurgan people, and a chain of Kurgan-derived dynasties. Archeologically, the suttee custom is traced from Danube to Central China, and from 5th mill. BC to 1st mill. AD).

FIGURE 10-8 Antfer cheek pieces from Dereivka, Lower Dnieper area. Second half 5th mill. BC. Scale 1:3


At Suvorovo, a chieftain was buried in a deep rectangular pit lined with stones containing a horse-headed scepter of porphyry, his symbol of power, and other objects deemed necessary in afterlife. (FIGURE 10-9, 2, 3) A woman, presumably his widow, was apparently put to death at this time and laid to rest beside her dead lord. Remnants of a garment covered with mother-of-pearl laminae and a necklace of unio shell beads express her relatively elevated station in life, but the only gift accorded her was a flint scraper. The double grave was covered by a massive kurgan and surrounded by a circle 13 m in diameter of upright stones. The practice of suttee is also documented in Sredniy Stog II tombs at Yama and Aleksandriya in the Lower Dnieper area of the same period. A Casimcea chieftain in Romania was buried with a horse-head scepter of porphyry, his power symbol, along with five flint axe heads, fifteen arrow points and three daggers. Arrows must have been placed in a skin quiver. (The scepter could serve as a marker, allowing to trace and date Kurgan migrations. Independent invention of the scepter as a symbol of power is not likely)

The Suvorovo and Casimcea horse-headed scepters are paralleled elsewhere by finds in Moldavia, southern Romania, Transylvania, Bulgaria, and Macedonia. 22 These wands, with a carved horse head, are strikingly similar to those recovered from the Volga region, the north Caucasian steppe, and northeastern Dagestan.

An important aspect of Indo-European religious ritual was the horse sacrifice (see cult and sacrifice above), especially in Indic (asvamedha), Roman (October Equus), and Celtic traditions. The archeological indications of equine sacrifice are found at Kherson in the Ukraine where a Kurgan tomb was flanked by a pit containing a horse skull. 23 In the Kurgan cemetery north of the Danube delta, near Odessa, there was a ritual hearth and a central grave containing pairs of horse and bull skulls. 24 In 1986, a complete horse skull cut from the neck was found in a Tiszapolgar pit in northeastern Hungary dating from the end of the 5th millennium BC. This is the earliest evidence in central Europe. 25

Prof. Marija Gimbutas citation of Indic, Roman, and Celtic (she dropped Nordic) “horse sacrifice” is very ironic, these are precisely the people who were impacted by the Kurgan people, and carry the Kurgan and Türkic-specific “Atlantic modal haplotype”, so misnamed because it was taken as a haplotype of the Western Europe first identified in the haplotype study of the British Isles. The rituals are slightly different variations of the funeral feast in the Kurgan funeral tradition, when after deposing the deceased and finishing kurgan over the grave, all participants of the funeral partake in the memorial meal at the kurgan. A horse is slaughtered, if affordable, and cooked in a caldron(s), poor people use mutton, the meal is accompanied by various rituals that may differ from location to location and definitely changed with time. The horse hide, head and extremities may be deposed into the grave as an effigy, or posted on poles around kurgan. Neither the horse, not sheep are venerated, they are animals to eat, and in case of the horse to ride. The documented Norse ritual includes sprinkling of the drained blood on a sacred tree, a Tengrian ritual known from Danube to Huanhe, and described in the Armenian annals at Caspian Huns. The Indic people did not know horses until the arrival of the Saka Scythians, the reference to the Indic religious ritual is anachronistic, at some time the ritual was syncretized with the Hindu pantheon, but in the context of the M.Gimbutas theory, Saka are Indic Indo-Iranians, so they represent an Indic tradition. The Chinese annals devote sufficient attention and detail to the ritual, which was syncretized with the Chinese reverence of the ancestors. Tengriism is a monotheistic religion, it can't have deified horses or sheep or donkeys. The Tengrian sprinkling on the sacred tree is typologically identical to the Christian burning candles. On typical details of the funeral ritual, see R.Bezertinov Türkic funeral rituals.

The Coexistence of Kurgan Pastoralists and Cucuteni Agriculturalists

The Cucuteni civilization survived the first wave of Kurgan incursions intact. Its ceramic tradition continued undisturbed, although Kurgan elements within Cucuteni settlements (1 to 10 percent of Cucuteni A and AB pottery) indicate some sort of interaction between the two groups. (This confirms the argument against Kurgan militancy, a main point in the Prof. M.Gimbutas theory; quite the opposite, the Kurganians and Cucutenians enjoyed mutually beneficial symbiotic coexistence.) This intrusive shell-tempered pottery (referred to by some as Cucuteni C) is nearly identical in shape to that of the Sredniy Stog II (Kurgan I) level of the Lower Dnieper. Petrographic analysis has shown that all Cucuteni and Kurgan (Sredniy Stog II) samples were of similar mineralogical composition. This indicates that both peoples exploited similar clay types, but the respective technology was very different: the Cucuteni ware was well fired, completely oxidized, and without temper, whereas the Kurgan ceramics were low-fired and contained quantities of crushed shell, organic residues, and plant material. 26

FIGURE 10-9 Horse-head scepters made of semiprecious stone (1,2) appeared in east-central Europe in rich male graves in kurgans after the middle of the 5th mill. BC
(1) Casimcea, Dobruja, E Romania. L 16cm.
(2) Suvorovo, Moldavia. L 17 cm
(3) Plan of the Suvorovo kurgan including a double grave of a man and a woman, probably a suttee burial, and two other graves prepared at the same time. Diameter of the kurgan 13 m


At the time of Cucuteni B in the early 4th millennium BC, the local populace had relocated into areas more naturally defensible. In a few instances, an additional rampart was built across the river from a settlement. The villages and towns continued to grow, and boundaries of Cucuteni sites in the district of Uman, identified by aerial photography and magnetometry, show towns more than two kilometers long, laid out in a dozen or so concentric elipses radially cut by streets (Figs. 3-63 to 3-65). 27 The density of Cucuteni sites indicates no massive dislocations in the wake of the first wave of relatively small groups of Kurgan infiltrators; nor is there evidence of amalgamation of the two groups throughout these approximately 800 years of coexistence, at least not until the mid-4th millennium BC. (800 years of peaceful coexistence is not exactly image of warlike, patriarchal, and hierarchical people)

The Displacement and Amalgamation of the Varna, Karanovo, Vinca, and Lengyel Cultures

For the Karanovo-Gumelnita civilization, the Kurgan incursions proved catastrophic. The small farming villages and townships were easily overrun, and Karanovo groups must have fled from the Lower Danube basin westward.

The Salcuta group of southwestern Romania took refuge in Transylvanian caves or on Danubian islands. 28 Layer after layer of habitation material similar to Salcuta IV indicates that the refugees maintained a semblance of cultural identity for yet another four or five hundred years. 29 (This must be one of the conflict episodes that came to light, not for its demographic dimension. Transylvanian caves or on Danubian islands could not harbor any significant population, the sources and sides of the conflict are not known)

In the first half of the 4th millennium BC, the Black Sea coastal Varna culture was replaced, in east Romania and Bulgaria, by a Kurganish complex designated as Cernavoda I. 30 The fortified Cernavoda sites, in contrast to the Karanovo-Gumelnita and Varna settlements on the open plain, were strategically located on high river terraces and consisted of a few small surface or semisubterranean dwellings on sites generally covering no more than 100 by 200 m. These people bred stock (including the horse) and engaged in hunting, fishing, and primitive agriculture, and their antler and bone tools are identical to finds in the steppe north of the Black Sea. They produced gray, badly baked, crushed-shell tempered ceramics, unmistakably related to the Kurganoid wares in Moldavia and in the Ukraine, having the characteristic decor of stab-and-drag, knobs, and impressions of cord, fingernail, and shell. No painted pottery occurs at this time, although substratum influence may account for certain untempered, occasionally brown-slipped and burnished ceramics. Only a few stylized figurines were recovered from Cernavoda I, and Old European symbolic designs had disappeared. No cereal grains were found, despite the presence of antler and bone hoes, grinding stones, and sickle blades. Horse bones were ubiquitous among the remnant heaps of domesticated animals. Tools were predominantly of bone but included maceheads and perforated hammer axes of antler and stone, flint scrapers and knives, a few copper awls and chisels. (These archeological results have parallels throughout the Kurgan expansions. The process came to us as series of exogamic marital unions, where Kurgan people, each tribe and subdivision separately, seeks and joins a permanent marital partner, we have examples from every place that had annalistic records. Among the known pairs are Hunnic-Tibetan, Hunnic-Mongolic, Hunnic-Tungusic, in the Caucasus it is a Koban Culture, in the Central Asia it is an As-Tokhar alliance; when in the 17th c. the Tele tribes found refuge in the Altai, they allied with local Altaian hunter-gatherers. In the area of Northern China, that process took place in 7th-4th cc. BC, in the Eastern Europe amalgamation between Proto-Slavs and Bulgarian Kurgans created a Slavo-Türkic language called Old Church Slavonic, the Danube Slavs amalgamated with Avars, and with Becenyo/Bajanaks to become Bosnians. The intra-tribal conflicts became more acute with Türkic participation, bringing about crises and dislocations, powerfully described in the Slavic annals)

The Kurgan disruption of Varna, Karanovo, and Vinca jolted a succession of dislocations in Yugoslavia, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and as far west as the Upper Danube, Upper Elbe, and Upper Oder basins. Cultural boundaries disintegrated as elements of Vinca populations moved into western Hungary (to eventually become the “Balaton” complex), and into Croatia, Bosnia, and Slovenia (to become the “Lasinja” group). 31 The Lengyel people migrated west and north along the Upper Danube into Germany and Poland. Furthermore, sites of the probable Vinca refugees are also found in regions where no human community had settled since Paleolithic times, such as the eastern Alps and the central part of Slovenia and Croatian Karst. In this hilly terrain, the location of settlements in the highest places, surrounded by cliffs or girded by rivers, suggest an extreme concern for defense. In a number of sites, traces of rectangular houses built of timber posts and thick clay walls testify to a certain retention of the Vinca architectural traditions. At the same time, caves were also occupied. The occupation of caves and of heretofore uninhabited lands suggests that the movement of the Vinca people to the northwest and west took place in times of stress.

There are no radiocarbon dates for the Balaton-Lasinja I complex. Its chronology is based on a typological relationship with the latest Vinca materials in Yugoslavia. The subsequent phase, labeled Balaton-Lasinja II-III, yielded two C-14 dates, the true age of which falls between 3900 and 3400 BC, placing the Balaton-Lasinja I complex before 4000 BC. By the end of the 5th millennium BC, the Vinca traditions with their temples, figurines and exquisite pottery are no longer found. There is no continuity of habitation on the Vinca mound after c. 4300 BC.

The Tiszapolgar complex, an offshoot of late Tisza, emerged in northeastern Hungary, eastern Slovakia, and western Transylvania. The continuity of their settlement to the mid-4th millennium BC indicates that these people survived and did not merge with the Kurgan culture. However, major social changes are observable and may reflect a Kurgan influence. In contrast to the Tisza and Lengyel pattern, where the majority of known sites are villages, the Tiszapolgar sites (about 100 reported) are cemeteries that suggest small communities of thirty to forty people. This situation does not reflect a normal growth of population as in Lengyel, Vinca, Karanovo, and other groups during the period before the first Kurgan wave. Also, the social role of the male had risen, indicated by several graves of males buried with more than usual care and equipped with status symbols such as maceheads. Significantly, the skeletons of these men were of proto-Europid type (proto-Europids=proto-Caucasians, i.e. the “robust” Cro-Magnon type), whereas the majority of the population was of Mediterranean type. 32

In the cemetery of Basatanya, of 75 graves (belonging to two phases), 33 a small group of male burials included maceheads, whereas the majority of the burials in this cemetery shows Old European features. 34 (Is the Old European a Cro-Magnon or in Russian terminology Proto-European, or somethinf else?) In the mountainous east Slovakia, the Tiszapolgar complex persisted through the mid-4th millennium BC. Several cemeteries of the Laznany group in the Carpathian foothills exemplify the last vestiges of this complex, which were finally submerged under the Kurganized Baden culture in the second half of the 4th millennium BC. 35

North of Budapest and in western Slovakia, Lengyel disappears after c. 4400-4300 BC and reemerges in Bavaria, central Germany, and western Poland, where characteristic biconic and footed vessels with warts show up in graves and in settlements. 36

The Emergence of Kurgan Elements in the Milieu of the LBK Culture

The discontinuity of the Varna, Karanovo, Vinca, and Lengyel cultures in their main territories and the large scale population shifts to the north and northwest are indirect evidence of a catastrophe of such proportions that cannot be explained by possible climatic change, land exhaustion, or epidemics (for which there is no evidence in the second half of the 5th millennium BC.). Direct evidence of the incursion of horse-riding warriors is found, not only in single burials of males under barrows, but in the emergence of a whole complex of Kurgan cultural traits: hilltop settlements, the presence of horses, the predominance of a pastoral economy, signs of violence and patriarchy, and religious symbols that emphasize a sun cult. These elements are tightly knit within the social, economic, and religious structure of the Kurgan culture. (As was suggested elsewhere, though the changes are significant, the reasons for them appear to be entirely different. The general absence of traces of violence suggest that amalgamation with Kurgans, or cultural influence of Kurgans, which enabled the population to be more mobile and active in locating and occupying better environmental niches, and made conflicts more acute. A good example of the process is described by Julius Caesar, when one of the kindred Germanic tribes undertook a move under a pressure by another Germanic tribe)

A chain of hill forts that appeared on high riverbanks in the Middle and Upper Danube basin, in Hungary, Austria, western Slovakia, Moravia, Bohemia, and Bavaria 37 is a new phenomenon in European prehistory. The earliest hill forts are contemporary with late Lengyel and Rossen materials or immediately follow them. Radiocarbon dates place this period between 4400 and 3900 BC. 38

Pit dwellings are found that sharply contrast with the solid above-ground long-houses of Lengyel and LBK type. These contain pottery decorated with solar designs, usually executed by stab and drag technique (in German called Furchenstich) along incisions of herringbone design and stabbings. Hanging triangles and parallel lines are typical motifs, with rows of dots above and below the shoulders. In the Upper Danube/Upper Rhine region, in Wurt-temberg and Bavaria, this pottery is characteristic of the Rossen culture, considered to be a “mixed culture” or an LBK culture “with oriental elements”. 39 This is a transformed culture, which did not simply develop from the Stroked Pottery stage of the LBK. Solar-decorated pottery is known from dwelling pits of classical Rossen and from Rossen of Wauwil type (found in Wauwilermoos, Lucerne, Switzerland). In Bavaria, a classical example of a fortified hilltop site with subterranean huts, is Goldberg in Nordlingen Ries, systematically excavated by G. Bersu in the late 1920s. 40 These pit dwellings measured from 4.2 by 3.2 m to 5.2 by 4.9 m.

Solar decorated pottery from subterranean dwellings is known from the Middle Neckar basin around Stuttgart, Pfullingen, and Tubingen, north of Schwabische Alb, and more than twenty localities of the Aichbuhl-Schwieberdingen group north of Switzerland. In Rheinpfalz, on the Lower Main, nearly identical materials are known from Bischheim and Bischoffingen-Leiselheim on the Upper Rhine. 41 Further south, in Switzerland, Rossen wares have been recovered from peat bog sites and graves, including Wauwil, Saint-Leonard in Valais, Cravanche at Belfort, and Gonvillars in eastern France. 42 In the north, Rossen sites are found on alluvial sand dunes on the eastern bank of the River Elbe, with ample pastureland around. The inferior soil of this region was not cultivated by Neolithic agriculturalists.

East of Magdeburg, the hilltop site of Wahlitz was systematically excavated. 43 This settlement, of two hectares, was surrounded by a ditch within which were five larger houses and ten small houses. Club wheat was the main crop and cattle the dominant species of domesticated animals. The flint industry shows much relationship with the Stroked Pottery phase of the LBK, but the pottery is decorated with solar patterns characteristic of the classical Rossen culture. The radiocarbon date from Wahlitz indicates the last centuries of the 5th millennium BC (5300 ±200 BP, calibrated 4380-3950 BC.)

The most impressive hilltop sites belong to the Salzrminde phase, dated to a period before the middle of the 4th millennium BC. The name-giving site is a hilltop settlement on the River Saale near Halle. Others (such as Kahlenberg at Quenstedt, Goldberg at Motzlich, and Oberwerschen) are located on the highest places in their vicinity, naturally protected on two or three sides by water and by extremely steep, rocky hillsides. 44 Five small rectangular houses of wattle-and-daub, built of timber uprights, three to a wall, came to light on the hilltop of Salzmiinde. One of the houses, 3-5 m by 6-7 m, had a rectangular hearth in the center.

Alongside the fortified hills, a change of culture can be seen in the emergence of Kurgan type burials in the Elbe-Saale basin, dated to the first half of the 4th millennium BC. Single graves in stone-lined and stone-covered pits under round kurgans emerged in the Baalberge group in the Upper Elbe basin. These contrast with the local tradition of collective burial. 45 (FIGURE 10-10) About twenty earthen kurgans have been excavated in the Elbe-Saale region; each contains a central grave in a pit below the surface and a mortuary house, usually built of stone or stone slabs. The radiocarbon dates for Baalberge and the following Salzmunde burials are within the first half of the 4th millennium BC, between c. 3900 to 3400 BC.

Signs of violence — evidence of people murdered with spears or axes — appear in this period and continue in the subsequent millennia. In the above-mentioned Goldberg hill fort, four individuals were found with unhealed wounds in their skulls, made with spearpoints. In Talheim, east of River Neckar in south-western Germany, thirty-four skeletons of murdered people — men, women and children — were uncovered in a pit dug into the settlement area of the LBK (several potsherds of late LBK were found in the debris, but no other finds were associated with the skeletons). At least eighteen skulls had large holes in the back or top from thrusts of stone axes or flint points, which suggests that the people were killed from behind, perhaps as they fled. Skeletons were found in a pit 1.5 by 3.1 m across and 1.5 m deep in chaotic order and positions, with females, males, and children mixed together. 46 Since murdered people were buried in the cultural layer of the LBK culture with radiocarbon dates-indicating early 5th millennium BC, the massacre must have happened after this time, probably within the Rossen period.

The emergence of single-male burials under round kurgans in eastern Ireland and central England in the middle of the 4th millennium BC contrasts sharply with the local tradition of communal burials. This signals the arrival of the first people carrying Kurgan traditions across the Channel or North Sea from the continent, most probably coming from the Rhine basin (see chapter 6, the description of Linkardstown type burials in eastern Ireland and related round kurgans with single burials in Derbyshire, Dorset, and other locations in England). At the same time, signs of warfare and violence appear.

It is readily apparent that a portion of central Europe was Kurganized to varying degrees soon after the first Kurgan wave. While the civilization of Old Europe was agricultural, matricentric, and matrilineal, a transformation took place around 4000 BC to a mixed agricultural-pastoral economy and a classed patriarchal society which I interpret as a successful process of Indo-Europeanization. There was a considerable increase in husbandry over tillage. The change of social structure, religion, and economy was not a gradual indigenous development from Old Europe, but a collision and gradual hybridization of two societies and of two ideologies (Fortunately for us, we can trace these Kurgan people by the emergence of their genetical markers from the center of Asia to N.Pontic, and to Europe, with their Kurganization and Turkification of Europe. The Turkification of Europe initiated eastward migration of somewhat Kurganized Europeans all the way to India).

FIGURE 10-10 (1) Early round barrow — a typical kurgan in central Germany.
Profile and detail of the grave in pit.
(2,3) Vases found in the grave (skeleton did not survive);
(2) of Baalberge workmanship;
(3) prototypical of the Globular Amphora style.
Dolauer Heide, Halle, Saaie. Mid-4th mill. BC. Scale 1:3

1. humus
2. humus and sand mixture
3. gray clay
4. white clay
5. yellowish fill of the grave
6. gray clayey soil
7. light gray clay

Not all of central Europe was converted to the Kurgan way of life as an outcome of Wave No. 1, but it is clear that most of the Danube basin began to be ruled from hill forts. It took many successive generations for the Old European traditions to become gradually replaced. The indigenous populations either coexisted but remained separate from the Kurgan immigrants or were overrun and subjected to domination by a few Kurgan warriors.

A considerable number of Old European culture groups — the Cucuteni, TRB, and the western portion of the LBK — continued their existence throughout the first half of the 4th millennium BC or even longer. An increased Kurganization occurred during the second half of the 4th millennium BC, which is treated in the section below.

The review of the First Wave confirms the argument against Prof. M.Gimbutas Kurgan theory, pointing to quite the opposite, a fairly peaceful Kurganian expansion with insignificant demographic changes, but significant cultural influence. Probably the best model is the expansion of the Türkic people into China or Slavs into the Eastern Europe, a creeping phased process that starts on a small scale into vacant niches and achieves accommodation with the local population, then a development into symbiotic syncretic phase along the old lines of command, and culminating with either a rise of the local rulers, or the pre-existing local or nomadic rulers claiming suzerainty over independent communities. Though conflicts are unavoidable, the process is generally bloodless, but the combat capacity is greatly enhanced with acquisition of cavalry and methods of mobile warfare None of the premises constituting M.Gimbutas Kurgan theory appear to have solid grounds at the most critical time of switching from the Old Europe to Kurganization: mythological Sun cult is ethereal, pronounced militancy absent, patriarchy ethereal. The demographic ratio points to insignificant linguistic influence, mostly limited to new toponyms, horse husbandry terminology, and religious and societal terminology, i.e. the spheres that were affected the most.

The Second Wave, c. 3500 BC, and the Transformation of Central Europe After the Middle of the 4th Millennium BC

The Kurgan tribal leaders of the north Pontic region turned to the Cucuteni area not later than the middle of the 4th millennium BC. There they encountered a flourishing civilization which had survived the first Kurgan infiltration. This time it succumbed and was transformed through a process of amalgamation with Kurgan elements. This change can in no way be attributed to a natural evolution of indigenous elements. What continued of the indigenous culture was a pale reflection of earlier times.

The lords of the area can be recognized in royal or other elite tombs contained in mortuary houses covered with stone cupolas under kurgans with stone rings. (FIGURES 10-11, 10-12) Around 3500 BC, the culture south and north of the Carpathian Mountains was transformed beyond recognition. The transition from a matristic to a patriarchal era, in some territories of central Europe, was completed by the end of the 4th millennium BC. New cultural groups emerged, formed of Old European and Kurgan elements. (FIGURE 10-13) (Though far-fetched because of the intervening 2 millennia, but this M.Gimbutas' scenario fits well into the origin of more militaristic societies like Latins and Macedonians, who had horses in their arsenal, and with small forces accomplished great deeds)

The Kurgan expansion can't be associated with Indo-European expansion, it is a Türkic expansion. Accordingly, there was no transition from the matristic to a patriarchal era; the first known appearances of the patriarchy in Europe is associated with the oldest Greek appearance in the mid-2nd mill. BC. The Kurgan societies were much closer to the Old Europe than the Indo-European tradition, affording much less space for conflicts between the maternal and paternal lines. Like the Old Europe, the Türkic society was profoundly egalitarian in respect to sexes. The religious differences must have been much more pronounced, the oldest records of Sumerian “dingir” = “sky”, “god” , the Türkic “tengri” = “sky”, “god”, and Chinese “chenli”, likely a distortion of “tengri”,  for Türkic “sky”, “god” indicate a non-anthropomorphic god with no sacral symbols attached to its image, and corresponding symbolic rituals, while the Old Europe demonstrates anthropomorphic female deity with personified sacral symbology. The religious tolerance and inclination to syncretism, documented for the earliest Türkic traditions, would tend to create pantheons that would fuse the new and old religions.

FIGURE 10-11 North Pontic kurgan (plan and section) consisting of a small inner kurgan covered with stones and an outer kurgan, also solidly covered with stones. A round platform in the middle was plastered with clay (That is the place for the funeral feast). The earliest graves (1-4) were lower in the ground. All other graves above the central tumulus were secondary interments (They could be made anywhere from the 3rd mill. BC to the 1st mill. AD, and belong a spectrum of later Kurgan people, who saw this kurgan as a cemetery).
Tsareva Mogila near Kherson, NWof the Black Sea. Second half of the 4th mill. BC. Diameter 34 m

A proper anthropological investigation would not only date each burial, primary and secondary, but also provide osteological and genetical studies. Kurgan was demolished  by V.I.Gorskevich, a local Russian official, in 1907-1908, with little extracted information.



FIGURE 10-12 Typical North Pontic kurgan in east-central Europe. Tarnava nearVracs, NW Bulgaria. It consists of several superimposed kurgans and secondary interments of several phases:
(1) cross-section;
(2) plan;
(3) central grave of the second barrow containing two shaft-graves surrounded by a massive stone wall (Grave No. 5 cremated male; No. 6 inhumed female);
(4) vases of Cotofeni craftsmanship from Grave No. 5.
Second half 4th mill. BC. Diameter 26 m.

FIGURE 10-13 Culture groups c. 3500-3000 BC. New formations in central Europe influenced by North Pontic culture
Light shade - Kurganized territories in Central Europe
Dark shade - Pit Grave in the Don-Volga basin and North Pontic Kurgan groups

—— - Limits of Kurgan territories north of the Black Sea and the Volga basin
——> - Kurgan Wave #2 influences from the North Pontic area
----- - Numbers mark the substratum culture groups;
1. Cucuteni;
2. TRB;
3. Michelsberg

This period of transformation coincides with changes in metal technology and the beginning of the Early Bronze Age in the circum-Pontic region. The new metallurgy is characterized by bronzes of copper and arsenic, copper and tin, and copper with arsenic-tin (As, Sn, As-Sn bronze) which replaced the pure copper metallurgy of the Old European Copper Age. 47 Tests made on arsenical bronze prove it to have been reasonably hard and durable, but a side effect must have been the slow and sure poisoning of the smith. The complex of tools and weapons that emerged north and west of the Black Sea — daggers, knives, halberds, chisels, flat axes, shafthole axes — does not show a continuity from Old European local types. Rather, the shapes of bronze artifacts have analogies in the north Caucasus, in Transcaucasia, and the Near East. (The continued connections of the Kurgans expanding south from N.Pontic through the Caucasus with the kins in their original lands should be expected, and technical feedback from the Caucasus, Transcaucasia, and the Near East confirms the genetical tracing)

The tomb structure of Kurgan Wave No. 2 points to its origin in the North Pontic area. The main monuments of the Kurgan culture north of the Black Sea are surveyed below.

The Source: The North Pontic Maikop Culture

The North Pontic culture is typified by hill forts and hundreds of Kurgan tumuli (grave mounds) with mortuary houses built of stones or wood.

Royal burials share a characteristic monumental style in which the tumuli are surrounded by orthostats (upright stone or slab) and stelae, then by an outermost ring of stones; within and below the kurgan is a stone- or wood-lined pit (mortuary house), covered with stone slabs and topped by a stone cupola. Models of wagons and daggers of hard metal accompany the males of the elite. (This model found the widest distribution, and is clearly directly ancestral to the Kipchak kurgan burials described by S.A.Pletneva Kipchaks) Large apsidal houses, exclusively on hilltops, are an architectural innovation.

Hill forts with enormous fortifications and outstanding kurgans, including exceptionally well-built tombs of stone slabs, suggest a hierarchic society of consolidated tribal units ruled by leading families. The similarity of fortified settlements, burial rites, and ceramic, stone, and metal artifacts recovered northeast and northwest of the Black Sea suggests the unification of this region, not only by commercial contacts but also by political power. The North Pontic region had at this stage diverged from its Kurgan cousin of the Volga. The Kurgan elements that appear west of the Black Sea are clearly connected with the North Pontic, not with the Volga Steppe and have analogies in the Kuro-Araks valley of Transcaucasia. (Apparently, nothing can be said about the Kurgan developments east of Volga)

Known from the end of the 19th century, the royal tomb at Maikop in the River Kuban basin, northwestern Caucasus, is the richest and most familiar of this culture. Although it dates from the early 3rd millennium BC, the place name has become eponymic of the whole North Pontic culture which began c. 3500 BC.

The early phase of the Maikop culture in the Lower Dnieper area is best represented by the lowest layer of the Mikhailovka hill fort, surrounded by several walls of limestone boulders, which undoubtedly functioned as a strategic center. 48 The finds from Mikhailovka I show close affinities to those from Crimean and north Caucasian stone cists as well as to the Usatovo kurgans around Odessa. The chronology of this phase, the second half of the 4th millennium BC, is based on radiocarbon dates from Mikhailovka. (TABLE 25) There were two wattle-and-daub houses with apsidal ends at the Mikhailovka I hilltop. One measured 5 m by 16.5 m, and the other, which was partly subterranean, was 5.7 m by 12 m. In the center of each was a round, clay-daubed stone hearth. Arrowheads, points, and scrapers of flint, bone awls, and pottery were gathered in the work area of the north apse.

Rock engravings from Kamennaya Mogila at Melitopol, north of the Sea of Azov, depict human and horse silhouettes and yoked oxen pulling a cart. 49 (FIGURE 10-14, 2) Large-horned oxen pulling a plow appear also on the wall of a cist grave at Zuschen, central Germany, 50 and on the rocks at Valcamonica, northern Italy. 51 (FIGURE 10-14, 1, 3, 4) These engravings provide graphic evidence that plow agriculture was used to pull both cart and plow. After 3500 BC, pairs of oxen appear in male graves in the Baden and Globular Amphora cultures of central Europe together with a host of other Kurgan elements (see the next section). (It appears that typical attributes of the sedentary agricultural populations are ascribed to Kurgan people, who do not engage in agriculture because their economy is horse husbandry. A symbiotic co-existence can produce sedentary attributes complemented by animal husbandry attributes like kurgan burials. The oxen and plow mast be attributed to the Old Europe, unless there is an alternate agricultural candidate not mentioned by Prof. Marija Gimbutas. Like in potato salad: you see the potatoes, but it is the eggs that make it a salad)

FIGURE 10-14 Rock engravings of yoked oxen pulling a vehicle and a plow c. 3500-3000 BC from the North Pontic area and central Germany.
(l) Zuschen, c. Germany.
(3,4) Valcamonica, N Italy. Scale: various sizes.
(2) Kamennaya Mogila, north of the Sea of Azov


Mikhailovka I ceramics are typified by globular amphorae with rounded or flat bases and cylindrical necks wound with cord impressions; semiglobular tureens also occur. Pottery was brushed, stabbed, pitted, and beaded about the mouth, neck, and shoulder, and four-legged braziers were ornamented with the solar motif. (FIGURE 10-15) Ordinary pots were plain and rough, while fine ware was usually brown or blackish, polished and burnished, tempered with crushed shell or limestone and sand. This characteristic pottery is found in Pontic area kurgans concentrated south of the River Kuban in the western Caucasus where some 1,500 houselike structures of stone slabs have been counted. 52 These fairly uniform burial sites occur in the Crimea 53 and in the Lower Don, Lower Dnieper, Ingul, and Ingulets valleys. 54 Stone cists were surrounded by orthostats and an outer ring of stones. Cist walls were engraved with figures of men and male animals or painted in red ochre with zigzag, cross, and solar designs. 55

Royal burials and hoards of the late Maikop culture in the River Kuban basin, northwestern Caucasus, express the fabulous riches of tribal leaders and their contacts with Mesopotamia in the early 3rd millennium BC. The most lavishly equipped are those of Maikop and Tsarskaya (now Novosvobodnaya) excavated by N.I. Veselovskii at the end of the 19th century (both are known from the publications by Rostovtzeff 1920; Tallgren 1934; Hancar 1937; Childe 1936; Lessen 1950; and myself 1956). 56 These outstanding kurgans and their treasures throw much light on the social structure, kingship, religion, and art of this period. The Maikop tomb, as well as the series of others in the northern Caucasus 57 and in the south Caspian area 58 speak of the campaigns and raids south of the Caucasus Mountains and the Caspian Sea. (Where Prof. Marija Gimbutas speculates about campaigns and raids, alleles indicate a migration route. 1000 years later the nomadic horse mounted tribe of Guti capture Babylon for a century, ca. 2100-2000 BC. In the nomadic name Guti is easy to recognize the name of nomadic Guzes, or generic “Tribe” in Türkic. The Sumerian/Babylonian/Akkadian records also mention other horse nomadic tribes, who may be connected with the southwestern circum-Mediterranean Kurgan expansion route)

FIGURE 10-15 Braziers with interior decorated with solar design.
(1) Leontiivka.
(2) Mikilske, Lower Dnieper, north of the Black Sea.
Mikhailovka I phase of the North Pontic culture, c. 3500-3000 BC. H 6cm.

FIGURE 10-16 Symbolic scene on silver vase I from Maikop northwest of the Caucasus Mts.
Early 3rd mill. BC. Scale 1:3


An Amalgam of Kurgan and Cucuteni Traditions: The Usatovo Complex Northwest of the Black Sea

Typically, kurgans line the highest ridges along the rivers of the area. Outstanding sites are Usatovo near Odessa 59 and Tudorovo in Moldavia. 60 Characteristically, a kurgan of the Usatovo culture had a cist with uniform orthostats, an entrance corridor, a cupola-shaped cairn above the central grave, semicircles of stelae with engravings and reliefs, and inner and outer rings of stone. The richest graves were those of the leading member of the tribe and his suttee while graves of other adults and children were contrastingly poor. Near the settlement and kurgan at Usatovo there is a contemporaneous cemetery of the indigenous Cucuteni culture consisting of simple, unmarked (flat) pit graves, arranged in rows.

Contrasting burial rites of the Cucuteni and Kurgan populations are paralleled by differences in their respective habitation sites. Cucuteni dwellings were on wide river terraces, while the Kurgans located their semisubterranean dwellings on spurs, dunes, and steep hills along rivers. The houses at Gorodsk, on the bank of the River Teterev in the western Ukraine, are small, about 5 m in length with a round hearth in the center; 61 close analogies are found in the Lower Dnieper basin.

A list of radiocarbon dates obtained by analysis of charcoal and animal bones from the Usatovo and Mayaki sites of the Usatovo complex is in table 26. The calibration of dates suggests the period between the 34th and 29th centuries BC.

A Kurgan-Influenced Culture in East-Central Europe: The Baden-Vucedol and Ezero Groups

The second Kurgan infiltration headed south from the North Pontic region toward the Lower Danube area and beyond. At the fortified hill at Cernavoda, in Dobruja, radiocarbon dates from the second phase of the hill give the age as c. 3 400-3 200 BC. 62 By that time, a chain of acropolises (citadels) along the Danube, in the Marica (Bulgaria) plain, and in the area north of the Aegean, reflected the spread of a ruling power. The finest recently excavated tells, converted to hill forts, are at Ezero in central Bulgaria, 63 and Sitagroi on the Drama Plain of Greek Macedonia. 64 Radiocarbon dates are given in tables 27 and 28.

In the Lower Danube, Marica, and Macedonian plains, many Karanovo tells indicate that the indigenous occupation of these sites was disrupted, and many were surmounted by fortifications (such are the Ezero, Sitagroi IV, Karanovo VII, Nova Zagora, Veselinovo, and Bikovo). In other areas, steep river banks and almost inaccessible promontories were selected as seats of the ruling class.

A cultural change of the same nature as in the Danubian basin is evident as far west as the Alpine valleys of Italy and Switzerland and the Po River basin (the Remedello group), where hill forts (such as Columare, north of Verona) 65 are known on steep hills. This change in social structure was accompanied by a change in religion. The beginning of a new era in religious concepts is manifested in the Alpine valleys by a series of stelae engraved with a set of symbols alien to the indigenous Cortaillod and Lagozza cultures. We shall return to these at the end of this chapter.

An Amalgamation of the Old European and the Kurgan Cultures

During the second half of the 4th millennium BC, the new regime seems to have successfully eliminated or changed whatever remained of the old social system. Hill forts were the foci of power and cultural life, while the surrounding area supported either pastoral or agricultural populations, depending on the environment and the numbers of indigenous people who remained. Villages were small, the houses usually semisubterranean. But in the economy, an amalgamation of the Old European and the Kurgan cultural systems is clearly evident. In some areas, such as in central Bulgaria, cultivation of emmer, barley, vetch, and pea continued intact, probably carried on by the remaining indigenous population. In other territories, seasonal camps of a pastoral economy prevailed.

The new metallurgy, with links to the circum-Pontic region, was now practiced all over east-central Europe, concentrating on the production of the dagger, the shaft-hole axe, and the flat axe of arsenic bronze; metal workshops (including clay bivalve molds) are found on hill forts. 66 The ceramic artifacts, however, continue to manifest certain Old European traditions: anthropomorphic, zoomorphic, and ornithomorphic vases of beautiful workmanship were apparently produced by surviving Old European craftsmen. Such exceptional creations are typically found in the hill forts and rich tombs under large kutgans (cf. vases from Tarnava, fig. 10-11), although they are no longer found in the ordinary villages or graves. This situation seems analogous to that of Mycenaean Greece where surviving Minoan craftsmen continued to produce masterpieces of ceramic, gold, and stone for their new lords. The Old European symbolism largely vanished from popular artifacts, giving way to the ubiquitous solar design. (Comparison with Mycenae is good, but not on the right scale. Going backwards, the best comparison is with USA and Russia, where the common technology and artifacts cover a width of a continent; the next compatible in area and commonality of culture is Ottoman Turkey, then Chingiz-Khan's Mongolia, then Turkic Kaganate, then Hunnic Empires, and then Ahaemenid  Empire. Between the time of Ahaemenids and European Kurgans no written history exists, we can only compare the spread of common archeology, and it is hard to miss the parallels between the Kurgan Europe, Kurgan Mongolia, Kurgan  Turkic Kaganate, and Kurgan  Hunnic Empires. The ethereal “solar ornament” is not even a miniscule detail in the globality of cultural attributes)

Toward the end of the 4th millennium BC, only isolated islands of the Old European tradition persisted. Such was the Cotofeni complex in the Danube valley in Oltenia, western Muntenia, southern Banat, and Transylvania. 67 (TABLE 29) The Cotofeni  were sedentary agriculturalists, living in solidly built houses, using copper tools, and still producing burnished red and white painted ceramics. Large numbers of bird-shaped vases attest the continuing worship of the Bird Goddess.

The Baden-Vucedol Culture in the Middle Danube Basin

Hundreds of sites in the best explored area, the Middle Danube basin, particularly in Hungary and western Slovakia, afford a good opportunity to follow the cultural development at this critical period of European prehistory. Although treated as a separate culture, the Baden (also called Pecel or Radial-decorated Pottery) culture is actually a western branch of the overall culture complex between western Anatolia and Poland.

The Baden complex, composed of indigenous and alien elements, covered the Middle Danube basin, with northern limits in Bohemia and southern Poland. In the south, it is known in the Morava-Vardar valleys of Yugoslavia, Bosnia, and even Albania. 68 The available  radiocarbon dates range between the 34th and 29th centuries BC (TABLE 30).

The eponymous site of Baden-Konigshohle, near Vienna, was excavated more than sixty years ago. 69 According to presently available radiocarbon dates, Baden lasted some 500 years. This period is subdivided into three phases: early (Boleraz), middle (classical Baden), and late (Bosaca). Almost a thousand Baden sites (counting surface finds) are recorded. 70

Hilltop Sites with Apsidal Houses

The hill sites at Vucedol and Sarvas in northwestern Yugoslavia 71 (FIGURE 10-17), Nitrianski Hradok near Nitra and Levoca in western Slovakia, 71 a number near Vienna and Melk in Austria, and those in southern Poland, must have served as seats of chieftains. They each bear a strong resemblance to the difficult-to-access and heavily fortified hills at Mikhailovka in the Lower Dnieper, and Liventsovka at Rostov on the River Don in the Ukraine.

Atop the Vucedol hill stood two apsidal houses of the classical Baden phase. One is considered to be the chiefs house and the other a storage place and kitchen. These houses were built of vertical posts and clay daub, the floors were clay plastered and dividing walls separated the rooms, each with its rectangular hearth. Apsidal houses are known also in Bulgaria (Karanovo VII and Nova Zagora), in Macedonia, northeastern Greece (Sitagroi V: figure 10-18), central and southern Greece (Lerna IV, Thebes, Asine), and in Turkey (Troy Ib and Karatas in Lycia). Baden-Ezero apsidal houses were exclusive to the leading hill forts. Moreover, apsidal houses in Palestine during the 34th-33rd centuries BC (at Megiddo, Meser, Jericho VII-VI, Beth Shan XVI, Rosh Hannigra II, Khirbet Kerah I, Tell Yarmuth B, II, and Byblos III) emerged together with other foreign culture elements (gray pottery, tournettes (turntable), and copper tools), 73 and are probably connected with Wave No. 2, which did not stop at the Dardanelles but proceeded to the eastern Mediterranean area as well (Prof. Marija Gimbutas cites confirming evidence on circum-Mediterranean movement of Kurgan people found by genetic analysis, without reciting on the assemblage of the Indo-European markers she uses for the Europe, for a good reason: they are manifestly missing. Instead, we have the undated and unexplained Türkic lexemes “adam” and “eve”, meaning “man” and “vulva” respectively, left on the Near Eastern leg of the Kurgans' route).


The typical Baden village was set on a river terrace or promontory. The houses were small (the largest were 3.5 by 4.5 m), rectangular, and semisubterranean with pitched roofs supported by timber posts. Their clay-plastered hearths were either round or rectangular. Above-ground dwellings occur most often in western Slovakia and Hungary. Baden settlements were both permanent and seasonal. Stable settlements were more or less confined to the uplands and the northwestern portion of this culture, whereas small short-lived settlements are found in the lowlands of eastern Hungary and Yugoslavia. The pattern of permanent settlement is clearly linked to the tradition of the Old European populations.


The economy was not uniform through the entire Baden territory; farming predominated in the northwest, 74 while a pastoral economy predominated in other areas, particularly in eastern Hungary and northern Yugoslavia. Botanists have identified wheat (with emmer wheat as the most important cereal), barley, millet, oats, pulses, and perhaps rye among plant remains 75 while hazelnuts, shells, cherry stones, and carbonized dried apples give evidence of gathering activities. Cattle led the inventory of domesticated animal bones, followed by sheep, goats, pigs, and horses. Cattle pens have been identified in areas 500-600 meters square, enclosed by ditches with crude fencing of branches and various-sized posts. 76 Sheep and roe deer bones are found in greater proportion in the debris of larger and wealthier homes. 77 Food production was heavily supplemented by fishing and hunting, shown by fish hooks and deposits of fish bones, and by bones of bear, boar, aurochs (bison), roe deer, wolf, fox, and hare. (Pigs are not compatible with the mobility of the horse husbandry, an indication of a symbiotic pastoral and sedentary populations, not properly discriminated in the analysis)

Local metallurgy is known from classical Baden. At Sarvas (northern Yugoslavia) there is evidence of open sandstone molds for a tanged dagger and a flat axe. 78 Deposits of triangular dagger blades with rivet holes occur in male graves (This metallurgy originated in the Caucasus, it was adopted and spread by mobile Kurganians, and it is marked by use of casting. In China, then populated by Tao-type agricultural people, metallurgy did not exist at that time, it was brought over to China by the Türkic Kurganians when they reached the Far East, and it also was marked by abruptly appearing casting and tongue-type mounting of handles, see Nicola Di Cosmo, The Northern Frontier in Pre-Imperial China).

FIGURE 10-17 Seat of a ruling family on an inaccessible hill.
Reconstruction of two houses (one with anapsidal end) of the Vucedol hill fort, Baden horizon, end of 4th mill. BC
FIGURE 10-18 The burnt house with an apsidal end which contained the kitchen and storage area. Length c. 17 m.
Sitagroi V, NE Greece, c. 29th cent. BC
FIGURE 10-19 Oxen team (right) buried with male and female in one grave. Budakalasz at Budapest.
Baden culture, c. 3000 BC. L of grave pit 3.4 m
FIGURE 10-20 Clay model of a four-wheeled vehicle from Budakalasz north of Budapest.
Baden culture,
(a) Side view,
(b) Bottom,
(c) Rear view.
c. 3000 BC. Scale c. 1:1

(The illustrations depict influences of the Kurgan cattlemen on the sedentary populations of the Old Europe, but definitely do not belong to the cattlemen who live with their herds, ride on their herds, and keep their herds wild and under supervision at all times. The burial example depicts a Kurgan-type burial that may or may not be connected with the Kurgan people)

Burials with Sacrificed Animals and Vehicles

Baden cemeteries show the typical Kurgan social inequality and the practice of human and animal sacrifice, the latter by the presence of cattle, dog, and horse bones included in ritual burials. At Alsonemedi and Budakalasz near Budapest, several ox teams had been sacrificed at the graves. (FIGURE 10-19) Grave goods of the wealthy include braziers and models of vehicles. At Budakalasz, a cenotaph included the clay model of a four-wheeled vehicle (FIGURE 10-20) not unlike the one in an inhumation burial at Szigetszentmarton, south of Budapest. 79 The burial of a cart with the dead of high social status was customary in late prehistoric and early historic times, and a copper crown on a male skull also suggests his high social status. (FIGURE 10-21) In multiple burials, the male skeleton is found in the center while women and children are at the edge. (FIGURE 10-22) (These observations, made for the Kurgan burials of the 3000 BC, typologically apply to practically all Kurgan burials spanning four and a half millennia from the 3000 BC to 1500 AD, from the Baden Culture in the west to the modern Tuvinians in the east)

Physical type of Population

The physical type of Baden was predominantly Mediterranean, as was to be expected from the Vinca substratum. A steppe type was also identified, however, and a certain facial flatness in some individuals seems to reflect eastern relations. At Budakalasz, the steppe type predominated, while at Alsonemedi the Mediterranean was mixed with a European brachycranial type. 80

A Mongoloid/Lapanoid admixture of the Kurgan “steppe type” people is noted at c. 3000 BC, i.e. 1500 years after the first Kurgan wave (ca. 60 generations), and 500 years after the second Kurgan wave (ca. 20 generations). The preservation of a phenotype under conditions of domination with significant demographic disadvantage is next to impossible; for example in the Kipchak Khanate the ruling Mongols in 200 years, or 8 generations, were practically identical with the indigenous Bulgar and Kipchak populations; the eastern “steppe type” distinctions can only be detected with instrumented craniology and Y-chromosome haplotyping.

From the sparse analyses of the oldest kurgan burials we can anticipate that the males in the Baden kurgan burials had a mixture of predominant R1a and lesser R1b haplogroups, brought over from the Central Asia, and vanishingly small traces of the Q and K haplogroups. In the later kurgan burials, such as Scythian, the proportion of the R1b, Q and K may be higher, and possibly appear C and N haplogroups. The Old Europe males are anticipated to belong to the I and J haplogroups.

The Kurgan ancestral phenotypes, like the one depicted on Figure 10-7 (many more reconstructions are on the Web) shows a “European” Caucasoid with prominent cheekbones and possibly with Mongoloid-type flattened face, decorated with a prominent nose. The phenotype descriptions are too vague to visualize Prof. Marija Gimbutas' perception of the Kurgan “Indo-European” speakers, but on the overall the reconstructions depict prominent cheekbones and Uraloid sloping forehead, camouflaged with “European”-looking soft tissue.

Two reconstruction examples of males from later kurgans, 500 BC and 200 AD, do not impress with their “robustness” (G.V.Lebedinskaya):

However, looking at the numerous heads extracted from kurgans in a single district, the impression is that they came from the whole Eurasia and beyond, including tropical Africa but excluding Southeast Asia. How they all were born into the Indo-European, or even more specifically into some kind of Iranian, is beyond any imagination.

FIGURE 10-21 Skull of a male with a copper crown.
Vors, Hungary, Baden, c. 3000 BC
(Cheekbones are more prominent then nasal bones)
FIGURE 10-22 Multiple sacrificial burial of the Baden culture. Seventeen human skeletons (four adult and thirteen child) found in a pit. The oldest male (approximately 25 years old) lies in the center of the pit while the women and children are at the edge. Perforated horse teeth were deposited only with male skeletons.
Bronocice, district of Kielce, s Poland. Radiocarbon calibrated date: 3100-2960/2870 BC

Lingering Old European Traditions in Ceramics and Symbolism

The Old European symbols recur in the Baden culture on bird vases, on winged anthropomorphic urns, and on other fine-quality ceramics decorated with a breast motif and panels of chevron, ladder, and net patterns. The finishing of ceramics by burnishing and channeling are the last flutter of the Old European way in conflict with the new Indo-European, ideology reflected in the rows of pits, zigzags, and solar patterns on beakers, braziers, tureens, and wagon models. (FIGURE 10-23) (Any objective scientist would look around for alternate connections and explanations)

The Baden complex represents the process of amalgamation of two culture systems with contrasting economies, ideologies, racial types, and modes of living. (What racial types? Mediterranean and European brachycranial eastern “steppe type”? Or Mediterranean and proto-Europids=proto-Caucasians, i.e. the “robust” Cro-Magnon type?)

The Late Baden (“Kostolac”) Expansion into Bosnia

The Late Baden or “Kostolac” culture continued in northern Yugoslavia and made a strong thrust south into the Tuzla and Bila valleys of Bosnia. The richest and best explored site of the Kostolac type in Bosnia is a hilltop settlement at Pivnica near Odzak situated in a strategic place overlooking the Bosna River valley. There was a large apsidal house, 15 m long, on the eastern part of the hill and traces of other houses on the other part. 81

The Vucedol Culture

In the early 3rd millennium BC, the Vucedol culture followed the Baden in the northwestern Balkans and the east Alpine area. This culture is named after the Vucedol hill fort at Vukovar on the Danube, northwestern Yugoslavia, excavated by R. R. Schmidt. 82 In Hungary it is called the “Zok culture” with several subgroups: “Zok” proper in southwestern Hungary, “Mako” in the Koros and Maros basins of southeastern Hungary, and “Nyirseg” in northeastern Hungary. 83 In the eastern Alpine area, it is better known as “Laibach-Ljubljana culture,” after the peat-bog site excavated at Ljubljana in 1878-79 by K. Deschmann. 84

About 500 Vucedol sites have been reported, all clustered in essentially the same territory as the Baden sites. A number of hill forts contain both Baden and Vucedol deposits, and in the hill fort of Vucedol, two successive Vucedol strata overlie the late Baden (Kostolac) phase. A similar sequence was indicated in the stratified settlements of Sarvas, Gomolava, and Belegis in Syrmia and Slovenia, Brno-Lisen in Moravia, Zok-Varhegy at Pecs in southwestern Hungary, and elsewhere. Vucedol materials are found diffused as far as the Adriatic islands in the south and Bohemia and central Germany in the northwest.

An Intensive Defense System of Hill Forts

An intensive defense system is seen in the chain of impressive fortresses and fortified hilltop villages. Particular concentrations of settlements occur around Vukovar and Osijek in northwestern Yugoslavia; near Pecs in southwestern Hungary; around Ljubljana in Slovenia, south of Vienna, and in western Slovakia. These hill forts functioned as administrative centers, as in the Baden period, and were located on very steep river banks, usually at the confluence with a smaller river, and were heavily defended by ramparts, palisades, and ditches on the inland side. Other settlements are also found on river banks and elevations, or on lake shores, where people lived in pile dwellings (Stilt houses ) (Ljubljana and Ig, at Ljubljana).


Most of the metallurgical activities took place in these locations. The Vucedol hill fort yielded several smelting ovens, copper slags, and clay and sandstone molds. The metal-tool kit consisted of awls, tanged or riveted daggers, spiral tubes used for necklaces, weapons, and ornaments, in addition to shaft-hole axes, celts, and chisels. The ruling families had their own smiths who produced the best tools and weapons of the time. Metal, however, was still rare and most of the inventory was of bone and wood.


The Vucedol ceramics are mostly memorable for the well-polished vases in dark brown or gray, excised and encrusted with white chalk (of crushed shell), which were stamped and impressed with geometric designs, typically in zones and metopes (spaces). Their shapes include a variety of forms — footed dishes which served as braziers, large bowls, handled pots and amphorae, flat and elongated dishes with a jim, miniature pots, and jars with broom-brushed surfaces. Much of the ceramic art reflects, as in Baden, the lingering of Old European traditions. This is strikingly evident in the presence of ornithomorphic vases. The Bird Goddess of the Vinca tradition and her symbols continued to be represented, but most of the symbolic signs and decorative motifs, especially those on the interior of dishes and braziers, are not in the Old European tradition. The dominant designs, instead, are sun and star motifs alien to Old Europe. Clearly, both traditions contributed to Vucedol art and symbolism.


A variety of grave types is reported — cremation, urn graves, inhumation, pits under round earthen kurgans, stone cists, and oven-shaped tombs favored for members of leading families. A rich double grave was found in the Vucedol hill fort, presumed to belong to a ruler and his wife. Both skeletons were in a contracted position. The man's left arm lay over the thigh bone of the woman and his right arm held a leather bottle near his mouth. At his side lay two spears with socketed bronze heads, and at his feet were a hammer-axe of antler, a perforated dog's incisor tooth, and a perforated Mediterranean shell. A whole lamb had been dedicated to the royal couple, and there were many bones about of cattle, stag, and pig. Other gifts had been deposited in large storage vessels, amphorae, bowls, and dishes, some of which still contained organic substances. The woman's head was covered with an exceedingly beautiful, white crusted terrine. In an adjacent oven-shaped grave, five skeletons of children had been placed in a circle; three were newborn babies, one was half a year old, and one was four years of age. The bone analysis of the latter showed that the buried chieftain was the father.

FIGURE 10-23 (l) Solar motifs on Baden pots.
(2) Pots and a copper breast plate found in a stone cist grave at Velvary, Bohemia. Vases (left) have tubular handles used for suspension of the vessel (note: strings are shown in relief).
Breast plates of Velvary type reappear engraved on stone stelae (see Figs. 10-43, 10-44).
Second half 4th mill. BC. H of large vase 13 cm.

The Ezero Culture in Bulgaria, the Northern Aegean, and Western Anatolia

Ezero is a tell in central Bulgaria located three kilometers southeast of Nova Zagora. 85 The excavations of a Bulgarian-Soviet team in this location during 1961-71 revealed an unusually complete picture of the Early Bronze Age life and chronology of the Ezero culture. Although there are a number of important settlements in central Bulgaria (Michalic, Veselinovo, Bikovo, Karanovo) as well as in the north Aegean and western Anatolia that have yielded material related to Ezero [Sitagroi IV and V, Troy I-II, Yortan, Alishar), none can compare with its scope and completeness of information. For this reason, the name Ezero is applied as a label for the entire culture in Bulgaria, northern Aegean, and western Anatolia. This is not a separate culture, however, but is part of one widely spread Baden-Ezero culture united by a standard repertoire of finds, and similar administrative system and settlement pattern.

Originally, the tell of Ezero, as also Karanovo, Veselinovo, Sitagroi, and others, was occupied by the Karanovo people. The continuity of this remarkable civilization, as we have seen in chapters 2 and 3, is well attested for almost two thousand years, c. 6000-4200 BC. Then, as a result of Kurgan Wave No. 1, the continuity of the Karanovo life was truncated. After a hiatus, a hybrid culture emerged which was an amalgamation of Old European traditions overlayed with new Kurgan influences. The tell was converted into an acropolis (citadel).

The Early Bronze Age layer of Ezero above the Karanovo tell had a thickness of 3.80 m. In the central section, thirteen building horizons were excavated, all of which are of one cultural tradition beginning in the middle of the 4th and ending in the middle of the 3rd millennium BC. Each horizon yielded rectangular houses built of timber uprights interspersed with latticed branches and covered with a thin layer of clay daub. Some structures of lighter construction built of timber posts hardly survived although their ground plans are traced from postholes. From nearly fifty houses uncovered, twenty had apsidal ends which appeared in the earliest horizon (Horizon XIII) and continued through the duration of this culture. Larger houses consisted of two rooms, living quarters and a working area, having ovens, hearths, platforms, and silo pits for drying and storing grain. The buildings stood in groups, about twenty houses in each horizon, around an open center. This central area had direct access to a corridor-like gate, 1 to 2.5 m wide and 8 m long, which was connected with the settlement's fortification.

The hill was surrounded by two stone walls. The inner wall was 80 m in diameter, 1.5 to 1 m thick, built of large undressed stones, 60 to 80 cm in size, while the outer was double in size. Such Cyclopean walls of larger boulders were strengthened with smaller stones at the bottom and glued with clay. This acropolis, which could have held up to two hundred people, must have served as a fortress for the small, unprotected villages around it.

Who lived on this hill ? The chieftain with his council of war leaders, the craftsmen and their families? Unfortunately we do not know, although the pattern appears to be proto-typical of the later Bronze Age Mycenaean acropolises. (Given the spread of the Baden-Ezero culture, and accepting its genetical connection with the Mycenaean culture, the Old Europe Mycenaean culture occupied half of the central Europe)

FIGURE 10-13 shows extent of Baden-Ezero culture

Tools and Weapons

The acropolis was the center of many activities including the manufacture of tools and weapons of stone, bone, antler, copper, and bronze, typical throughout the Baden-Ezero culture. Flint was obtained from the Rhodope Mountains while other stones were gathered from south and north of Ezero. Stone artifacts include pestles, hammers, polishers, grinding stones, querns (grinders), axes, and chisels, also globular and cylindrical mace-heads and ritual battle-axes. Bone and antler tools were found by the hundreds, mostly awls, chisels, polishers, digging sticks, hoes (some of which were possibly used as plowshares), axes, and hammer-axes. (FIGURE 10-24) Metal artifacts were not abundant since the total number from all horizons was 37 (awls, knives or knife-daggers, chisels, needles, a.o.). (FIGURE 10-25) In addition, three stone molds for casting axes were discovered which belong to the later phases of the Ezero sequence. In the earliest horizons, awls were made of pure copper or arsenical copper, while in later horizons the percentage of arsenic was much higher suggesting progress in metal work.


Jugs, jars, bowls, and cups with high handles were of surprisingly similar forms all over the Baden-Ezero area. Only a close interaction between the various districts, the mobility of the people, and the same social structure could result in such a uniformity of products. From the onset of this culture, there was an overall decline in the quality of pottery which, in shape, make, and decoration, cannot be compared with the exquisite Karanovo VI pottery. Although the Baden-Ezero ceramics absorbed certain elements of the local cultures, this in no way represents a continuity of the Vinca or Karanovo. If the channeling technique for decoration was used on early Baden, Ezero, and Sitagroi IV bowls, or if chevrons or zigzag designs occasionally appeared on vases, this only shows that there were local elements in the population, probably female, that continued to apply long-used motifs from memory.

The main set of prestige pottery types is a group of vessels concerned with communal eating and drinking — jug, cup, dipper, bowl — which is a distinctive feature of elite burials. In later phases of the Bronze Age such drinking vessels were either made of metal or were imitated in clay. No doubt a variety of intoxicating drinks were used. Thus, the complex of drinking vessels used primarily by males, by the male entourage of the ruler or by his warriors, replaced the symbolically decorated libation vessels or water containers used by women in temples.

FIGURE 10-24 Antler plowshare, hoes, and hammers.
Ezero, c. Bulgaria, c. 3000 BC. Scale 1:1
FIGURE 10-25 Flat axes, daggers, needles, and a chisel of arsenic bronze
from Ezero, c. Bulgaria, c. 3000 BC. Scale 1:1
FIGURE 10-26
(1)An ox team (left) buried next to the stone cist with human skeletons (right).
Zdrojowka, district of Kolo, Poland.
(2) Bone plate with an engraved star design originally attached to the forehead of an ox.
Brzesc Kujawski, district of Wloclawek, Poland. Diameter 8 cm.
FIGURE 10-27 Globular amphorae decorated with cord impressions from Poland and the Lower Dnieper basin.
(1) Kalsk, district of Swiebodzin, Poland.
(2) Mikhailovka I hill fort. Lower Dnieper.
(3) Strzelce, Mogilno, W Poland.
(4) Rebkow-Parcele, Garwolin, Poland.
Second half 4th mill. BC. Scale c. 1:4.
1. Human bones
2. Sacrificed animal bones
3. Vases
4 Axe of banded flint


The Globular Amphora Culture in the Northern European Plain Between Central Germany and East Romania

The Globular Amphora culture emerged on the northern European plain and north of the Carpathians — the present territories of central Germany, Poland, Volynia, Podolia, and Moldavia — in the middle of the 4th millennium BC.86 (Table 31) It is known from hundreds of graves and from a few seasonal camps on sand dunes, small villages, and hilltop sites. The Globular Amphora culture was preceded by the Funnel-necked Beaker culture (TRB) and by the Cucuteni in the western Ukraine and Romania. In spite of a different substratum, the Globular Amphora culture was remarkably uniform.

There is similarity between the burial rites of the Globular Amphora people and those of the Kurgans of the Maikop culture in the North Pontic region. Both used mortuary houses built of stone slabs and practiced the ritual burial of horses, cattle, and dogs, as well as human sacrifice in connection with funeral rites honoring high-ranking males. (FIGURES 10-26, 10-29)

The typical vessel for which the culture is named is an amphora with a flat or rounded base (FIGURE 10-27), with or without two or four small handles above the shoulder for suspension. Other vases that accompanied the dead include a globular pot [a tureen or wide-mouthed beaker) and occasionally a cup. (FIGURES 10-28A, B) The clay was tempered with crushed shells and some sand or vegetable matter. In shape and construction, this pottery, particularly that from Volynia and Poland, is much the same as that from Mikhailovka I sites. The cord-impressed, incised, or stabbed decoration is restricted to the neck and shoulder.

FIGURE 10-28A Stone cist grave inventories of the Globular Amphora culture.
(1) A man lying on the left side in a contracted position was equipped with
(2) an axe made of banded flint and
(3-6) four pots.
Przybyslaw, district of Inowroclaw, w Poland. H of vase (left) 28 cm
FIGURE 10-28B (1) Banded flint axe;
(2) flint knife;
(3) double pointed bone spear;
(4) corded pot from a Globular Amphora grave at Malice, district of Sandornierz, S. Poland.
Second half of the 4th mill. BC
FIGURE 10-29 Plan Of a Globular Amphora mortuary house. Stone slab cist with a porch covered by three large slabs. In the center at the western wall, skeleton of a male 40 to 50 years old, flanked by two females and two children on each side (children from c. 1 year to c. 8 years old). Two other skeletons are at his feet: a boy, c. 15 and a girl, c. 17, The porch area contained the skeleton of a man c. 30 years old (a leg showed signs of injury). Skeletons covered with ochre lay on the stone-slab floor daubed with a 4 cm thick layer of yellow clay. Among the funeral gifts were four axes, a chisel, daggers, arrowheads, a bone point, eight vases, three jaws of a boar, and pig bones. Voytsekhivka, district of Zhitomir, Volynia. Second half of the 4th mill. BC FIGURE 10-30 Engraved amber disc found in a stone cist as a gift to an important male at Ivanne near Rovno, NW Ukraine c. 600 km from the amber source area at the Baltic Sea.
End 4th mill. BC


Male Graves with Sacrificed Humans and Animals

A classed social structure and the dominant position of men is demonstrated by richly equipped graves that contained astounding numbers of sacrificed human beings and animals. The chief adult male occupied the central position in the stone cist and was accompanied into the afterlife by family members, servants, oxen, horses, and dogs as well as boars and other game animals. These extraordinary burials contained from three to ten human skeletons buried at the same time. The sex, age, and the position of the skeletons suggest that one or more young children, an adult female, and one or two attendants were put to death to accompany their father, husband, or master to the other world. The important male skeleton is usually found at the end of the cist grave, while two or more other individuals, perhaps immediate family members, are beside him in the same room or are grouped at the opposite end. The other escorts are within the porch or in a smaller room of the mortuary house. 87

It is hard to imagine that archeologist Prof. Marija Gimbutas was not acutely aware of similar Kurgan burial traditions spanning the Eurasian continent and half of the known human history, the most celebrated example of which is the burial of the China's first emperor Qin Shi Huang Di, typologically identical to the European examples, and clearly following the same beliefs about organization of the universe and amenities needed on the way from this to the other world. The earliest indication of the Tengrian beliefs appear with the first burials where the deceased is furnished with the travel necessities, be it food, tools, transportation, or whatever the technical development of the time could provide, starting at approx. 7th mill. BC. Local variations in time and space should be expected in a variety commensurate with the ingenuity of the people and cultural interplay, and in each case they serve as markers of migrations, origin, cultural heritage, and syncretism. The one-dimensional idea of a uniform canonized influence generally is not applicable, all known migrations were aggregates of discrete cultures, be it the Scythian, Indo-European, Hunnic, Türkic, Mongolian, Slavic, Chinese, Tungusic, British, or Spanish migrations, from antiquity to the modern times.

At Klementowice, eastern Poland, the male skeleton in the center of the north end of the stone cist was equipped with as many as thirty-five artifacts including thirteen vases, four flint axes, three daggers of boar tusk, and the jawbone of a boar. A young woman, seated upright in the southern end of the cist, was equipped with only a small amphora, while the bones of an old man and of a headless individual were in the southeastern corner of the cist. 88 Generally, rich male graves contain only one female skeleton and one or two of children. One exceptional instance is the cist grave at Voytsekhivka in Volynia, containing a male skeleton flanked by two women and four children, with a young man and a woman at his feet. 89 (FIGURE 10-29)

In a number of cases, skeletal remains of adult males and children are found in separate stone cists together with sacrificed animals. The sacrificed human beings are headless or without legs, or are represented by heads alone. Often a double-pointed bone spear is found among the bones, suggesting the means of their death. At many Polish sites, a draft team of two oxen is buried near a cist with a human skeleton, as in the Baden complex (see fig. 10-26). They were laid sidewise, legs contracted, foreheads almost touching as if buried yoked, with bone disks in a star design around their necks. Near one such pair at Pikutkowo, central Poland, were two clay drums in a large dish. Other animal graves contained only cows or horses, or a combination including cows, pigs or boars, a stag, a fox, and a chamois. Pits filled with black-stained earth, perhaps remains of blood, have been noted at the animal burials.

The religious and social traditions of the Globular Amphora culture demonstrate that the grave structure was unrelated to that of the TRB culture. TRB graves contain extended burials arranged in long-barrows or megalithic passage graves which occasionally underlie Globular Amphora graves.

Sun Symbolism and the Quest for Amber

The extension of Globular Amphora sites into the area of the Nemunas and Narva cultures is explained by their quest for amber to which they attached great ideological importance. Its golden hue was symbolically significant to these sun-worshiping people, and amber discs, plain or with carved solar designs (star or cross patterns), are found in important male graves. 90 The largest amber sun disc, 10 cm in diameter (FIGURE 10-30) was discovered in a rich cist grave at Ivanne, near Rovno, northern Ukraine, some 600 km from the amber source area in East Prussia or Lithuania. 91 On it, an engraved scene shows schematic human figures holding a large bow with upraised arms. A schematic animal, possibly a horse, is separated by two dashes from the group of human figures. This engraving is closely related in style to those on Crimean stone-cist walls and North Pontic stelae.

North Pontic stelae that Prof. Marija Gimbutas incredibly found identical to images on FIGURE 10-30

These are no portrayals of a thunder god, these are the same graveyard statues installed over the graves in the cemeteries across Europe, made with the means and within the tradition current at the time. Memorial stelae were installed near the top of the kurgan, and for millenniums every visitor laid a symbolic contribution at its feet.

The deceased are depicted in their dresses and environment, with tool kits normally carried in the daily life.

The belt buckle is notable for its metal construction. The metal tubular socket axes are notable because they are specific and unique to Kurgan Culture, see note Fig. 10-36

Economy, Tools, and Weapons

The Globular Amphora people were seminomadic herders living in small groups who practiced a limited seasonal movement documented by seasonal settlements of two or three rectangular semisubterranean huts, or a singular above-ground timber house. (FIGURE 10-31) Hill forts and permanent settlements constituted the cultural focus for a tribe or clan. Agricultural tools, generally quern (grinder) stones, stone hoes, and wooden plowshares, indicate farming. The evidence of domesticated plants comes from impressions of barley, wheat, and pulses found in clay daub. Finds of carbonized acorns indicate their use either for human consumption or as fodder for swine. Agriculture, however, seems to have been only supplementary to an essentially stock breeding economy in which cattle were of paramount importance. They also bred pigs, horses, dogs, sheep, and goats and hunted, fished, and gathered wild plants.

Frequently present in their grave goods are two major wood-working tools: a trapezoidal flint axe, quadrangular in cross-section, and a flint chisel. These stone tools are replicates of a pair of metal tools, which in the west were very scarce. Flint, therefore, was universally cherished and the industry was intensive. At the impressive flint mine at Krzemionki in the Upper Vistula area at Opatow, some thousand shafts bear witness to the quantities of banded flint that were removed. 91 For the Globular Amphora people, this was the primary choice for the axes and chisels. Other tools and weapons — arrowheads, points, knives, and scrapers — were made of gray or chocolate flint from other sources. Bone was used for awls and needles as well as for ornaments.

Composite bows, known from engravings on stone stelae (see fig. 10-46), on walls of stone cist graves (Gohlitzsh, River Saale basin in central Germany), and from actual finds of burnt bows laid in graves (cf. grave at Bozejewice at Strzelno in western Poland) were made of wood, most likely of ash, as supported by . 93 The composite bow evidenced from around the end of the 4th millennium BC, between central Germany and the Lower Dnieper, has close analogies in central Asia, particularly in the Siberian-Mongolian steppe. (Leaving aside the unattested ash and “linguistic evidence”, the unaddressed by the Prof. Marija Gimbutas history of the composite bow and its travel to Siberia and Far East, and not the West, is consistent with the conclusion that the N.Pontic Pit Gravers were spreading in a pendulum motion, with reciprocal flows carrying innovations across great distances. The design of the composite bow could not be a secret, it is too obvious, and the secrets of its manufacture could not be contained, because every pastoral family was producing them for their own use; but the intricacies of its manufacture that make a difference between an indigenous quality and a knockoff reserved its manufacture to the steppe nomads, and made it a valuable trade commodity between the nomadic Türkic horse breeders and agricultural Indo-Europeans)

Physical Type of Population

The physical type of this population is not yet satisfactorily known. In Romania, only seven skeletons have been examined which were characterized by Olga Necrasov as "attenuated proto-Europid with some brachylization.” 94 The broad-headed skulls from the stone-cist graves in western Ukraine are very similar to those from Romanian Moldavia, and the skulls from Poland are also broad-headed. Multivariate comparisons made between seventeen male skulls from central Germany, Czechoslovakia, and Poland by Ilse Schwidetzky has shown affinities with the substratum TRB population. Although the number of individuals examined is still very small, it is interesting to note that Schwidetzky sees a certain gradation within the Globular Amphora population in which breadth measurements decrease from east to west. The eastern groups are very similar to the Kurgan type, while the western resemble the central German TRB people. 95 We have yet to discover the amount of population influx and how much crossing took place between various types.

Nevertheless, it is apparent that the emergence of the Globular Amphora culture in the north European plain is crucial to an understanding of the Indo-Europeanization of this part of Europe. We must bear in mind that the fundamental social, religious, and economic components of the Globular Amphora culture link it to the North Pontic area. The fact that the Globular Amphora culture is more homogeneous than the Baden suggests that if these people were indeed Indo-European speakers, they completely succeeded in subverting the indigenous population or in converting them to their own creeds, customs, and language.

This brief summary highlights the flimsiness of the Prof. Marija Gimbutas argumentation, and the pitiful state of the studies. Distilled for the contents, the meager seventeen skull evidence shows a east-to-west cline, directly pointing to demographical insignificance of the intruders in the sampled zone. The temporal component of the seventeen skull sample is necessarily random, it does not allow an assessment on the number of generations that passed from the time of intrusion, to create a temporal graph. It also does not represent the population, since the samples are taken from the most prominent graves. The results of the study probably have the same demographical relevance as a similar study on the contents of the post-Mongol-time princely mausoleums, which showed a temporal decline of Mongoloidness in the ruling strata, but was irrelevant to the population of the Kipchak Khanate.

The funny part is that, in drastic conflict with the scholarly image of Indo-European as a dolichocephalic phenotype, in the Prof. Marija Gimbutas absurd version the Indo-Europeans are a brachycephalic lot, passing their culture and brachycephalism to the indigenous European dolichocephalic non-Indo-Europeans. Even more absurdous, these brachycephalic Indo-Europeans also carry attenuated flat-face Mongoloidness, making them not only phenotypically Türkic-like mongrels, but also innate Indo-European speakers that taught Indo-European languages to the masses of barbaric Old Europeans and Dravidian masses in India.

The non-existing Indo-Europeanization of this part of Europe is apparent Turkification of this part of Europe, when the fundamental social, religious, and economic traits of the N.Pontic were passed to the ancestors of the Globular Amphora culture, without violence and population replacement, and largely by example. That time is a candidate when the rich Türkic lexicon penetrated the Germanic languages with such eternal words as antler, castle, elm, ertho = earth, Thor = Te(ng)ri, kin, herr, and a host of others, the ideas of monotheistic Tengriism induced supply of travel accommodations to the departed, and back-breaking subsistence agriculture was supplanted by laissez faire pastoralism that not only radically improved the diet, but also allowed plenty of spare time to engage in technical development and arts. Once sown, the sprouts took a multitude of forms predicated on the cultures and traditions of the receptor societies, and with much limited movement within the sedentary populations, tended to coalesce into isolated population-specific cultures, seen on the numerous illustrations that reflect the forms attained by the Old Europe sedentary cultures.

FIGURE 10-31 Plan of a Globular Amphora semi-subterranean dwelling.
Biedrzychowice, district of Prudnik, Poland. L of the longest wall 10.5 m

1. Postholes
2. Outline of the walls
3. Contours of a dwelling pit
4. Hearth
5. Stone hearth in the center

The Third Wave, c. 3000 BC: The Intrusion of the N.Pontic “Pit Grave” Kurgans into East-Central Europe and Their Impact

The Kurgan Wave No. 3, c. 3000 BC, was a massive infiltration that caused drastic changes in the ethnic configurations of Europe. (FIGURE 10-32) Population shirts to western, northern, and northeastern Europe, as well as to the Adriatic region and Greece, account for the final Indo-Europeanization (I.e. Kurganization) of Europe.

Late Pit Grave Graves in Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, and Eastern Hungary

The third Kurgan thrust is identified by hundreds of graves in Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia (south Banat), and eastern Hungary, which are identical to Late Yamna (Pit Grave) burials in the Lower Dnieper, the Lower Don, and Lower Volga basins. 96 Diagnostic features are: male burials in deep pits; timber-hut construction within the grave roofed with oak or birch beams; floor covering of wood mats, bast, or ashes; grave walls hung with rugs or other textiles; predominantly western orientation of the dead; and supine skeletal position with contracted legs (lateral in later graves). (FIGURES 10-33, 10-34) Ochre was scattered with the dead. Round and low kurgans, usually no higher than one meter, were surrounded by stone rings or ditches. Stone cists, orthostats, and stelae, common in the North Pontic Mikhailovka I complex, are not characteristic of Pit Grave architecture. Graves were poorly equipped, but important males were furnished with a hammerhead pin of bone or copper, a round copper plate, spiral hair rings or earrings of silver or copper, cord-impressed and stabbed beakers, chains or necklaces of copper wire tubes and canine teeth, flint arrowheads, tanged daggers of arsenic copper or flint, awls and flat axes of stone or copper. Evidence abounds for the sacrifice of human beings and animals. Among the animals sacrificed were horses, cattle, sheep, goats, deer, boar, and dogs (see cult and sacrifice above).

The differences in the burial traditions between the 2nd and 3rd waves, or between the Kurgan cultures of Early Pit Grave and Later Pit Grave resembles the situation when the Becenyo State supplanted the Bulgar/Khazar state in the N.Pontic. When the Avar Kaganate ca. 558 replaced the tribes of the Hunnic circle as a suzerain in the N.Pontic, the change was solely political, demographically Avars proceeded to and remained in the Balkan area, without affecting the burial traditions of the Hunnic circle tribes. When ca. 840 the Kangar/Bajanak tribes took over the suzerainty of the N.Pontic, they brought subtle, but sufficiently distinct changes into the N.Pontic kurgan burial practices. When ca. 990 the Kipchaks moved into the N.Pontic, they also supplanted the Bajanak/Bulgar tribes in the area, and also brought their subtle, but sufficiently distinct changes into the N.Pontic kurgan burial practices. The difference is that written histories allow to discriminate the waves of the 1st mill. AD, and associate distinct Kurgan burial practices with particular ethnoses and movements of people, whereas the ethnoses and movements of people in the 3rd mill. BC were not documented, and are only reflected in the archeological record. It is reasonable to expect that not only the Later Pit Grave Kurgan burials are distinct, but that their history and cultural traditions are different, they would display ethnological and morphological differences distinct from the traits of the Early Pit Gravers, and their vernacular also was somewhat different from the earlier Kurgans.


FIGURE 10-32 Kurgan Wave No. 3 c. 3000 BC (or soon thereafter) and its repercussions. The Late Globular Amphora-Early Corded Pottery culture shifted to the west, north, and northeast. The Vudedol shifted to western Bosnia and the Adriatic coast and ultimately reached the Peloponnese

——> - Kurgan culture c. 3000-2900 BC and its infiltration into east-central Europe
-----> - Globular Amphora and Early Corded Pottery culture before Kurgan Wave No. 3. Vucedol culture and its extension west and south in the early 3rd mill. BC.
Arrows indicate directions of expansion.

FIGURE 10-33 The third Kurgan wave is traced by hundreds of low kurgans with timber huts in pits (yamna, “pit”). This is a cross-section and plan of a Pit Grave type kurgan in northern Yugoslavia (Vojtovica at Pancevo, east of Belgrade). The mortuary timber hut in the pit was built of six wooden posts supporting horizontal beams and had a timber floor covering. Inside the hut was a male in a contracted position lying on the right side, head pointing to the west. Two silver hair-rings were found at his head, c. 3000-2900 BC. Kurgan is 8 m across

FIGURE 10-34 A pit grave (two views) from a Pit Grave kurgan in SW Romania. The skeleton lies on the back with contracted legs. Two silver earrings and red ochre were found at the head.
Plenita, near Craiova, S Romania, c. 3000-2900 BC
FIGURE 10-35 Pit Grave weapons: daggers of bronze and flint. Mikhailovka hill fort, layer III, the Lower Dnieper area.
Bronze dagger (left) is 19cm long
Sidekick - A Posting Note on earrings

The theme of male earrings extends from the Kurgan wave 3 to essentially the present Kurganians. It is a permanent fixture in the Kurgan burials, and in the descriptions of the men known as belonging to the Kurgan tradition. The Türkic isirga = earring became the Slavic serga = earring, in some instances they are associated with known personal tamgas. In addition to the Marija Gimbutas' “Indo-European” Kurgan notations, the earring are found on the 8th c. BC Scythian Massagetae “Saka Tigrakhauda” male burial, in Anyang kurgan tombs in China attributed to 12th c. BC Zhou, ditto for Chaodaogou, Baijinbao, Hanshu II, the Northern Di, and Heilongjiang etc. nomadic cultures in China that are all culturally associated with the Hunnic tribes and “northern” Siberian origin, in the Egyin Gol (modern Mongolia) valley kurgan cemetery that range from the Bronze Age until the Chingis Khan 13th c. AD period that contains the Uigur 8th c. AD royalty, in the Attila's son 5th c. AD Khan Diggiz portrait, in the 7th c. AD Khan Kurbat (Kubrat, Kurvat) burial with inscription written in Hunno-Kypchak alphabet, on the ca. 10th c. AD Rus Prince Svyatoslav of Türkic extraction, and in a host of other contemporary descriptions of the Scythian, Hunnic, and Türkic Kurgan people.

Another trait, found in better preserved burials, and associated with the tracings of earrings, is the shaved head with a single long lock of hair, a status symbol of the royal or princely “blue blood”. These traditions, ubiquitous for the Türkic people, do not find sufficient appreciation in the Prof. Marija Gimbutas constructions.



One of the most informative monuments north of the Black Sea is the Mikhailovka hill fort in the Lower Dnieper region, with its three layers of cultural deposits. The lower layer, Mikhailovka I, which belongs to the early Maikop culture, was overlain, after a hiatus, by two layers of the Pit Grave culture, Mikhailovka II and III. 97 Fortifications of stone walls, 2, m high, belong to Mikhailovka III. Bronze and flint daggers (FIGURE 10-35) and tall beakers with rounded bases, decorated with horizontal cord impressions, comb-stamped herringbone design, and cord-impressed or incised hanging striated triangles are typical of the Pit Grave layers. In addition to beakers, there are bowls, dishes, and three- or four-legged braziers. This type of pottery is also found in the Pit Grave graves of the Lower Volga (The legged braziers are one more common trait notable among the European and Far-Eastern Kurganians).

In Moldavia and the western Ukraine, Wave No. 3 barrows are stratigraphically situated above the Usatovo-Foltesti settlements and graves. Most of the calibrated radiocarbon dates for the Pit Grave graves west of the Black Sea range shortly after 3000 BC. (TABLE 32)

Pit Grave graves from the Lower Dnieper, Don, and Lower Volga steppe date from the same time and also from a later period. A number of earlier Pit Grave radiocarbon dates from the Ukraine and southern Russia are given for comparison in table 33. The chronological link is obvious.

Table 10-33 shows extent of Baden-Ezero culture

(Pereschepino area must have been a cemetery site, like the site the Scythians called “Gerra”, i.e. “Land”. In addition to the oldest Pit Grave kurgans, Pereschepino also contained the youngest royal kurgan of the Bulgarian Khan Kurbat [aka Kubrat], buried there at ca. 660 AD)

Physical Type of Population

Eighty skeletons from Pit Grave graves have been examined in Romania alone, a sufficient number for some conclusions about the physical type. The Pit Grave people in Romania were tall statured and strongly built, with predominantly dolichocephalic skulls, medium cranial height and rounded occipital, with variable facial mass, pronounced nose, and a robust mandible. 98 This type corresponds to that of the Pit Grave graves in the Ukraine and south Russia. 99 (This description, except for robust mandible, completely disassociates the Later Pit Gravers of Romania and N.Pontic from the people described for Kvalynsk and Early Pit Gravers. They must have obtained their way of life and culture by some form of immaculate conception, without engaging in sexual intercourse required to propagate genes. However, on their way to the east they regained back their robustness and “eastern steppe type” traits, used to link re-population of the Central Asia with the N.Pontic Late Pit Gravers)

The Impact on the Balkans and Greece: The Vucedol Shift Northwest and South

The Vucedol shift from its core area into the peripheries caused changes in the whole Balkan peninsula, as well as in central Europe. Vucedol sites virtually disappeared from Hungary and the Danube lands in Yugoslavia. The migration to the northwest and south must have started c. 3000-2800 BC and was obviously connected with the Pit Grave movement from the east.

In central and northwestern Bohemia, the new settlers established a series of hilltop villages and are known under the name “Rivnac”, so called after a hilltop site nine kilometers northwest of Prague, excavated in 1882-84. 100 The major source of information derives from the hilltop village at Homolka northeast of Kladno in central Bohemia. 101

Dalmatia, western Bosnia, and Albania were reached from the eastern Alpine region. Along the Sana River in western Bosnia, the Vucedol people occupied areas not previously inhabited. Their settlements in the newly acquired lands consisted of naturally protected hill forts and caves, usually difficult to access. 102 Cemeteries of kurgans, including stone cists, were discovered at the Cetina River and at Rumen near Sinj near the Adriatic coast. 103 At Mala Gruda, Tivat, a royal tomb in a kurgan came to light equipped with a silver axe, a gold dagger of Early Helladic II (Bronze Age Greece) type (2900-2500 BC), gold rings, copper plate, and Vucedol vases.104 (FIGURE 10-36) This tumulus was nearly 4 m high and 30 m across. At the base was a round platform built of river pebbles, and the central grave, a mortuary house built of stone slabs, was lowered into the ground. The male skeleton was in a contracted position with a silver axe and gold dagger deposited at his waist, with five gold rings and a copper plate at his head. A beaker and a conical dish stood at his feet. The tomb architecture and burial rites at Mala Gruda are the same as those of the North Pontic Maikop culture. Mala Gruda is located halfway between northwestern Yugoslavia and western Greece, where kurgans of the same tradition also emerged in the early 3rd millennium BC.

FIGURE 10-36 Halfway between the north Adriatic-east Alpine area and the Peloponnese, kurgans girded with stone rings and with stone cist graves were discovered which belong to the North Pontic Kurgan (Maikop) tradition. Royal burials were equipped with elaborate vases and prestige items. This illustration depicts grave gifts from the royal burial at Mala Gruda (i.e. “Small Pile”, for “Small Kurgan”) at Tivat (42.4°N 18.7°E) on the Adriatic coast; gold rings and dagger, silver axe, beaker, and dish with encrusted design of Vucedol type.
Early 3rd mill. BC
(The atypical tubular socket silver ax ca. 3rd mill. BC is the design found in the Middle East, in the Poltavka Pit Grave grave near Utyevka (Ukraine), it is ubiquitous in western Siberia, and in found China, brought over to Yin Shang by Zhou people ca. 1600 BC)

Sidekick - A Posting Note on tubular-socketed axes

The tubular-socketed axes are outstanding tracing markers. They are a specific as Chinese characters or Mayan hieroglyphs. Chernykh believes that socketed axes were invented in the fourth millennium in eastern Europe or the Caucasus (Ancient Metallurgy in the USSR, pp. 300-301).

In the ca. 3rd mill. BC the tubular-socketed axes are found in the Balkans. At about the same time they are found in the Poltavka Pit Grave grave near Utyevka (Ukraine)

At about ca. 2100 BC the tubular-socketed axes are found in the Middle East. A. Kovalev (“The earliest migration from Zagros to China and the problem of Tokhar's origin”//Archaeologist: Detective and Thinker. SPb. 2004. pp. 249-292) (Êîâàë¸â À.À. “Äðåâíåéøàÿ ìèãðàöèÿ èç Çàãðîñà â Êèòàé è ïðîáëåìà ïðàðîäèíû òîõàðîâ”//Àðõåîëîã: äåòåêòèâ è ìûñëèòåëü. ÑÏá. 2004. Ñ. 249-292 http://archaeology.itcwin.com/articles/A237.pdf) demonstrates archeological corroboration of genetical connection of Chaodaogou bronzes (in Zhou China) with the W.B.Henning's suggestion, based on philological analysis, of the Tokharians (Kushans, Kucheans) identification with the Gutians (and “Tukrish”) nomads who inhabited Zagros highlands during the Early and Middle Bronze Age (Henning W.B. 1978. ”The First Indo-Europeans in History“// Society and History. Essays in Honour Karl August Wittfogel / Ed. by G.L.Ulmen. Hague; Paris ; New York). In Turkology, Gutians = Guzes and Tukrish = Turks are argued to be Türkic tribes (M. Zakiev, “Genesis of Türks and Tatars”,   p.360, Moscow, “Insan”, 2002, ISBN 5-85840-317-4). The main argument of A.Kovalev is the unique, both for China and Middle East, tubing connection of the axes. The nomadic horse husbandrymen, the Kurgan Gutians came to be known in the Middle East ca. 2100 BC; like the Kurgans in central Europe, took command and they kept Babylonia in subjection for a hundred years. By a quirk of the fate, while no names of the Kurgans are known in Europe, in the Middle East their names came to be known, they are suspiciously Türkic-like Gutis = Guzes and Tukrish = Turks.

Four hundred years later, the unique tubing connection of the axes appeared ca. 1600 BC with the Zhou nomadic horse husbandrymen in the China's Yin Shang. Loehr long ago advanced typological arguments in favor of a Siberian origin, pointing out that shaft holes, ubiquitous in western Siberia, are a metalworker's invention: they can't be modeled after the stone axes (R.Bagley “ Early Bronze Age Archaeology. The Northern Zone” (i.e. South Siberia)//M.Loeuwe, E.L.Shaughnessy, eds “The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221BC”, Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 223). Talking of Siberian origin, Loehr was speaking of the Siberian Kurgan people, the Türkic Zhous. They also brought over their short swords, called in modern Türkic kingirak, which became akinak in Greek and ge in Chinese, making traceable not only the Zhou's origin, but also their language.

In addition to the trademark tubular-socketed axes and trademark “akinak” kingiraks, Zhou brought to China their decorative art, in particular simple decorative patterns of striae and zigzags (R.Bagley, Ibid, p. 221). Nothing is known in China about the Sun cult or any other imaginative reading of the Zhou decorations, archeologists with less agenda and creativity just see it as an ethnologically-specific decoration.

The migration of the Vucedol south to the mountainous regions and to the inhospitable and stony Dalmatian coast cannot be explained as a normal territorial extension occasioned by a population increase. This was caused by the intrusion of Pit Grave people into Yugoslavia and Hungary. There was a conspicuous occupation of a series of caves, both on the continent (Hrustovaca, Dabar Pecina, Zelena Pecina in Dalmatia and Hercegovina) and on the Adriatic islands (Grapceva Spilja on the island of Hvar, Jamina Sredi on Cres, Vela Spilja on Korcula). Ample evidence from the islands of Leucas and the northwestern Peloponnese suggests that the Kurgans arriving in Greece at the beginning of the 3rd millennium BC, perhaps via Albania and the Adriatic, were descendants of the Indo-Europeanized (Kurganized) east-central Europeans, i.e., the Baden-Vucedol people.

Removing anachronistic Indo-Europeans, the Baden-Vucedol people were the Old Europe people with slight admixture of  “eastern steppe type” Old Kurgan people, fleeing the New Kurgan people, they were assuredly speaking the same Old European language, likely with a sprinkle of innovative Türkic expressions. Like in every other case, the ruling Türkic people learned the Old Europe language of their subjects, and in a few generations the originally Türkic aristocracy became a native aristocracy. The Vucedol people could be the proto-Illyrians, proto-Albanians, Mycenaean Greeks, pra-Ionian Greeks, or the natives that the Ionians came to displace. While we are pretending that we know that the Baden-Vucedol people already spoke Indo-European, for the sake of irony we have no clue who the hell they became later.

The cemetery of Steno on the island of Leucas, consisting of 33 kurgans, is a good example of the changed customs in Greece. 105 These kurgans belong to several phases, dating from the Early Helladic (Bronze Age Greece) II and III, c. 2900-2250 BC, and the buried chieftains and warriors were probably members of the dynasty ruling the island. The earliest and largest kurgan, encircled by a stone retaining wall, stood apart from the others (FIGURE 10-37, 2); its mortuary chamber was exceptionally large and well made, with walls of large round stones. This contained the skeletons of a man and a woman and pieces of a sheep and a lamb amid ash in the soil which suggest the remains of a funerary feast.

Other early kurgans contained inhumation graves in shafts covered by stone slabs, under a cairn of stones and a pile of earth. In some, stone cists had been inserted into the kurgan. This type of grave architecture and burial practice go back to the Maikop traditions which were diffused into east-central Europe by Kurgan Wave No. 2. Analogies are seen in the splendid kurgans northwest of the Black Sea (see fig. 10-10), the Tarnava kurgans in northwestern Bulgaria (see fig. 10-11), and the Belotic kurgans in Serbia. Other close parallels are in Albania 106 and Dalmatia.107 The Early Helladic (Bronze Age Greece) II date of the early or R group of the Steno kurgans is indicated by bird-shaped vases (“sauce boats”), typical of Early Helladic II. Triangular copper dagger blades, with or without the mid-rib and with two rivet holes and halberds, are known from the engravings on Valcamonica stelae (see figs. 10-41, 10-42, 10-43). Also found were slotted spearheads and poignards (dagger). But the most prestigious weapon of the elite class was the dagger which was a routine accoutrement of leading males (usually held in the right hand) found in all the rich kurgans. (FIGURE 10-37.2)

Kurgans on round stone platforms surrounded by stone rings, as well as apsidal houses, are also reported from the end of the Early Helladic (Bronze Age Greece) period at Olympia and were continuous in the later, Middle Helladic period. Many other kurgans from the western Peloponnese are reported as Early Helladic III or Middle Helladic, i.e., the second half of the 3rd to the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC. 108 Thus, in the middle and late 3rd millennium BC, the Kurgan tradition seems already to have been firmly established. A series of destroyed Early Helladic II sites in the Argolid speaks for a gruesome takeover. Destruction is evidenced at Lema, Tiryns, Asine, Zygouries, and Aghios Kosmas. At Lerna, the burned house of Tiles was not rebuilt, apsidal structures appeared, and the settlement plan changed. 109

The takeover in Greece was apparently analogous to that of east-central Europe which entailed a transformation of the basic social structure and administrative system by the establishment of a ruling class in hill forts. A study of the physical types of the population shows that the Kurgan warrior groups were not massive in numbers and did not eradicate the local inhabitants. 110 They came in small migrating bands and established themselves forcefully as a small ruling elite.

FIGURE 10-37 (1) Dagger, halberd, spear, and poignard blades from Steno kurgans. Scale 1:2.
(2) The representative kurgan (round barrow) cemetery in Greece indicating cultural change at Steno, on the island of Leucas, west of Peloponnese.
Early Helladic (Bronze Age Greece) II-III, early 3rd mill. BC. Kurgans had stone cairns and rings as in the North Pontic area. Stone cist graves were lowered into the ground. The royal tomb is on the left, separated from the rest. Outlines of 33 round barrows are shown (white circles mean destroyed kurgans)


The Impact on Western Europe:
The Bell Beaker Folk — Descendants of the Amalgamated Pit Grave and Vucedol Culture in the Middle Danube Basin — and Their Exodus to the West

Bell-Beaker culture ca. 2400 – 1800 BC
Historical craniometric studies found that the Beaker people appeared to be of a different physical type than those earlier populations in the same geographic areas. They were described as tall, heavy boned and brachycephalic.

A Strontium isotope analysis of 86 people from Bell Beaker graves in Bavaria suggests that between 18-25% of all graves were occupied by people who came from a considerable distance outside the area.

The inherited dental traits indicate that only in Northern Spain and Czech Republic were demonstrable genetic links between immediately previous populations and Bell Beaker populations. Elsewhere was a genetic discontinuity

The Bell Beaker culture of western Europe which diffused between 2500 and 2100 BC between central Europe, the British Isles, and the Iberian Peninsula, could not have arisen in a vacuum. The mobile horse-riding and warrior people who buried their dead in Pit Grave type kurgans certainly could not have developed out of any west European culture. We must ask what sort of ecology and ideology created these people, and where are the roots of the specific Bell Beaker equipment and their burial rites. In my view, the Bell Beaker cultural elements derive from Vucedol and Kurgan (Late Pit Grave) traditions.

Without allele markings it is nearly impossible to reconstruct the path of the Kurgans (Late Pit Grave) from their departure point to the Vucedol Culture and beyond. The circum-Mediterranian path crossed Caucasus (6,000 BP), Anatolia (5,300 BP), and Northern Africa (4,800 BP) to arrive in Iberia. This 1,200-years long route lasted 50 generations, and must have involved numerous satellite travelers that were absorbed, drive along, and undoubtedly exchanged genes and lexicon with the horsed venturers. We can appreciate the evolution of their culture, language, and genes by observing the similarities and differences between today's Portuguese and Brazilians, and virtually doubling the duration of the evolution period. That is what M.Gimbutas observed in Vucedol  Kurganians and Late Pit Grave Kurganians. None of the observed stations was a final destination; while the cultural influences remained implanted behind, the march went on to the next destination.

Áåç àëëåëüíûõ ìàðêèðîâîê ïðàêòè÷åñêè íåâîçìîæíî ðåêîíñòðóèðîâàòü ïóòü Êóðãàíöåâ (ïîçäíèõ ßìíèêîâ) îò ïóíêòà îòïðàâëåíèÿ äî Âó÷åäîëüñêîé êóëüòóðû è çà åå ïðåäåëû. Ñåðêóì-ñðåäèçåìíîìîðñêèé ïóòü ïåðåñåê Êàâêàç (6 000 ËÍ), Àíàòîëèþ (5300 ËÍ), è Ñåâåðíóþ Àôðèêó (4800 ËÍ) äî ïðèáûòèÿ â Èáåðèþ. Ýòîò ìàðøðóò äëèíîé 1200 ëåò äëèëñÿ 50 ïîêîëåíèé, è, äîëæåí áûë âîâëå÷ü ìíîãî÷èñëåííûõ ñïóòíèêîâ, êîòîðûå áûëè ïîãëîùåíû, ãíàëèñü âïåðåäè, è íåñîìíåííî îáìåíèâàëèñü ãåíàìè è ëåêñèêîé ñ êîííûìè ìèãðàíòàìè. Ìû ìîæåì îöåíèòü ýâîëþöèþ èõ êóëüòóðû, ÿçûêà, è ãåíîâ, íàáëþäàÿ ñõîäñòâà è ðàçëè÷èÿ ìåæäó ñåãîäíÿøíèìè Ïîðòóãàëüöàìè è Áðàçèëüöàìè, è ìûñëåííî óäâîèâ ïðîäîëæèòåëüíîñòü ïåðèîäà ýâîëþöèè. Ýòî òî, ÷òî Ì. Ãèìáóòàñ îáîçðåëà â Âó÷åäîëüñêèõ  Êóðãàíöàõ è ïîçäíèìè Êóðãàíöàìè-ßìíèêàìè. Íè îäíà èç îáíîçðåííûõ ñòàíöèé áûëà ïóíêòîì êîíå÷íîãî íàçíà÷åíèÿ, õîòÿ ïîçàäè îñòàâàëàñü êóëüòóðíûå âëèÿíèÿ, êî÷åâùèêè îòïðàâëÿëèñü ê ñëåäóþùåìó ïóíêòó íàçíà÷åíèÿ.

The specific correspondence between the Pit Grave, Late Vucedol, and Bell Beaker complexes is visible in burial rites which include grave pits under round kurgans, the coexistence of cremation and inhumation rites, and the construction of mortuary houses. (FIGURE 10-38) In armaments we see tanged or riveted triangular daggers made of arsenic copper, spear points of arsenic copper and flint, concave-based or tanged triangular arrowheads of flint, and arrow straighteners. In ornaments there are necklaces of canine teeth, copper tubes, or bird bones; boar tusks; and crescent-shaped pendants resembling breast plates. 111 In solar symbolism we find sun or star motifs excised and white encrusted on the inside of braziers, or incised on bone or amber button-shaped beads. Techniques of ceramic decoration include stamping or gouging in zoned metopes, encrustation with white paste of delicate geometric motifs, zigzags, dashes, nets, lozenges, and dots or circles (a Baden-Kostolac-Vucedol tradition).

FIGURE 10-38 Bell Beaker kurgans from central and western Europe, a continuous Kurgan burial tradition.
(1) Cross-section of a kurgan with a pit-grave surrounded by a palisade Smolin near Breclav, Moravia.
(2) Bell Beaker kurgan with a contracted skeleton in the center surrounded with wooden posts.
Langedijk, Friesland, the Netherlands. Diameter of the kurgans: (1) 11 m; (2) 9 m (No dating)


Certain ceramic forms placed in graves, such as braziers and beakers, are from the Kurgan tradition. The Bell Beaker people, wherever they spread, continued the traditional ceramic art connected with their faith (As much as the modern population of Ukraine, which went from Tengriism to Islam to a flash with Judaism to Orthodox Christianity, preserved their faith in their ceramics. The ceramics decoration practically have not changed until the industry was abandoned in the mid of 20th c.). Only the ritual importance of their uniquely beautiful stereotyped beakers could have motivated their production for hundreds of years in lands far from the homeland. The correspondences linking the Bell Beaker and Pit Grave with the Vucedol — in armament, costume, funeral rites, beliefs in life after death, and in symbolism — are precisely the most significant and revealing. It is very likely that the Bell Beaker complex is an amalgam of and Pit Grave traditions formed after the incursion of the Pit Grave people (i.e. Pit Grave wave 3 people, vs. symbiont Pit Grave wave 2 people of Vucedol) into the milieu of the Vucedol culture, i.e., in the course of 300 to 400 years after 3000-2900 BC.

With Marcians for allegory, while all Marcians look the same to the earthly beings, but every expert on Marcians knows that they are different, each Marcian ethnos has its unique history, blend of Marcian people, unique genetics, and unique understanding of their common chapter on Creation myth in their written or oral Marcian Bible. For a scientist, that we are not Marcians is irrelevant, science does not cherish preferences, and when it does, it is anything but a science. That the people of the 3rd Kurgan wave were not less different from the people of the 2nd Kurgan wave then the historically attested Avar Kurganians from the historically attested Hun Kurganians is perfectly clear, in this example all four swept through the same European territory, and imposed their rule on the local European population that they could subjugate or ally with. And all four left us an archeological record that is unique for their movement. That in the eyes of the European earthling they all are Kurganians does no make them all the same.

Horse-Riding Warriors and Pastoralists

Horse bones in a series of sites provide a clue to the mobility of the Bell Beaker people. Analysis of animal bones from the sites at Budapest (Czepel Hollandiut and Czepel-Haros) have shown that the horse was the foremost species of the domestic fauna, constituting more than 60 percent of the total animal bones. 112 This suggests a large-scale domestication of the horse in the Carpathian basin, Bell Beaker migrations were carried out on horseback from central Europe as far as Spain (where horse bones have also been found in Bell Beaker contexts). 113 The horse also played a significant role in religion, as can be seen from the remains of the horse sacrifice where skulls are found in cremation graves (see cult and sacrifice above).

...domestication...from central Europe to Spain...religion...The facts are there, the interpretation is all backwards. Domestication applies to animals in the wild, but Kurganians came already mounted on the horse, why start again from scratch? Direction is exactly the opposite, from Spain to central Europe for the Beaker people. And for deification, to ride and milk and eat your God is a funny proposition.


The Bell Beaker people were primarily herders of domestic animals since cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, and dog bones consistently occur in their habitation sites. House remains are scarce, but several surface structures with stake walls daubed with clay (the largest measuring 6 by 10 m) are reported from Czechoslovakia. 114 Local metallurgy is evidenced by sandstone molds for daggers.

The one-dimensional view on amalgamated society tends to confuse separate colorful components into one grayish picture. Taking Budjak steppes during historical times as an example, the population had horse husbandry people, basically Türkic of very different extractions, interspersed with archeologically undistinguishable settled farming communities of different Slavic and Slavicized people, Romanized people, Greeks, etc; Jewish artisans and tradesmen, and nomadic Gypsies engaged in niche crafts and trade. A single undifferentiated picture of that society would be inherently wrongful misinterpretation.

Kurgan Type Burials

The striking similarity of burial practices ties the Bell Beaker complex to the Kurgan (Late Pit Grave) tradition. Individual burials were in pit-built mortuary houses, variously constructed, some with four posts in the corners, sometimes roofed, sometimes not, or stone lined. A ditch surrounded the central grave in which several rows of stakes were set (as shown in the reconstruction of the burial at Smolin in Moravia), 115 which was then covered by an earthen barrow. Individuals lay in a crouched position facing the rising sun. A great number of half-burned or dismembered child burials in cemeteries may imply sacrifice, not simple burial. The practice of cremation was inherited from the Vucedol culture; in Hungary, cremation burials constitute nearly 90 percent of all Bell Beaker burials (with variations, this description applies to most of the Eurasian Türkic people of the historical times, repeated over again by all archeologists who excavated kurgan burials of the known Türkic ethnoses, form Huns to modern Altaians).

The quantitative analysis of grave material indicates that the Bell Beaker people had a social composition approximating a ranked society. 116 Three strata are represented: warriors (or rulers), craftsmen, and common folk (peasants). The richest graves are those of mature males. Grave goods indicating status are items such as earrings, button-shaped beads of amber, jet, and gold, belt rings, and weapons (A hybrid of primitive Marxism with an extract from Avesta would allow to shape any archeology into this kind of social nonsense).


The great majority of Bell Beaker radiocarbon dates from western Europe cluster between the 25th and 21st centuries BC, while a few precede the middle of the 3rd millennium BC. The earliest date comes from the habitation pit of the Czepel Hollandiut site at Budapest. 117 (TABLE 34)

The Vinkovci-Samogyvdr Culture: Successors of the Vucedol and Kurgan (Late Pit Grave) in the Middle Danube Basin

The culture that succeeds Vucedol and Pit Grave in Yugoslavia and Hungary is known under two names: Vinkovci and Samogyvar. The first comes from the excavation of a settlement at Trznica near Vinkovci in Srem, northern Yugoslavia, 118 the latter from an excavation at the site of Samogyvar in southwestern Hungary. 119 Nearly 150 sites have been excavated or recorded in the last twenty years: hill forts, kurgans, and pits containing pottery (the sole remains of habitation sites). The stratigraphy from these excavations has shown that this culture superseded the late Vucedol culture. One of the best stratigraphies was uncovered in a settlement located on a high plateau at Pecina near Vrdnik, Srem. There, the Vinkovci pits were found dug into the late Vucedol cultural layer and the latter was above the Baden-Kostolac layer. 120 The distribution of Vinkovci-Samogyvar sites covers western Hungary north up to Slovakia, western Romania, Slavonia, Srem, western Serbia, Bosnia down to Montenegro, and the Morava River basin of central Yugoslavia down to the Svetozarevo and Krusevac region. (FIGURE 10-39)

So far, archeologists have not linked the Vinkovci-Samogyvar culture with the Bell Beaker, in spite of the identity of burial rites, settlement type, and ceramics. There is hardly any reason to treat these groups as separate cultures. The repertoire of ceramic forms is inherited from the preceding late Vucedol-Mako culture of Yugoslavia and Hungary.

In western Hungary and western Yugoslavia, the Vinkovci-Samogyvar traditions continued into the 2nd millennium BC, to be typified by hill forts and by the absence of tells, eventually developing into the “Encrusted Pottery Culture” of western Hungary and northwestern Yugoslavia, and the “Gradina culture” of Bosnia and Dalmatia (from gradina, meaning “hill forts”).

FIGURE 10-39 The area of distribution of the Vinkovci-Samogyvar sites, the possible homeland of the Bell Beaker culture in the middle of the 3rd mill. BC.
Dotted areas indicate the spread of the Bell Beaker culture in western Europe

Dark - The distribution of Bell Beaker sites in central and western Europe
Light - The most likely area of “homeland” (the distribution of Vinkovci-Samogyvar sites)

The Corded Pottery Culture of Central Europe and Its Expansion Northwest and Northeast

The Corded Pottery (also called Battle Axe) complex is known not only from the north-central European plain in Germany and Poland but also from Holland, Denmark, southern Sweden, southern Norway, and the East Baltic countries as far as southern Finland in the northeast; the easternmost branch (Fatiyanovo) reached the Upper Volga basin in central Russia (see fig.10-32). According to radiocarbon dates, expansion into northwestern and northeastern Europe, territories previously occupied by TRB, Nemunas, Narva, and Volosovo cultures, took place before the middle of the 3rd millennium BC. Migration on so large a scale seems to have been a repercussion of a new push from the east — Kurgan Wave No. 3.

In the earliest phase, grave equipment throughout this area exhibits features closely related to that of central Europe. Characteristic constituents are a beaker with horizontal cord impressions around the neck, a globular amphora with a radial pattern over the shoulder, a flint axe, a chisel, a blade or flake, and a stone battle axe (Type A). 121 (FIGURE 10-40) The early phase is therefore called the “Common European Horizon.” Burial in timber or stone mortuary houses under a low earthen kurgan is universal. The striking uniformity in all areas where Corded Pottery graves are found is a strong argument for a more or less simultaneous dispersion.

FIGURE 10-32 Kurgan Wave No. 3 c. 3000 BC (or soon thereafter) and its repercussions. The Late Globular Amphora-Early Corded Pottery culture shifted to the west, north, and northeast. The Vudedol shifted to western Bosnia and the Adriatic coast and ultimately reached the Peloponnese Territorial shift of cultures formed from amalgamation of Kurgan Wave No. 1 ca. 4400-4300 BC and  Kurgan Wave No. 2 ca. 3500 BC, collectively called Corded Pottery/Battle Ax, under pressure of Kurgan Wave No. 3  ca. 3000 BC (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corded_Ware_culture)

Social Inequality and the Privileged Position of Males in Northwestern and Northeastern Europe

The social structure of the early Corded Pottery people is related to that of both the Globular Amphora and the Pit Grave of the Dnieper-Volga steppe. The kurgans of the early phase contain only male skeletons and the central grave with mortuary pit-house structure probably honored a privileged individual. Apart from the primary burial, there are usually other graves dug into the earthen mounds that are close in time to that of the primary grave, and point to the existence of at least two social categories. It is of interest that the dug-in graves outnumber the central sub-barrow graves. The lower social stratum is also represented by males. Not much is known about the burial of women and children in this period. Corded Pottery graves of the later period, however, show a normal constituency of females and juveniles.

It is as much questionable to paint all peoples of Old Europe into the exaggerated matriarchate as to paint all Kurgans as male-dominated, aggressive and militaristic. The absence of female and child burials in Early Corded Pottery may be continuation of the previous traditions, gradually supplanted by more egalitarian Kurgan practices.

A kurgan is a cemetery, and its function has not changed in eons. Once the cemetery is established, new burials are added with time, and the cemetery may be abandoned for a time or re-used. The addition of later adjunct burials into a kurgan tells as much about the class structure of the Kurgan society as the Pere Lachaise cemetery in Paris tells about the class structure of the Indo-European society: there is plenty of food for imagination, but no evidence for any inferences. That kurgans functioned as permanent cemeteries is well-known, for example kurgans in the Ross area in Ukraine functioned during 1st mill. BC -  1st mill. AD (typological dating), absorbing deceased from many unknown and known Kurgan ethnoses. The Ros enclave is one of the few candidates for the Scythian Gerra - cemetery of our fathers. The study of Egyin Gol valley (modern Mongolia) kurgan cemetery gives a good perspective on the familial links and status indicator in the Kurgan society.


FIGURE 10-40 Corded pottery and axes from the “Common European Horizon” from Poland.
Early 3rd mill. BC. H of largest beaker 22 cm

Physical Type

Who were the Corded Pottery people? Do they represent an intrusion of a new Kurgan (i.e., Pit Grave) people from the east? Or does this period simply represent a later phase of the Globular Amphora complex, pushed to the north and northeast by the influx of the Pit Grave people? The latter seems likely. Both the Globular Amphora and Corded Pottery complexes contain components of the local TRB substratum and the Pontic steppe element. The TRB component is predominant in the physical type of the Corded Pottery population of Germany and Czechoslovakia, with the exception of some individuals who are considered to be of the steppe type. 122 Analysis of the skeletal material from Poland shows a steppe origin. 123 Elsewhere the bulk of the population were indigenous remnants of the Old Europeans. (This mysterious blend of Kurgan waves 1 and 2 “steppe type”, European brachycranial eastern “steppe type” or Mediterranean and proto-Europids=proto-Caucasians, i.e. the “robust” Cro-Magnon type? Citation from I.Schwidetzky, 1980, "Influence Of Steppe People Based On Physical Anthropological Data": "the physique of Kurgan people (Konduktorova 1973; Kruts 1969, Zinevich 1967 et al.): their skulls are long and broad, the face broad, the stature rather high; the robusticity of the bones is the main character. This Kurgan type is called by many physical anthropologists Proto-European (= Cromagnoid); it is found in many other European populations too, but not so frequently in the South and West as in the East. ...a certain facial flatness of some individuals seem to reflect also "eastern relations" (Nemeskéri: 1951, 70); also Toth (1958, 20) ... supposes a certain eastern influx." These works of 1951-1980 do not consider associated DNA)


The Corded Pottery culture has two main periods. During the first, c. 3000-2600 BC, the Common European Horizon, the practice of nomadic movement and the short occupation of any one spot have left very few preserved habitation sites. The simultaneous existence of the nomadic Corded Pottery pastoralists and the indigenous agriculturalists has been demonstrated by studies of Corded Pottery sites in southern Poland. The second period is characterized by the crystallization of local units. A number of radiocarbon dates from various parts of this culture fix this period between 2,600-2200 BC. (TABLE 35)

The Proto-Indo-European Economic and Social Tradition
(Most of the arguments, especially linguistic arguments, are irrelevant, and like the whole concept, met strenuous objections from different angles. In this discourse, M.Gimbutas departs from the Kurgan traditions, and switches to the Indo-European traditions, which are totally incompatible with the Kurgan traditions in almost all aspects, thus she is breaking the logical sequence of the Indo-European Kurgan pedigree. The argumentation is notable for its advocacy and one-sidedness, the 35+ Türkic ethnoses historically known as carriers of the Kurgan Culture, are not subjected to the same analysis as the analysis afforded to the author's theory, they even are not mentioned by name, and obliquely called “others”. This brings about an “arymaspu” vision, using Scythian-Türkic expression, i.e. “half-eyed”, as, for example with Greek “hippo” for horse, which is a form of Türkic “jaby/jupax”, and a mountain of others. See A. Dybo Pra-Altaian World for juxtaposition of proto-Altaic and proto-Indo-European.)

The proto-Indo-European (PIE) culture, as reconstructed on the basis of comparative Indo-European linguistics and mythology and supported by early historic records, coincides well with archeological data. In this section I shall touch upon the linguistic and mythological evidence relevant to the question of identity between the Kurgan and proto-Indo-European traditions.

Languages, like cultures, act as living organisms: they constantly change and live through periods of convergence and divergence. Although we cannot go back much further than Volga Neolithic and Eneolithic of the 6th and 5th millennia BC, we can reconstruct certain characteristics of this culture that are in agreement with linguistic and mythological elements. The period around 5000-4500 BC is marked by incessantly growing mobility and trade. I therefore assume the possibility of linguistic consolidation in process at this period, just before the proto-Indo-European outburst into Europe. The hypothetical PIE language does not reflect preagricultural conditions. As linguistically reconstructed, domesticated animals (including the horse), mobility, and the classed patriarchal society, are among the most characteristic phenomena of the PIE culture. The Kurgan culture of the 5th millennium BC in the Volga forest-steppe and steppe and its newly acquired territory north of the Black Sea agrees with much that is reconstructed on a linguistic basis as PIE.

Domesticated Animals

Domesticated animals played a paramount role in the PIE culture as shown by the common names for sheep (*owis), cattle (*gwows), steer (*(s)tauro), pig (*sus and *porkos), horse (ekwo-ekwa), goat (*aigis, os), and dog (*kwon-kun-) in most of the Indo-European languages. There is another name for “cows and sheep”: *peku(s): Latin pecus, Old Indic pasu, Baltic peku. Since this word has a family of related words connected with the meaning “fleece,” “hair,” and “to comb” (Greek pekos, “fleece”; Old High German fahs, "skin hair”; Lathi pectere, “to comb”), it is assumed that peku originally connoted a woolly animal, probably a sheep, and that there was a stage when only sheep were domesticated and the other animals were not. The words for wool and weaving are clearly PIE (Old Church Slavic vluna, Lithuanian vilna, German Wolle, Old Indic wina; German weben, “weave,” Old Indic vabh-) and may date back to the early phase of animal domestication.

Cattle must have been the treasured possession of a family, clan, or tribe and were used in exchange, the trend also attested by words and early historic records. In Sanskrit, the term for lord means “lord of cattle.” The earliest written sources, the Iliad and the Rigveda, speak of how a bride or weapons are obtained in exchange for cattle. Cattle (pecus) were the main possession that had the meaning of our word money. Hence, the Latin name for money, pecunia. This role of cattle continued up to the 20th century (as dowry for instance, in rural areas). Activities associated with cattle in Indo-European mythic and epic literature very clearly illustrate the importance of cattle raiding. The growth of private ownership derived a powerful impetus from the domestication of cattle.

The name for the domesticated horse is preserved as Latin equos, Gothic aihva-, Lithuanian asva. The PIE form is reconstructed as *ekwos or *ekwa. Comparative Indo-European mythological research indicates the unquestionably prime role of the horse (particularly the white horse) as a sacred and sacrificial animal, the incarnation of divine power of the God of the Shining Sky. Archeology supports the linguistic and mythological evidence for an early date of horse domestication, probably no later than the end of the 6th millennium BC. The horse was a sacrificial and riding animal and as such was used in warfare from at least the middle of the 5th millennium BC. The earliest warriors were equipped with spear points, daggers, bows and arrows, and were able to shoot from horseback much like the historic Indo-Europeans, Scythians, Sarmatians, and others. In cult, the horse as a divine and sacrificial animal is attested as early as its known use for riding.


Linguistics has failed to reconstruct a common word for metallurgy. This should not be surprising since the early Kurgans (Kurgan I) did not have this technology. Copper items were introduced to them by the Old Europeans through barter with the Cucutenians. Metallurgy was acquired considerably later, in the second half of the 4th millennium BC from Transcaucasia when it was transmitted north of the Black Sea, and with Wave No. 2 to east-central Europe.


The following words can be reconstructed from original Indo-European terms for weapons. 124

*(H)nsi, a cutting and slashing weapon, “sword,” originally a flint knife or dagger (Germanic xsaxsaz “sword” often substitutes for “knife”); Old Indic asi-, Lat. ensis (Türkic gücü, Rumanian kucit [c = ts], alt. Türkic kılıç = kılıch, Old Türkic kingirak => Greek akinak => Chinese ge)

*keru, “spearhead,” “blade,” or some sort of casting weapon (Vedic saru- meant “dart,” “arrow,” or “spear”; Germanic cognate is *xeruz)

*Eengh-es-u, “spear,” thrusting weapon; and *ghai-so-s, “casting spear,” “a javelin” (the source of Old Irish gae and Proto Germanic *zaizas, Old Indic hesas, “missile”)

*taqso-m, “bow”; Greek tokson, M Persian taxs, Latin taxus (Germanic forms for are cognates of Türkic: Türkic bük- “bend”, bükle- “lay down by bending”, bükir “hunchback; bent”, Turkish iğri büğrü “curve”, böğür “side”, and in Germanic: Old English bäc, Modern English bow “bow weapon, to bow, to bend”, back “back”, German bogen “bow weapon, to bow, bend, arch, vault”, biegen “to bend, to arch”, bug “a bend; a joint”, bücken “to bend”, bückel “hump; back”, Old High German buogen “to bend”, Slavic bok “side”. The M Persian is useless without detail etymology, much of its vocabulary is non-IE borrowings. The Türkic “bow weapon” is jaj, yay)

*isu- arrow(head) (Türkic oq/uq, aka ok/uk)

*gwiH, “bowstring” (Old Indic jya, Avestan jya, Lith. gija “thread,” “sinew”) (All cognates or forms of Türkic “bow weapon” jaj, yay, aja/əja)

*Aek-on, “slingstone”

*Aek-mon-, “stone hammer”

These words support an early use of weapons which is in agreement with archeological evidence (see figs. 10-2, 10-4, 10-7, 10-35, 10-41, 10-42, 10-43, 10-45, 10-46) (and totally irrelevant for the author's cause, because 120,000 years ago the hunter-gatherers already had weapons and their names, so what?).


Mobility is unquestionably a PIE characteristic, since horse riding was the prime means of Kurgan mobility.

There is a sea of difference between mounted riding and carriage riding, and confusing them is perilous. PIE does not have terms for horseback or mounted riding, only for carriage riding, while Türkic has them. Relevant citation from A. Dybo Pra-Altaian World:

“6. The core of the pra-Altaian economy appears to be seasonal pastoralism, or a developed seasonal hunting with a corral component. There are terms associated with horses and riding. The role of agriculture was less significant. The main tool was probably a kind of hoe (possibly also used for harvesting wild roots).

For the pra-Indo-Europeans the main type of economic activity were agriculture and well-developed sedentary pastoralism. Apparently, there were specific implements to harnessed plowing. There is a name for hay (absent in the PA), which may indicate a winter livestock housing (as opposed to the change of pastures among the pra-Altaians). In PIE  is restored terminology of horse husbandry, but not horse riding. The cattle terminology is more developed in the PIE than in the PA...

8. In the PA, the terminology of clothing and footwear is more differentiated, for example, it contains the names for pants and kneeguards (which is associated with horse riding), which the PIE does not have”

The reconstructed PIE form for vehicle (German Wagen, Lithuanian vezimas, Polish woz) is a form with the root *wegh-. Even parts of the vehicle are reconstructible: wheel — *rotha (Lithuanian ratas, German Rad, Old Indic rathah, "chariot,” Latin rota); axis — *ak'sis, lynch *pin (tulis in Lithuanian, Greek, and Germanic); and yoke — yugom (very well attested). The family of the root wegh- is associated with words for lifting, carrying, lever, and sleigh. This may imply that the original “vehicle” was for weight lifting or levering, or was a sledge. Even if it was not a four-wheeled cart in its original form, the proto-Indo-Europeans must have been acquainted with wheeled wagons from Kurgan I times (Attaching proto-Indo-European cart to Kurgans is a slippery slope, without Kurgans the proto-Indo-European cart hangs in thin air, which it should not do, as wheeled transportation appears simultaneously in far-away and patently non-IE places. References to *forms are dubious, the IE Indians were the last ones to get the idea). So far, the earliest evidence for the existence of wheels are miniature clay models of wheels found in Old European settlements (Cucuteni A and Karanovo VI phases) dating from the middle of the 5th millennium BC. No parts of actual vehicles of this period have ever been found. The question as to who first invented the vehicle cannot as yet be solved (Accordingly, the source of the IE borrowings has not been established)

The mobility of the Kurgans before their infiltration into Europe was probably similar to that of the later inhabitants of the steppe — the Scythians, Sarmatians, and others (Of  unnamed “others” we know Guties ~ Guzes, and Tukri ~ Türks, then Zhou with their compatriots Chunwei, Xunyu, Shanrong, Xianyun, and Hunyu before the Scythians and Sarmatians, all of them horseback riders who probably had a word for their  horseback riding). Herodotus describes the Scythians as having no permanent structures or crops to defend, free to move about with their wagons, their possessions, and their livestock, and able to elude an enemy or to shoot at him from horseback whenever they chose. Indeed, it was easy for the Kurgans to burn their pit dwellings and set out for the next territory.

Social Structure

The PIE culture, as shown by comparative Indo-European linguistics and historical evidence and supported by archeology, can be described as a patrilineal society under the patriarchal leadership of a warrior chief. Age was the determining factor for leadership by this chief, who may have played an active role only in times of stress when greater group cohesion was necessary. Exogamous marriage occurred between small, mobile patrilocal families, members of a larger clan or tribe. A separate class of priests is unlikely to have been established by the proto period. Females possessed inferior status, elevated only by association with their male relations. The husband's strong rights over his wife is evidenced by epic songs and legal texts. Under the influence of the Indo-European culture, Neolithic women's influence collapsed and they became private property in the new trading and raiding society. (These descriptions totally conflict with the descriptions of the oldest sources, e.g. Herodotus, which were astounded by the egalitarian customs of their Kurgan contemporaries, in contrast with their own sexist customs. This astonishment also applies to the non-IE Etruscans, which only emphasizes the primitive patriarchy of the IE's vs. Kurgans and and other non-IE's. Piling together the mute archeology and voiced historical evidence makes the line of logic both confused and profoundly inaccurate. Kurgans were egalitarian, IE were not.)

The evidence for patriliny, patrilocality, and patripotency furnished by proto-Indo-European kinship terminology is excellent. 125 There is general agreement among philologists and linguists that the PIE terms which concern familial and marital relationships describe a system of patrilineal inheritance and post-marital residence. For example, the basic terms that exist for one's parents' generation imply the domination of the male relations: father — *pHte:r; mother — *maHte:r; mother's brother or mother's father — *awyos; and father's brother — *pHtrwos. Common terms for both the maternal and paternal aunts are conspicuously absent. The terms for a person's own generation include; the brother — *bkraHte:r, which comprises a wide range of male peers (who traditionally form a patrilineal group with important ritual and political functions); the sister — *sweso:r which means “own” (“the woman of my clan”); the son- — *swHnws [*swH, “to give birth,” suggesting a strong tie between mother and son); and daughter — *dhwgHte:r (which seems to be related to milking, “to milk” or “milkmaid”). Words also exist for the husband's parents (*swekwHs and *swekwios), the husband's siblings (*gHlows, feminine; “daHywe:r, masculine), in addition to the son's wife (*snwsos) and daughter/sister's husband (*genHi). The widow (*wydh, meaning “to be empty, inadequate”) is recognized as a discrete status, where the widower is not.

There is no corresponding similarity of terms for the bride's family. The Indo-European wife would have joined her husband's household where she lived together with his father and brothers. This can further be interpreted as evidence of an exogamous pattern of marriage. (The exogamous conclusion totally conflicts with the historical records, which allow incestuous IE marriage within the family, necessitated by sedentary farming that precludes infinite subdivision of the farmland. In contrast, the Türkic Kurgans are strictly and exaggeratedly exogamous, at times disallowing marriages between lines that are separated by 40+ generations, or more then a millennia in time. Here again, interpretation replaces facts)

The proto-Indo-European *pot denotes the male family head, patri potestas, or chief. An additional pair of correspondences, *genH-os/*genH-r provides further evidence of a patriarchal society: *genH-os is used to describe the patrilineal group into which an individual married, while the masculine noun *genH-r refers to the most prominent member of that group. The picture of an Indo-European community leader (*pot or *dompoti) painted by mythological and legal texts appears to be a despotic, and probably polygynous, warrior-patriarch who ruled his family or clan with absolute power over life and death. (This MO may only apply to the sedentary societies; in the mobile societies the escape capabilities are infinite, which necessitates a consensus rule, attested in millennium-old near-parliamentary system of leadership that is superbly documented and preserved to this day in elected Khans, Kagans, Sheikhs, and Aldermen. This consensus structure extends to the state forms, which out of necessity maintain a high degree of autonomy for its constituents, who may at any time vote with their feet and leave a despotic leader)

The status of women was clearly inferior. The term for “bride price” derives from *wedh, "to lead” evocative of chattel. It has been suggested that females represent a “positive nuisance” to the stability of a mobile, warlike tribe. (This IE tradition is utterly incompatible with Kurgans, and conflicts with historically attested and widely popularized facts about Kurgans)

Linguistic paleontology has provided evidence for the social organization above the immediate family. The *domos (*dreb in western PIE) or house belonging to a single family, also belonged to a small patrilocal extended family, or *weik. Residents of a *weik might further identify themselves as members of a common descent group, the *gen or clan, and chose marriage partners from within their largest ethnic group or tribe, the *teuta. (For Kurgans, this conflicts with historically attested facts)

Agriculture and Its Increase in the European Branch

In the Kurgan culture of the steppe, agriculture was secondary to a pastoral economy. However, considerable knowledge of agricultural terminology in the European branch of the Indo-Europeans is suggested by lexical studies. It follows that the increase of agriculture is synchronous with a decrease of nomadism after the incursion of the Kurgan (Maikop) people into Europe, and especially into the territories where agriculture was a millennial tradition.

Some agriculture was practiced by the proto-Indo-Europeans. There are common names for "grain,” “grinding” and “quern,” “to sow,” and “to cut”; and the word for “hoe”, mat(e)ya, is widespread. Of great importance is the preservation of the names for millet (*meli, *melyom, *melya) for a lesser kind of wheat or grass, couch grass, sedge, spelt, rye grass: *puras, os; and for cereal used for fermentation and brewing: “yewos, pl. *yewoi. The root yew- is associated with the family of words having the meaning to gush or emanate, boil, ferment, agitate, rouse.

So far only millet has been identified in Kurgan sites of the Dnieper-Volga steppe. There is no trace of einkorn and emmer wheat, barley, oats, or rye, although stone hoes, sickle blades of flint, and quern stones have been found in settlements. Large hoe-like tools known from several settlements are considered to be primitive plowshares. It seems that the Kurgan people in their original home engaged in an extensive form of wild-grass economy. Except for millet, a “ground” cereal; *yewos, a cereal used for fermentation; and *pwis, a grass or spelt wheat, there are no other well-attested words for cereals, and there is no archeological evidence for their existence. (We can only be impressed by the amazing inertia in the Kurgan cultures, on their way to, and entering the New Age, the assortment of the grains used by the Kurgan peoples almost did not change, displaying remarkable conservatism for over 7,000 years. For millennia, millet remained the predominant grain of Kurgans from Danube to Huanhe. Only in the northern belts it was replaced by a bulbous substitute. In the 17th-18th cc millet was replaced in the west with the maize grain in areas where maize corn can be cultivated. In most cases, the dependent farming people provided alternate grains, like rice and wheat. Chinese annual tithe to the Hun's Shanyu, of which we have data, was 10 thousand dans of rice wine, 5 thousand hu of millet, which required supply trains in tens of thousands horse-drawn lorries. The “extensive form of wild-grass economy” , implying any degree of cultivation, is as much nonsense, the steppes and horses remained wild, hence the nomadic economy. The difference between the horse breeding Kurgans and farming IE's is of a day and night character, absolutely impossible to err.)

Common names for rye, barley, and oats are found only in the European branch of the Indo-European languages. *rughis “rye” is known in. The word for “oats” with the root *aw- is known in Slavic, Baltic, and Latin. “Barley” apparently designated “food derived from cereals” as Latin, Germanic, and Slavic forms suggest: Latin far and farina-, Old Nardic barr, “barley”; Gothic barizeins, “of barley”; Old Church Slavic brasno, “food”; Serbian brashno, “flour”; and Russian borosno, “rye flour” (The words common to such divergent groups as Slavic, Baltic, Germanic, and Celtic point to a “Sprachbund” unrelated to the either the alleged proto-IE nor to the Kurgan languages. The unexplained difference in the farming lexicon between the European and Asian branches of the Indo-European languages points to the demographical insignificance of the 2nd mill. BC TRB migrants to India, who could not impact the local farming lexicon. Incidentally, these TRB farmers did not bring archeologically detectable horses to India, nor did they bring over their kurgan tombs, once again demonstrating that they were no horse-breeding Kurgans).

Some names are common to the Indo-European speakers in southern Europe: beans, peas, vetch, and poppies are attested in Latin, Albanian, and Greek. All of these plants are well known from the Neolithic in southeastern Europe, and it is quite possible that their names were later inherited by Indo-European speakers. The name for flax, linum, is known in Latin, Greek, Slavic, Baltic, and Germanic. The word for hemp, *kannabis, is preserved in Greek, Albanian, Germanic, Slavic, and Baltic, but is not known among the eastern Indo-European speakers (Naturally, cannabis is a loanword from the Türkic “kenevir” - hemp, attested not only in Greek, Albanian, Germanic, Slavic, and Baltic, but in the Scythian too: Κανναβις = cannabis = hemp [Herodotus IV 74]. It is funny that in the M.Gimbutas advocacy section, the Indo-European-speaking Herodotus testifies not only about non-Indo-European origin of the term, but of its Kurgan origin). The above suggest that Indo-European speakers in Europe were acquainted with many cereals and pulses and with flax and hemp. Some of the names are common to a larger group of languages and therefore may hark back in time to the formative period as an after-effect of Wave No. 2, to the second half of the 4th millennium BC. The pulses were apparently inherited from the Old European population of southeastern Europe. It is clear that the agricultural terminology became enriched. (As the case of cannabis demonstrates, some enrichment happened to the Old European languages as the Indo-European Kurgan speakers moved west. The Indo-Europeans enriched their lexicon as they were moving eastward and southward, not westward. The Indo-European fortress built by Prof. Marija Gimbutas contains too many non-IE and specifically Türkic bricks)

The Collision of Two Ideologies

The Old European and Indo-European belief systems are diametrically opposed (The corrected phrase should read “The amalgamated Old European/Kurgan and Indo-European belief systems are diametrically opposed”). The Indo-European society was warlike, exogamic, patriarchal, patrilineal, and and patrilocal, with a strong clanic organization and social hierarchy which gave prominence to the warrior class (Other unsustainable adjectives aside, “the warrior class” did not exist in the Kurgan societies, all historical evidence states that the whole Kurgan society consisted of mounted riders ready to be called up as a militia army, and trained for cavalry service from the childhood. The concept of juxtaposition of the warrior class/farming class is purely sedentary farming reflection transposed on wrong soil, and is dead on arrival. The statistics confirms that: the whole army of the Byzantine Empire had in one record a “warrior class” cavalry numbering 700 knights, many of them Türkic (aka Scythian) mercenaries, whereas their opponents had 20-30,000 cavalry called up from a single tribe. Ditto for the Chinese Empire, it could only amass cavalry from the “allied” nomadic tribes, and even the enormously expensive horse farms were supplied and maintained by the “allied” nomads, there was no ethnically-Chinese cavalry). Their main gods were male and depicted as warriors (This is baloney, the images that reached us are not of the “gods”, but of the deceased warriors and their wifes. Zillions of these images were scattered from the Danube to Huanghe, the later portraits carrying inscriptions describing the deeds of the departed and dates of their lives). There is no possibility that this pattern of social organization could have developed out of the Old European matrilineal, matricentric, and endogamic balanced society. Therefore, the appearance of the Indo-Europeans in Europe represent a collision of two ideologies, not an evolution.

The building of temples, a long-lasting tradition of Old Europe, stopped with the Kurgan incursions into Europe, except in the Aegean and Mediterranean regions. The masterfully produced religious paraphernalia — beautiful vases, sacrificial containers, models of temples, altars, sculptures, and sacred script-disappeared as well. Not a single temple directly associated with the Kurgan people is known, either in the north Pontic or Volga steppe nor in the Kurgan influenced zone of Europe during and after the migrations. The absence of any temples or even structured altars is consistent with the life of pastoralists. (The North Pontic or Volga steppe or the Kurgan influenced zone of Europe did not produce masterful religious paraphernalia before the spread of Kurgans. And where they were produced, in the Aegean and Mediterranean regions, they continued unimpeded, and probably added some Kurgan heroes to their pantheons [like for example Herkules (Hercules) = the “Lake Man”]. The anthropomorphic images are not compatible with Tengriism, and accordingly are incompatible the temples dedicated to anthropomorphic images; instead, the Tengrian ritual included sacral trees, groves, and mountains, documented from Scandinavia to Caucasus to Otukan/Otuken. Still, in one aspect Prof. Marija Gimbutas is right: the Indo-European pantheon conflicted violently with the Old Europe and Kurgan religions)

The New Symbols and Deities of Europe

The Old European worship of the Goddess was partially truncated by Kurgan Wave No. 1 toward the end of the 5th millennium BC. Horse-head scepters and cord-impressed solar motifs on pots appeared in Dobruja and in almost the whole Danube basin, but the Old European religion continued to be practiced in the Aegean and the Mediterranean, in the Cucuteni culture of Moldavia and the western Ukraine, in the TRB of northwestern and central Europe, and in all parts of the western European Neolithic.

A renewed change of symbolism and mythical imagery occurred in the second half of the 4th millennium BC. Not only did sun and horse symbols appear, but images of male gods with their weapons and animals also emerged. The Goddess religion of the still extant Old European population was subdued. A completely new symbolic system with no roots in Europe is one of the strongest arguments for the presence in central Europe of new lords and their creeds.

The best witness of a new religion in Europe, typified by male gods, weapons, and solar symbols, are engraved stone stelae from the second half of the 4th millennium BC found in the Alpine valleys, in Bulgaria, in Romania with close analogs north of the Black Sea, and in the Caucasus. Their symbolism differs sharply from those of the French and Italian statue-menhirs which portray the owl-faced female goddess before she was masculinized in the Bronze Age. The Kurgan stelae display solar symbols and masculine paraphernalia, including daggers, halberds, axes, bows, quivers and arrows, belts, breast plates, double-spiral pendants; male horses, stags, and he-goats; vehicles, and ox teams pulling a plow. (FIGURES 10-41 to 10-44) These are a prime source for the reconstruction of mythical imagery and are a great value in the accurate representation of hilted daggers, shafted halberds and axes, bows, quivers, vehicles, belts, and breast plates, objects rarely preserved in graves. Double-spiral pendants, breast plates, bronze daggers with triangular blades, flat axes, and flint halberd blades such as appear engraved on stelae are known from depots and graves of the Baden and Remedello (Po River Valley) cultures (And from Po to Altai, and from Altai to Manchuria, across 3 millennia).

FIGURE 10-41 Representation of an Indo-European warrior god with multiple arms as halberds.
Daggers are shown below the throat, in the chest area, and below the belt.
A vehicle drawn by oxen is shown on the lower part.
The head is not preserved.
Stone stela from Lagundo, Alto Adige, N Italy, c. 3000 BC. H 3 m
FIGURE 10-42 Two compositions engraved on rocks from Valcamonica, northern Italy, including solar symbols (in place of the head), halberds, daggers, a belt, and a horse and stag.
(1) Cemmo. H 1.15 m.
(2) Papardo. Rock c. 0.60 x1.20m;c. 3000 BC

Note depicted on all three compositions the metal cast daggers with mushroom head pommels, typologically identical to those found in China and attributed to Zhou, ref. Nicola Di Cosmo The Northern Frontier in Pre-Imperial China, and the axes with tubular sockets, specific and unique to Kurgan Culture, see note Fig. 10-36

FIGURE 10-43 Stela from Bagnolo, Valcamonica, northern Italy (0.80 x1.30 m) engraved with a radiating sun (head), a breast plate (upside down), perhaps a symbol of shining (daylight) sky, a double-spiral pendant (a symbol of morning and evening light), two daggers and two axes with long shafts, a ploughing scene with a pair of yoked oxen, and seven animals (perhaps horses, dogs, or deer), c. 3000 BC FIGURE 10-44 Stela from CavenatTeglio, Valtellina, N Italy.
Radiating sun (for head) with two circles on both sides, two double-spiral pendants, and a breast plate, c. 3000 BC. H 50 cm
The “radiating sun (head) and upside down breast plate for a symbol of shining sky” appear to be figments of imagination, desire to fit facts into the theory. A camp, a corral, a field and surroundings with milking mares next to the camp are more likely and consistent with petroglyphs found elsewhere in the steppes and S.Siberia.

Archeologically notable are the metal cast daggers with mushroom head pommels, typologically identical to those found in China and attributed to Zhou, ref. Nicola Di Cosmo The Northern Frontier in Pre-Imperial China, and the axes with tubular sockets, specific and unique to Kurgan Culture, see note Fig. 10-36

FIGURE 10-45 Anthropomorphic stela from Baia de Cris, district of Hunedoara, Transylvania, Romania.
A shafted axe is shown attached at the belt on the side. The head is lost, arms are indicated. In front, a triangular collar extends down to the belt; on the back, a thong hangs attached to the collar. Tentative date c. 3000 BC. H 70 cm

The belt does not have a buckle, metal buckles have not reached the deceased's time yet. The depiction probably shows overlapping end with a toggle button. All images show a belt, typical for the Türkic attire and documented across millennia

The thong probably depicts an integral hood.

FIGURE 10-46 Portrayals of a thunder god with an axe, mace, and bow engraved between the hands and at the belt.
(1) Stone stela from Natalivka, Lower Dnieper area. Tentative date c. 3000 BC. H 144cm.
(2) Stone stela from Kernosovka, Lower Dnieper region. Tentative date, end 4th mill. BC. H c. 1.5 m

These are no portrayals of a thunder god, these are the same graveyard statues installed over the graves in the cemeteries across Europe, made with the means and within the tradition current at the time. Memorials were installed near the top of the kurgan, and every visitor laid a symbolic contribution at its feet.

The dating is speculative, typological, and primitive, ± 1000 or 2000 years. No trace of instrumented dating a la strontium isotope analysis.

The deceased are depicted in their dresses and environment, with tool kits normally carried in the daily life.

The belt buckle is notable for its metal construction.

The metal tubular socket axes are notable because they are specific and unique to Kurgan Culture, see note Fig. 10-36


The engravings on stelae reveal a great deal about the new ideology. In fact, they constitute the richest source for the study of the earliest Indo-European (I.e. Kurgan, i.e. Türkic) symbolism and god images (I.e. images of Kurgan people). These symbols are characteristically grouped, making possible the study of their interrelationships. Their consistent association on the roughly anthropomorphic stelae leaves no doubt that the engraved weapons, animals, and solar symbols are linked, that their concurrence is not accidental.

The following symbols are recorded: solar signs (circles, radiating suns, and a circle with groups of long rays) engraved in the area of the head; breast plate (a semicircle of multiple concentric lines); double-spiral pendant, one or a pair, on the chest or at the solar sign; a circle at either side of the radiating sun, hilted dagger — one, two, five, seven daggers or more — shown in the middle part of the stela; shafted halberd, one or many; shafted axe, one or more; belt of parallel lines (beaded fabric?) or of zigzag or diamond pattern (woven?); four-wheeled vehicle (shown below the belt); bow, quiver, and arrows; footprints; plow pulled by two yoked oxen; horse(s), stag(s), and he-goat(s).

The content and association of the symbolic groups are of particular interest. The most frequent are the solar groups: the radiating sun, the circle on either side of the radiating sun, the double spiral pendants, and the breast plate. This group of symbols is further associated with the belt, dagger, halberd, horse, stag, plowing scene, and a vehicle. To the specialist in comparative Indo-European mythology (An objective evaluation would surely require other ethnic or linguistic comparisons, like Enisean, Türkic, Finnic, and especially the groups who retained Kurgan traditions, etiology, and myths, to ensure absence of parochial advocacy), such combinations of symbols will certainly recall the image of the God of the Shining Sky (Is that a direct indirect reference to Tengri?), who bestows progeny and promotes vegetation. This deity is known in various Indo-European groups from early historic records and is still extant in folklore: the Indic Mitra, Baltic Dievas, Roman Dius Fidius, Janus, and Mars, Celtic Lug (called “Sun faced”), German *Tiwaz (from *deiuos) (This is funny, a *reconstructed, i.e. non-attested, *name of a deity), Anglo Saxon Tiw, German Ziu, Icelandic Tyr (Icelandic Tyr and Norse Thor), northwestern Slavic Jarovit-Sventovit, and others. This god is associated with morning and daylight, and with the spring, summer, autumn, and winter sun. His powers are transmitted by his weapon, the dagger (or sword, later in prehistory and early history); by his animals, the stag and horse; and by the shining vehicle in which he travels. As protector of vegetation, particularly of the grain, he is associated with his pair of oxen and with plowing (Funny, grains and plowing among people who as Kurgans did not want to know grain farming).

Other compositions and groupings represent other Indo-European deities. The axe is connected with the Thunder God; the club, bow, quiver, and arrows are also his. (FIGURES 10-45, 10-46)

Present knowledge of stelae would indicate that the majority represent the God of the Shining Sky. In Indo-European mythology, the image of this god is linked with kingship. The erection of stelae, therefore, may have marked the death of important personages, either chieftains or fallen heroes; a hero may substitute for a god and his weapons became divine. The second of importance was the Thunder God, the hunter and warrior, fighting with the evil and adversary of the God of Death and Underworld, the purifier and fructifier of earth. This god is best preserved in all Indo-European mythologies. The representations of male gods on stelae are quite overwhelmingly Indo-European. (But representations of the deceased on the stelae is overwhelmingly human and specifically Türkic, and these surmised “IE's” somehow lost this “quite overwhelmingly Indo-European tradition”, without a trace, millennia before their conversion to Christianity in Europe as late as in the 13th c. AD, and the same in India, and in every other place where these “IE's” put their foot. The facts on the ground conflict with the “quite overwhelmingly Indo-European” assertion.)

The Contrasting Sets of Goddesses and Gods

The main theme of Old European goddess symbolism is the cyclic mystery of birth, death, and the renewal of life, involving not only human life but all life on earth. Symbols and images cluster around the parthenogenetic (self-generating) Goddess who is the single source of all life, Her energy is manifest in springs and wells, in the moon, sun, and earth, and in all animals and plants.

She is the Giver-of-Life, Wielder-of-Death, Regeneratrix, and the Earth Fertility Goddess, rising and dying with the plants. Male gods also exist, not as creators but as guardians of wild nature, or as metaphors of life energy and the spirits of seasonal vegetation.

The proto-Indo-European pantheon of gods was a socially and economically oriented ideology. This system was well suited to a pastoralist/mixed farming economy with prominent sovereign and warrior classes which had mastered the horse and weapons of war. The life-creating and death-wielding functions belonged to the principal male gods who also rode horses and brandished weapons. Female goddesses, like the Dawn and Sun Maiden, were not creatrixes but were simply brides or wives of male deities. This religion was oriented toward the rotating sun and other sky phenomena such as thunder and lightning. Their sky gods shone as “bright as the sky” and, in Bronze Age representations, carried shining weapons — daggers, swords, and shields — and were adorned with copper or gold chest plates, gold or amber discs, and copper-plated belts. The Indo-Europeans worshiped the swiftness of arrow and spear and the sharpness of the blade. The touch of the axe blade was thought to awaken the powers of nature and transmit the fecundity of the Thunder God. The frightening black God of Death and the Underworld marked the warrior for death with the touch of his spear tip, glorifying him as a fallen hero.

Differing Beliefs in an Afterlife
(The following assertions are highly speculative; unlike the Semitic Levant, there are no written records on the Old Europe beliefs, and the later records around Balkans belong to the new beliefs of the Kurganized Old Europe; the Indo-European beliefs as depicted in Avesta and Rigveda are disconnected from the Old Europe beliefs, and any assertion to our knowledge on the Old Europe beliefs rests on the interpretations of the silent archeological artifacts.)

These two systems exhibit very different sets of beliefs concerning an afterlife. The Old Europeans had a strong belief in cyclic regeneration in which the main idea in grave architecture is “tomb is womb.” Graves are egg shaped, uterus shaped, or anthropomorphic, the latter being conceived as the body of the Goddess. The generative triangle also figures in grave and shrine outlines and architecture. Engravings on stones of megalithic graves are symbols of regeneration, life-giving water and life energy (cupmarks, concentric circles with central dot, concentric arcs, winding snakes, snake coils, bull heads as uteri, triangles, lozenges, hourglass shapes, zigzags, lunar cycles); or images of the Goddess of Regeneration herself engraved with labyrinths, vulvas, and breasts. It was thought that the afterworld was in the West, and that a barrier of water existed between this world and the next that was crossed by ships, themselves symbols of regeneration.

Communal burials were a typical Old European practice. The megaliths of western Europe were sacred centers of the community, and the burial of de-fleshed bones to these central shrines meant a return to the ancestors. Furthermore, the bones were compared to seed which produced rebirth. Indeed, all Old European burials were, in various forms, a return to the body of the Mother for regeneration within the womb of nature.

The Indo-Europeans believed in a linear continuity of the individual from this world into another “life” in the world of the dead. Therefore, mortuary houses were built in which the dead took their belongings — tools, weapons, and ornaments that represented their rank — to the afterworld. Royal tombs and those of other important members of the society were lavishly equipped, providing the dead with status. Death in battle was particularly glorified. Kings and chieftains were often buried with their entire households — wives, servants, children — and animals, including horses, teams of oxen, and dogs. Gifts of food continued to be made after the funeral, considered necessary for the well-being of the shades. (This panegyric seems to project backwards the archeological findings belonging to Kurgan Culture and misattributed to Indo-Europeans. In respect to the afterlife, the Kurgan Tengriism was similar to the Old European belief in regeneration minus the cyclicity, the prominent dead enemies were hanged on the trees as a send-off to Tengri, to come back as friends. The souls (kuts) that went to Tengri were coming back, although not a single case of documented return has ever been recorded. The road to Tengri was perilous, and required proper travel supplies.)

From comparative Indo-European mythologies and beliefs we know that the world of the dead was imagined as a cold, swampy, underground realm ruled by the sovereign male god. The journey to the gloomy underworld involved a road or a river, usually a three-day period of walking, riding, or travel in chariots. Souls drifted there in a pale and passive manner, and there was no belief in the possibility of rebirth (With the exception of rebirth, this description of the underworld seems to be take from the Tengrian book; the name of the Spirit of the Underworld is Erlikh, the spirits-kuts of those who were not given a proper send-off and could not reach Tengri had to linger in the Erlikh domain, but the kuts of those who reached Tengri were to come back in an endless reincarnation cycle. These Kurgan beliefs are not dead, although they are largely hidden under veneer of Christianity and Islam).

These radically different beliefs could not have developed from the Old Europeans. With the formation of the Baden-Ezero culture in east-central Europe and the Globular Amphora culture in northern central Europe in the second half of the 4th millennium BC, the Indo-European mode of burial and beliefs in the other world took root in Europe and gradually replaced the burials of the Old European type.

Examples of Contrasting Symbols in Old European and Indo-European Mythologies
(Should have included Türkic; however, parameters selected by Prof. Marija Gimbutas are largely irrelevant to Kurgan story)

The Color Black Color of fertility and Mother Earth Color of death and of the God of Death and the Underworld, called “Black God” (in Slavic and Baltic mythology) Represents west and power
The Color White Color of bone, symbolic of death related to yellow, gold, amber, marble, alabaster Color of the God of the Shining Sky, related to yellow, gold, amber Pride and nobility
The Serpent Benevolent snake, symbol of life energy in humans, animals and plants; stimulating and protecting the life powers of the family and domestic animals; poisonous snake an epiphany of the Goddess of Death Symbol of evil, especially lurking in whirlwinds; epiphany of the God of Death and the Underworld, adversary of the Thunder God Ancestral totem for dynastic tribe of Gelans/Kais
The Bull, the Bucranium Source of life, symbol of regeneration, simulacrum of woman's uterus Epiphany of the Thunder God, symbol of strength and maleness Symbol of power, used in titles
The Sun Symbol of regeneration and one of the manifestations of the Goddess of Regeneration (feminine gender for the sun in Celtic, Germanic, Baltic, and Slavic languages is inherited from Old Europe) The dominant symbol of the Indo-Europeans: life-giving symbol associated with the God of the Shining Sky who is a year-god representing the birth of the sun, the young sun (spring), the triumphant sun (summer), and the old sun (autumn) Manifestation of God Tengri  - the Shining Sky, Heavens
The Horse Nonexistent in pre-Indo-European Europe Sacred animal and epiphany of the main gods; white or gray — epiphany of the God of the Shining Sky, Twins, and Moon God; black — the epiphany of the God of Death and the underworld; mare — epiphany of the Dawn Goddess; gods are portrayed riding horses, or horses pull their chariots No sacral value, used as donation to Tengri, like ribbons or blood 

The Contrast Between Old European and Indo-European Symbols

The analysis of Old European and Indo-European symbols (i.e. Kurgan symbols with Indo-European misattribution) shows that these two religions and mythologies had entirely different sets of symbols which are still extant today in the mythologies and folklore of Europe. I shall give just a few examples, not the whole glossary of symbols (see chart on facing page). Examples are taken from the animal world, sky bodies, and colors.

Conclusion (with editorial translation from Indo-European to Kurgan)

East-central Europe in the period of 4500-2500 BC was in a constant state of transformation, due to repeated Kurgan incursions from the Volga and North Pontic steppe zone. There were several major stages of changing ethnic configurations.

1. Around 4300 BC, horse-riding pastoralists from south Russia (Wave No. 1) created the first shock wave and population shifts in the Danube basin. The flowering of Old Europe was truncated and the hybridization of two very different culture systems began. Most affected were the Black Sea littoral (Varna), Karanovo-Gumelni£a, Vinca, Lengyel, and LBK cultures. The Cucuteni culture survived. In the west, signs of Kurgan elements (single burials under round kurgans) appeared in England and in eastern Ireland before 3500 BC.

2. In the second half of the 4th millennium BC, from the North Pontic-North Caucasus region, strong influences increased the transformation of central Europe. The conversion of what was still Old European into an Indo-European (i.e. Kurgan) social structure and ideology was remarkably successful. Central Europe was now ruled from hill forts and by daggers made of hard metal (copper-arsenic alloy). The transition from a matricentric and matrilineal to a patrilineal and patriarchal system was in process.

3. The massive Kurgan Wave No. 3, from the lower Volga region after 3000 BC. into east-central Europe, caused new ethnic shifts. The Indo-Europeanized populations of central Europe migrated northeast to East Baltic and central Russia, northwest to southern Scandinavia, and south to Greece (Corded Pottery and Vucedol extensions).

4. The warlike and horse-riding Bell Beaker people of the middle and second half of the 3rd millennium BC, who diffused over western Europe, are likely to have originated from an amalgam of remnants of the Vucedol people with the Pit Grave colonists (after Wave No. 3) in Yugoslavia and Hungary. Their parent culture is called Vinkovci-Samogyvar. This was the largest and last outmigration, from east-central Europe into western Europe, up to the west Mediterranean and the British Isles, before the onset of a more stable period, and the formations of Bronze Age cultural units.

By the third quarter of the 3rd millennium BC, almost all parts of Old Europe were transformed economically and socially. Pastoralism and seminomadism increased and tillage decreased. Old European patterns of habitation vanished except for territories and islands which were never completely Indo-Europeanized (i.e. Kurganized). The Indo-European (i.e. Kurgan) religion became official, but the Old European Goddess religion was carried on to the present day through fragments of Old European culture. (The reference to “official” religion seems to be anachronistic, there are no records prior to the development of the alphabet, the 2nd millennium BC is a dark period, and there is no information on religious strife that may accompanied the migration of the Ionian Greeks, or the rise of the Latins. All indications, however, point to syncretism of the new and old, the Greek pantheon adopted all foreign main deities as their secondary, and sometimes primary gods. In Europe, the “official” religion seems to appear shortly before the fall of the Roman Empire, and in the Middle East it was introduced by Sassanid Ardashir I. before that, religions were adopted by popular acclaim.)

The functions and images of Old European and Indo-European deities (Kurgans had no “deities”, the following speculation is without merits), beliefs in an afterlife, and the entirely different sets of symbols prove the existence of two contrasting religions and mythologies. Their collision in Europe resulted in the hybridization of two symbolic structures in which the Indo-European prevailed while the Old European survived as an undercurrent. Without this insight into different symbolic structures, the ideologies of European peoples and the genesis and meaning of their symbols, beliefs, and myths cannot be comprehended.

The clash between these two ideologies and social and economic structures led to the drastic transformation of Old Europe. These changes were expressed as the transition from matrilineal to patrilineal order, from a learned theacracy to a militant patriarchy, from a sexually balanced society to a male dominated hierarchy, and from a chthonic goddess religion to the Indo-European sky-oriented pantheon of gods.


1. Marija Gimbutas, Prehistory of Eastern Europe. Mesolithic, Neolithic and Copper Age Culture in Russia and the Baltic Area. Peabody Museum, Harvard University, Bulletin No. 20. (Cambridge, 1956).
2.1. B. Vasil'ev, and G. I. Matveeva, “Poselenie i mogil'nik u sela S'ezzhee.” Ocherki istorii i kul'tury Povolzh'ya 2 (Kuybyshev, 1976]: 73-96.1. B. Vasil'ev, Eneolit Povolzh'ya: Step'i lesostep'. Kuybyshevskiy Gosudarstvenny Pedagogicheskiy Institut (Kuybyshev, 1981).
3. V. I. Bibikova, “K Izucheniu drevneishikh domashnikh loshadey Vostochnoy Europy,” 2 [Study of ancient domestic horses of East Europe]. I. Biulleten Boskovskogo Obshchestva Ispitatelei Priiody Old. Biologicheski 5:118-26. S. Bokonyi, “Horses and sheep in East Europe in the Copper and Bronze Ages.” Proto-Indo-European: the Archaeology of a Linguistic Problem. Studies in Honor of Marija Gimbutas, S. N. Skomal and E. C. Polome, eds. Institute for the Study of Man (Washington, D.C., 1987]: 137-44.
4. V. P. Shilov, Ocherki po istorii drevnikh piemen Nizhnego Povolzh'ya (Leningrad, 1975): 13.
5. A. G. Petrenko, Drevnee i srednevekovoe zhivot-novodstvo srednevo Povolzh'ya i Predural'ya [Moscow: Nauka, 1984],
6. V. V. Radlov, Sibirskie drevnosti (St. Peterburg, 1888] 1: 249ff., 4Q4ff. A. M. Khazanov, Nomads and the Outside World (Cambridge University Press, 1984).
7.1. B. Vasil'ev, Eneolit Povolzh'ya: Step' i lesostep'. Kuybyshevskiy Gosudarstvenny Pedagogicheskiy Institut (Kuybyshev, 1981): 19ff.
8.1. B. Vasil'ev and G. I. Matveeva, “Poselenie i mogil'nik u sela S'ezzhee.” Ocherki istorii i kul'tury Povolzh'ya 1 (Kuybyshev, 1976): 73-96.1. B. Vasil'ev, Lesostepnoe Povolzh'e v epokhu eneolita i rannei bronzy. Diss. Institute of Archaeology, Academy of Sciences (Moscow, 1979], I. B. Vasil'ev, Eneolit Povolzh'ya: Step'i lesostep'. Kuybyshevskiy Gosudarstvenny Pedagogicheskiy Institut (Kuybyshev, 1981).
9.1. B. Vasil'ev, Eneolit Povolzh'ya: Step' i lesostep'. Kuybyshevskiy Gosudarstevenny Pedagogicheskiy Institut (Kuybyshev, 1981): 12-20.
10. Ibid., pp. 23ff.f.
I1. V. V. Golmsten, “Pogrebenie iz Krivoluchya” (Burial at Krivoluchie). Soobshcheniya GAIMK (1931) 6: 7-12.
12. A. P. Kruglov, B. B. Piotrovski, and G, V. Podgaet-ski, “Mogilnik v g. Nal'chike” (Cemetery in the city of Nalchik). Materialy i Issledovaniya po Arkheolo-gii SSSR (1941) 3:67-147.
13.1. B. Vasil'ev, Eneolit Povolzh'ya: Step'i lesostep'. Kuybyshevskiy Gosudarstevnny Pedagogicheskiy Institut (Kuybyshev, 1981): 631; unfortunately exact dates obtained by the analysis have not been published.
14. Ibid., pp. 45ff.
15.1. V. Sinitsyn, “Pam'yatniki yamnoy kui'tury Nizhnego Povol'zhya: ikh sVyaz s Pridneprovem.” Kratkie Soobshcheniya Instituta Aikheologii (Kiev] 7: 32-36.
16. K. E Smimov, “Bykovskie kurgany,” Materialy i Issledovaniya po Arkheologii SSSR 78 [1960!:235.
17, Sinitsyn (see note 15].
18.1. B. Vasil'ev, Eneolit Povolzh'ya: Step'i lesostep'. Kuybyshevskiy Gosudarstvenny Pedagogicheskiy Institut (Kuybyshev, 1981): 43.
19. Sinitsyn (see note 15).
20. T. P. Zinevich and S. Kruts, Antropologichna khaiakeri&tika davn'ogo naseleni'ya teritorii Ukrainy. Novaya dushla (Kiev, 1968): 13-39. S. I. Kruts, Naselenie territorii Ukiainy epokhi medi-bronzy(Kiev, 1972): 125.
21. D. Ya. Telegin, Seredn'o-Stogivs'ka kul'tura epokhi midi (Kiev, 1973): 111.
22. M. Gimbutas, “The First Wave of Eurasian Steppe Pastoralists into Copper Age Europe.” Journal of Indo-European Studies 5, 4 (1977): 277-339. V. A. Dergachev, Moldavia i Sosednie teritorii v epokhu eneolita (Kishenev: Shtiintsa].
23. R. I. Viezzhev, “Roboti na dilyanitsi v poseleniya v s. Zolotiy Baltsi.” Arkheologicheskie Pamyatniki (Kiev, I960].
24. N. M. Shmagliy and I. T. Chernyakov, “Kurgany stepney chasti mezhdurechya Dtmaya i Dnestra.” Materialy po Arkheologii Sevemogo Pricherno-mor'ya 6 (Odessa, 1970].
25. Verbal information by S. Bokonyi, 1987.
26. T. G. Movsha, “O svyazyakh piemen tripol'skoy kul'tury so stepnymi plemenami rnednogo veka.” Sovetskaya Arkheologiya 1 (Moscow, 1961]: 186-99. Linda Ellis, “Analysis of CucuteniTripolye and Kurgan Pottery and the Implications for Ceramic Technology.” The Journal of Indo-European Studies 8 (1980): 211-30.
27. M. M. Shmagliy, V P. Dudkin, and K. V. Zin'kous'kiy, “Pro vivchennya tripil'skikh poselen.” Arkheologjya 8 (Kiev, 1973]: 23-39.
28. Sebastian Morintz and Petre Roman, “Aspekte des Ausgangs des Aeneolithikums und der Uber-gangstufe zur Bronzezeit im Raum der Nieder-donau.” Dacia N.S. 12 (Bucharest].
29. Morintz and Roman [see note 28], pp. 47-80.
30. Named after the eponymous fortified hill in the district of Constanta, Dobnrja, Cemavoda n dates from a second site in the same area. D. Berciu, “Quelques donnees preliminaries concemant la civilisation de Cemavoda.” Slovenska Arkheologia 20, 1: 268-80.
31. The name “Lasinja” was given to a Croatian site by Dimitrijevic in 1961 and is used for similar complexes in western Hungary and eastern Austria. The term Balaton 1, used by Kalicz, is a synonym for Lasinja. Nandor Kalicz, “Uber die chronologische Stellung der Balaton-Gruppe in Ungam.” Symposium uber die Entstehung und Chronologie dei Badener Kultur (Bratislava, 1973]: 131-63. Ibid., “The Problems of the Balaton-Lasinja Culture.” The Journal of Indo-European Studies 8, 3-4 (1980): 245-73. For Lasinja complex see Franz Leben, “Zur Kenntnis der Lasinja-Kultur in Slowenien.” Symposium [see note 31), pp. 187-97.
32. Pal Patay, “Graber von Sippen-Hauptlinge aus Kupferzeit.” A Mora Perenc Muzeum Evkonyve 2 [1966-67]: 49-55.
33. Of the total skeletons suitable for analysis, 28 belonged to the early phase; 11 were Proto-Europid, of which eight were male and three female. J. Nemeskeri, in I. Bognir-Kutzian, The Cemetery of Tiszapolgdr Basatanya [Budapest, 1963).
34. Susan Nacev Skomal, “The Social Organization of the Tiszapolgar Group at Basatanya-Carpathian Basin Copper Age.” The Journal of Indo-European Studies 8, 1-2 [1980): 75-93.
35. Stanislav Sishka, “Graberfelder der Lazn'any-Gruppe in der Slowakei.” Slovenska Archeologja 20, 1 (Nitra): 107-75.
36. The Lengyel-derived complexes are variously labeled: Gatersleben in central Germany and Bohemia; Ocice (Ottitz), fordantiw, or Jordansmuhl, and Brzesc Kujawski in eastern Germany and western Poland; Munchshofen in Bavaria; and Aichbuhl in Wurttemberg. Jan Lichardus, “Zu Problemen der Ludanice-Gruppe in der Slowakei — k problemom ludanickej skupini na Slovensku,” Slovenska Archeoldgia 12, 1 (Nitra, 1964): 69-162.
37. The important sites are Bekasmegyer at Budapest, Koronco at Gyor, Esztergom, Pfaffstetten, Retz, and Waltrahohle at Jamm. O. Seewald, “Die jungneolithische Siedlung in Retz [Niederdonau].” Praehistorica 7 [Vienna, 1940). Richard Pittioni, Urgeschichte des osterreichischen Raumes (Vienna, 1954): 177-87. Nitrianski Hradok, Vysoki Breh, and Bajc-Vlkanovo near Nitra, Jesisovice at Znojmo, Stare Zamky at Lisen near Brno, Cimburk at Kutna Hora ((Bohemia], Halle A. Tocik, “Zachranny vyskum v Bajti-Vlkanove v rokach 1959-1960,” Studijne Zvesti 12 (Nitra, 1964): 15-185. A. Medunova, “Eneoliticke sidliSte Stare Zamky v Brne-Lisni.” Pamatky Archeologicke 50 (Praha, 1964]: 91-155. F. Benesch, Die Festwg Hutberg (Halle, 1941).
38. Marija Gimbutas, “The First Wave of Steppe Pastoralists into Copper Age Europe.” The journal of Indo-Euiopean Studies 5, 4 (1977): 299-301.
39. E. Sangmeistei, “Zur kulturellen und zeitlichen Stellung der Rossener Kultur.” Festschrift fur W. -H. Schuchhardt (Baden-Baden, I960]: 199-207. Bertold Schmidt, “Die Landschaft ostlich von Magdeburg im Neolithikum.” lahresschiift fur mitteldeutsche Vorgeschichte 54 (1970]: 88. A. Gallay, “Signification culturelle et chronologique du Neolithique de Cravanche (Territoire de Belfort, France).” Homo 72, H.l/2 11972]: 36-50.
40. G. Bersu, “Vorgeschichtliche Siedlungen auf dem Goldberg bei Nordlingen.” Neue deutsche Ausgrabungen, Deutschtum und Ausland, H. 23/24 (1930): 130-43. Idem. “Rossener Wohnhauser vom Goldberg, Wurttemberg.” Germania 20 (1936]: 229-43.3.
41. J. Liming, “Aichbuhl, Schwieberdingen, Bischheim.” Studijne Zvesti 17 (Nitra, 1969): 233-47.
42. E. Vogt, “Ein Schema des schweizerischen Neolithikums.” Germania 45 (1967]: 1-20.
A. and G. Gallay, “Elements de la civilisation de Rossen a Saint-ieonard, Valais, Suisse.” Archive suisses d'Anthropologie generate 31 (Geneve, 1966]: 28-41. P. Petrequin, "La grotte de la Baume de Gonvillars.” Annuaire litt. de 1'Universite de Besancon 107 (1970): 1-185.
43. Th. Voigt, “Funde der Einzelgrabkultur auf dem Taubenberg bei Wahlitz, Kr. Burg.” Jahiesschrift fiir mitteldeutsche Vorgeschichte 37 (Halle, 1953): 109-53.
44. Paul Grimm, “Die Salzmiinder Kultur in Mittel-deutschland.” lahresschrift der Voigeschichte dei siichsisch-thuringischen Lander 19 (Halle, 1939): 1-104.
45. J. Preuss, “Die Baalberger Gruppe in Mittel-deutschland.” Veroffentlichungen des Landes-museums fur Voigeschichte in Halle 21 [Halle, 1966). H. Behrens, “Die Jungsteinzeit im Mittelelbe-Saale Gebiet.” Veroffentlichungen des Landesmuseums fiir Voigeschichte in Halle 27 [Halle 1973). Jan Lichardus, Rossen-Gatersleben-Baalberge (Bonn, 1976): 99-135. Ulrich Fischer, Die Griiber dei Steinzeit im Saalegebiet (Berlin, 1956): 48-66.
46. Joachim Wahl and Hans Gunter Konig, “Anthro-pologische-traumatologiche Untersuchung der menschlichen Skelettreste aus dem bandkera-mischen Massengrab bei Talheim, Kreis Heilbronn.” Fundberichte aus Baden-Wurttemberg 12:65-195.
47. M. Gimbutas, “The beginning of the Bronze Age in Europe and the hide-Europeans, 3500-2500 BC.” The Journal of Indo-European Studies 1 (1973): 163-214. E. N. Chernykh, "Metallurgical provinces of the 5th-2nd Millennia in Eastern Europe in Relation to the Process of Indo-Europeanization.” The Journal of Indo-European Studies 8, 3-4 (1980): 317-37.
48. O. E Lahodovska, O. G. Shaposhnikova, and M. L. Makarevich, Mikhailivs'ke poseleni'ya [Kiev, 1962): 22-38.
49. M. J. Rudinski, “Kamennaya Mogila.” Kratkie Soobshcheniya Instituta Arkheologii \ (Kiev, 1952]:21-3l. Alexander Hausler, “Sudrussische und nordkaukasische Petroglyphen.” Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Martiu-Luther-Umversitdt Halle-Wittenberg 12, 11 (Halle, 1963): 889-921.
50. W. Schrickel, Westeuropaische Elemente im Neolithikum und in der fruhen Bronzezeit Mittel-deutschlands (Leipzig, 1957).
51. Emmanuel Anati, Evolution and Style in Camunian Rock An (Capo di Ponte, Brescia, 1976), figs. 57, 64, 75.
52. A. M. Tallgren, “Sur les monuments mega-lithiques du Caucase occidental.” Eurasia Septem-trionalis Antiqua 9 (Helsinki, 1934]: 1-45.
53. A. A. Shchepinskiy, “Pamyatniki iskustva epokhi rannego metala v Krymu.” Sovetskaya Arkheologiya 3 (Moscow, 1963). Alexander Hausler, “Innenverzierte Steinkammergraber der Krim." Jahresschrift fur mitteldeutsche Vorgeschichte (Berlin, 1964): 59-82.
54. D. )&. Telegin, “Eneolitichni steli i pamyatki nizhne Mikhailivs'kQgo tipu.” Arkheologiya 4 [Kiev, 1971): 3-17.
55.1. M. Chechenov, “Grobnitsa epokhi ranney bronzy v g. Nal'chike.” Sovetskaya Arkheologiya 1 [1970): 109-124.
56. M. I. Rostovzeff, “The Sumerian Treasure of Astrabad.” The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 6, 1 (1920): 4-27. Rostovtzeff, “L'age de cuivre dans le Caucase et les civilisations de Soumer et de ITgypte-Protodynastique.” Revue archeoJogique 5 ser., vol. 12 (1920a|: 1-37. Rostovtzeff, Iranians and Greeks in South Russia [Oxford, 1923,]: 17-34. Tallgren [see note 52). F. Hancar, “Urgeschichte Kaukasiens von den Anfangen seiner Besiedlung bis in die Zeit seiner fruhen Metallurgie.” Biichet zur Ur- und Pruhgeschichte bd. 6 (1937]: 448. V. G. Childe, “The axes from Maikop and Caucasian metallurgy.” Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology 23 (1936): 113-19. A. A. lessen, “K khronologii Bolshykh Kubanskikh Kurganov” (Contribution to the problem of chronology of the Great Kuban Kurgans) Sovetskaya Arkheologiya 12 [1950): 157-200.
57. Gimbutas (see note 1). A. M. Tallgren, “Staromy-shastovskaya.” Reallexicon Bd. 12 [1928]: 389, pi. 94, A. M. Tallgren, “Zu der nordkaukasischen fruhen Bronzezeit.” Eurasia Septemtrionalis Antiqua 6 (1931): 126-45, pi. 141.
58. E. G. Schmidt, Excavations at Tepe Hisar Dam-ghan (The University Museum, Philadelphia, 1937).
59. O. E Lahodovska, “Raskopki Usativskogo kurgana 1-11.” Naukovi Zapiski 1 (Kiev 1946]. Id., “Pamyatki usativskogo tipa.” Arkheologiya 8 (Kiev 1953): 95-109, T. D. Passek, “Periodizatsiya tri-pol'skikh poselenii.” Materialy i Issledovaniya po Arkheologii SSSR 10 [Moscow 1949): 194-275.
60. A. I. Melyukova, “Kurgan usatovskogo tipa u sela Tudorovo.” Kratkie Soobshcheniya Instituta Arkheologii 88 (Moscow 1962): 74-83.
61. T. Passek (see note 59), 158ff.
62. Petre I. Roman, “Struktuianderungen des End-neolithikums im Donau-Karpatenraum.” Dacio 15: 31-169.
63. G. I. Georgiev, N. Ya. Merpert, R. V. Katincarov, and D. G. Dimitrov, eds. Ezero. Rannobronzovoto Selisce (Sofia, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 1979).
64. Colin Renfrew, Marija Gimbutas, and Ernestine Elster, Excavations at Sitagmi. A Prehistoric Village in Northeast Greece 1 [1986]. On the apsidal house, Colin Renfrew, "The burnt house at Sitagroi.” Antiquity 54, 174(1970): 131-34.
65. For northern Italy: E Zorzi, “Resti di un abitato capannicolo eneolitico alie Colombare di Negrar.” Actes du IV Congres International du Quaternaire 2 [Roma 1953): 782-98. Emmanuel Anati, I Camuni (Milan 1979): 103.
66. D. Berciu, “Rezuitatele primelor sapaturi de la Crivat-” Studii si Cercetari de Istorie Veche 17, 3 (Bucharest 1966): 527.
67. See note 28.
68. N. Tasic, Der Badener und Vucedoler Kultur-Komplex in fugoslavien. Dissertationes [Belgrade-Novi Sad).
69. Richard Pittioni, Urgeschichte des Oster-reichischen Raumes (Vienna 1954): 195.
70. Janos Banner, Die Peceler Kultur (Budapest 1956). Richard Pittioni, Urgeschichte des Oster-reichischen Raumes (Vienna 1954): I91ff. Zdzislaw Sochacki, “The Radial-decorated Pottery Culture.” The Neolithic in Poland (Wrocfaw-Warsaw-Cracow 1970): 319ft
71. R. R. Schmidt, Die Burg Vucedol [Zagreb) 1945.
72. A. Tocik in Studijne Zvesti (Nitra 1964], 12.
73. Jayne Warner, “The Megaron and Apsidal House in Early Bronze Age Western Anatolia: New Evidence from Karata§.” American Journal of Archaeology 83, 2 [April 1979): 133-47. Jan G. P. Best, “The Foreign Relations of the Apsis-House Culture in Palestine.” Pnlpudeva (Plovdiv 1976): 205-9.
74. J. Bayer, “Die Ossarner Kultur, eine aneo-lithische Mischkultur im ostlichen Mitteleuropa.” Eiszeit und Urgeschichte 5 (Vienna 1928): 60-120.
75. Z. Sochacki (see note 70), p. 329. The analysis done by W. Gizbert. Sarunas Milisauskas and Jauusz Kruk, “Economy, Migration, Settlement Organization, and Welfare during the Late Neolithic in Southeastern Poland.” Germania 67 (1989): 84.
76. Z. Sochacki [see note 70), p. 321.
77. S. BokSnyi, History of domestic Mammals in Central and Eastern Europe (Budapest 1974]: 32, fig. 1: 15, 16.
78. R. R. Schmidt (see note 71), fig. 81a.
79. Nandor Kalicz, “Ein neues kupferzeitlicb.es Wagenmodel aus der Umgebung von Budapest.” Festschrift fiir Richard Pittioni zum siebzigsten Geburtstag [Vienna 1976]: 188-202.
80. J. Nemeskeri, “Anthropologische Ubersicht des Volkes der Perceler Kultur,” in J. Banner, Die Peceler Kultur (Budapest 1956]: 295-309.1. Toth, “Profila-tion horiaontale du crane facial de la population ancienne et contemporaine de la Hongrie.” Crania Hungarica 3, 1-2 [1958): 3-126.
81. Alojz Benac, Studien zur Stein- und Kupferzeit im nordwestlichen Balkan (Berlin 1963,): 146-48.
82. R. R. Schmidt, Vucedol [Zagreb 1945). Nikola Tasic, Badenski i vucedohki kulturni kompleks u lugoslaviji. Dissertations 4 [Belgrade 1967].
83. Nandor Kalicz, Die Frvhbronzezeit in Nordost-Ungam 4 [Budapest 1968): 62-109.
84. K. Deschmann, “Uber die voriahrigen Funde im Laibacher Pfahlbau.” Mitteilungen der Altertums-gesellschaft in Wien 8, 3-4 [Vienna 1878): 3-20. hi 1963 excavations were resumed by T. Bregant.
85. See note 63.
86. Stefan Nosek, Kultura amfor kulistych w Polsce (Wroclaw-Warsaw-Cracow 1967): 276 ff.
87. Ibid., pp. 217ff.
88. Ibid., p. 278.
89.1. F. Levistskiy, “Pamyatki megalitychnoy Kul'-turi na Volyni.” Anthropologiya 2 (Kiev 1929]: 192-222.
90. T. Wislariski, Kultura amfor kulistych w Polsce Polnocno-Zachodniej (Warsaw 1966). Id., “The Globular Amphora Culture.” The Neolithic in Poland (Warsaw 1970); 178-231. Marrja Gimbutas, “East Baltic Amber in the Fourth and Third Mille-nia BC.” Studies in Bo/tic Amber: The Journal of Baltic Studies 16, 3 (1985).
91.1. K. Sveshnikov, “Nave pokhovannya kul'turi kulyatikh amfor u Roven'skiy oblasti.” Arkheolo-hiya 8 [Kiev 1973]: 63-67. 92,. Wislanski (see note 90].
93. Aleksander Kosko and Victor I. Klochko, “A Late Neolithic Composite Bow.” Journal of the Society of Archer-Antiquaries 30 (1987): 15-23.
94. Olga Necrasov, “Les populations de la periode de transition du Neo-En6olithique a 1'age du Bronze romaine et leurs particularites anthropologiques.” Anthropologie et Archeologie: les cas de premiers ages des Metaux. Actes du Symposium de Sils-Maria 25-30 septembie 1978, Roland Menk and Alain Gallay, eds. (Geneva 1981]: 60-61.
95. Use Schwidetzky, “The Influence of the Steppe People Based on the Physical Anthropological Data.” The Journal of the Indo-European Studies 8 (1980): 356.
96. Marin Dinu, “Le probleme des tombes a ocre dans les regions orientates de la Roumanie.” Preistoria Alpina 10 (1974): 2,61-75. Ecsedy, I., The People of the Pit-Grave Kurgans in Eastern Hungary [Budapest 1979]. Borislav Jovanovic, “Some Elements of the Steppe Culture in Yugoslavia.” The Journal of Indo-Euiopean Studies 11 (1983): 31-45.
97. Lahodovska, et al. [see note 48).
98. Necrasov (see note 94), pp. 63-65.
99. G. P. Zinevich, Ocherki paleoantropologii Ukrainy (Kiev 1967).
100. N. Masek, “Die Rivnac-Gruppe in Bohmen und ihre chranologische Stellung.” Symposium 1961 [Prague): 327-35.
101. Robert W. Ehrich and Emilie Pleslova-Stikova, Homolka. An Eneolithic Site in Bohemia (Prague 1968]; also appeared as Bulletin 24 of the American School of Prehistoric Research, Peabody Museum, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.
102. Alojz Benac, Studien zur Stein- und Kupferzeit im nordwestlichen Balkan (Berlin 1962]: 13S-45.
103. Ibid., p. 140.
104. M. Parovic, V. Pesikan, and V. Trbuhovit, “Fouilles des Tumulus du 1'age du bronze ancien dans la plaine de Tivat.” Starinar 22 (Belgrade 1974): 129-41.
105. W. Dorpfeld, A!t-Ithaka (Munich 1927). N. G. L. Hammond, “The Tumulus-Burials of Leucas and their Connections in the Balkans and Northern Greece.” The Annual of the British School of Archaeology at Athens 69 (1974]: 129-44.
106. Hammond (see note 105).
107. Parovic, Pesikan, Trbuhovic (see note 104).
108. Spiridon Marinates, “Further Discoveries at Marathon.” Arch. Anal. Athena (1970): 355, fig. 10.
109. John L. Caskey, “The Early Helladic Period in the Argolid,” Hesperia 29 (I960): 301.
110. Nikolaos I. Xirotiris, “The Indo-Europeans in Greece. An Anthropological Approach to the Population of Bronze Age Greece.” The Journal of Indo-Euiopean Studies 8, 1-2 (1980): 201-11.
111. It is doubtful that the lunula-shaped pendants represent bows as it was proposed by Stuart Piggott in “Beaker Bows: A Suggestion,” Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 37, 2 (London 1971): 80-94. It is likely that the crescents with a perforation worn attached to breasts symbolized breast plates. As solar symbols they must have been sacred to the God of the Shining Sky. The symbolic importance of breast plates is evidenced in the Baden period and continued throughout the Bronze Age.
112. S. Bokonyi, History of Domestic Mammals in Central and Eastern Europe (Budapest 1974): 242. R. Kalicz-Schreiber, “Die Probleme der Glocken-becherkultur.” Glockenbecher-symposion (Oberried 1974): 214.
113. W. Schule, “Glockenbecher und Hauspferde,” in ). Boessneck, ed., Archaologich-biologische Zusammenarbeit in der Vor- und Fruhgeschichts-forschung (Wiesbaden 1969]: 88-93.
114. Ladislav Hajek, “Die alteste Phase der GJock-enbecherkultur in Bohmen und Mahren.” Pamdtky archeologick& 57 (Prague 1966): 221.
115. Boris Novotny, “Hroby kultury zvoncovitych poharu u Smolina na Morave.” Pamatky archeolo-gicke 49 (Prague 1958): 297-311.
116. Bruce A. Replogle, “Social Dimensions of British and German Bell Beaker Burials: An Explanatory Study.” The Journal of Indo-European Studies 8, 1-2(1980): 165-201.
117. R. Kalicz-Schreiber [see note 112].
118. S. Dimitrijevic, “Arheoloska iskopavanja na podrucju Vinkovackog muzeja, rezultati 1957-1966.” Acta Musei Cibalensis 1, Vinkovcl
119.1. Ecsedy, “Die Siedlung der Samogyvar-Vinkovci Kultur bei Szava und einige Fragen der Fruhbronzezeit in Sudpannonien.” A Janus Pan-nonius Muzeum Evkonyve 23 (1979): 97-136.
120. N. Tasic, “Die Vinkovci-Kultur.” Kulturen der Fruhbronzezeit des Karpatenbeckens und Noid-balkans, N. Tasic, ed. (Beograd 1984): 15-28.
121. Andrzej Kempisty, “The Corded Ware Culture in the Light of New Stratigraphic Evidence.” Przeglad Archeologiczny 16 [Warsaw 1973): 34-35.
122. Ilse Schwidetzky, “The Information of the Steppe People Based on the Physical Anthropological Data.” The Journal of Indo-European Studies 8 (Washington 1980): 350ff.
123. A, Wierciriski, “Untersuchungen zur Antropo-logie des Neolithikums in Polen.” Fundamenta. Monographien zur Urgeschichte, H. Schawbedis-sen, ed., series B, 3 [Cologne and Vienna]: 170-85. Id., “Problem strukturalnej i procesualnej identy-fikacji antropologicznej Praslowian.” Slavia Antiqua 24 (Warsaw 1974).
124. Based on information supplied by Martin E. Hu!d, 1989.
125. Paul Friedrich, “Proto-Indo-European Kinship.” Ethnology 1 (1966); 1-36.



Neolithic site in southern Thessaly, Greece, belonging to the Sesklo culture — mid-7th to mid-6th mill. BC. An important key to understanding the chronology (based on 42 radiocarbon dates and excellent stratigraphy), architecture, pottery evolution, and religion of the Neolithic Aegean.
Excav. by M. Gimbutas with Shan M. Winn, and D. Shimabuku in 1973 and 1974. Lit.: M. Gimbutas et al. 1989.

Copper mines at Stara Zagora, central Bulgaria, main supplier of natural copper for east-central Europe. Earliest exploitation began in the early 5th mill. BC. and continued throughout the Karanovo V and VI periods in the mid-5th mill. BC.
Excav. by N. Y. Merpert and E. N. Chernykh, 1971-72. Lit.: E. N. Chernykh, 1978.

A cemetery of underground tombs (hypogea) of the Ozieri culture, 9 km north of Alghero, Sardinia, locally called domus de /anas, "witches' houses.” The tombs have a sloping passage, sometimes stepped, which leads to the doorway of a roofed antechamber. The second door opens into the main burial chamber. In most cases, smaller cells, egg-shaped or rectangular, open out of the end. Some chambers have two pillars, some have bucrania or bull horns in relief above the entrance or on interior walls. Burial was by collective inhumation.
Excav. in early 20th century. Lit.: A Tara-melli, “Nuovi scavi nella necropole preisto-rica, Anghelu Ruju.” Monument! Antichi dei Lincei 19 (Alghero, 1909): 397ff.

Stratified settlement located at the village of Anzabegovo, between Titov Veles and Stip, Macedonia. Anza I: Early Macedonian Neolithic, c. 6300-5900 BC. Anza H and III:

Starcevo culture, 5900-5300 BC.; Anza IV: Early Vinca culture, c. 5300-5000 BC.
Excav. by J. Korosec in I960, 1969-70 by the joint Yugoslav-American team, M. Garasanin and M. Gimbutas. Museum: Stip. Lit.: M. Gimbutas, ed. Neolithic Macedonia, 1976.

A stratified tell of the Neolithic and Bronze Age at Gremnos near Larisa, Thessaly, Greece. In more than 8.5 m of cultural material, 15 strata were observed representing Early Ceramic, “Proto-Sesklo,” Dimini, and Mycenaean sequences.
Excav. by V. Milojcic, 1955-58. Museum: Larisa. Lit.: V. Milojcic, J. Boessneck, M. Hopf, 1962 .

A settlement and cemetery of the Lengyel culture, spread over 25 hectares, northeast of Budapest, Hungary.
Excav. by N. Kalicz in 1960-82. Museum: Petbfi in Asz6d. Lit.: N. Kalicz, Kokori falu Aszod, 1985.

A stratified site with layers of Cortaillod, Horgen, and Corded Pottery cultures in Canton Neuchatel, Switzerland. Cortaillod dates: c. 4000-3200 BC.
Excav. 1919-20, 1948, 1950, 1964-65. Museums: Musee Neuchatel and Musee de 1'Homme. Lit.: P. Vouga, Le Neolithique lacustre anciert, Neuchatel, 1934; J-P. Jequier & C. Stratum, Les fouilles archeol. d'Auvei-nier en 1964 (Musees neuchatelois), 1965: 78-88; A. Gallay, “Les fouilles dAuvernier 1964-65 et le probleme des stations lacu-stres.” Archives suisses d'anthropologie generate 30 (1965): 57-82.

One of the largest ceremonial structures of Britain located west of Marlborough, Wiltshire. The circle of stones, ditch, and outer bank of this henge monument enclose an area of 28 Vz acres. On the central plateau area two smaller stone circles with arrangements of stones in the center. The ditch and bank are broken by four equally spaced entrances. At the south entrance Kennet Avenue begins, consisting of two parallel rows of sarsen stones leading to a building called the Sanctuary, c. 2 km away. The monument was used from the 4th to the 2nd mill. BC. In the ditch were found Windmill Hill, Peterborough, Rinyo-Clacton, Beaker, and later Bronze Age potsherds.
Excav. by A. Keiller 1925-39, 1965. Lit.: I. E Smith, Windmill Hill and Avebuiy, Excavations by Alexander Keiller, 1925-39; M. Dames, 1977; A. Burl, Prehistoric Avebuiy, 1979 (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press); Idem., Rites of Gods, London (Dent), 1981.

One of the largest stratified Karanovo tells, located near Stara Zagora, central Bulgaria. Yielded consecutive layers of Karanovo I-VI, c. 6000-4300 BC.
Excav. by G. I. Georgiev, 1960-63. Museum: Stara Zagora. Lit.: G. I. Georgiev, 1961 and 1967.

A barrow with a single central grave in a stone cist from the mid-4th mill. BC, distr. of Bernburg, central Germany. This is the name-giving site for a cultural group considered to be a southern variant of the TRB culture, but burial rites suggest a strong Kurgan influence.
Excav. by P. Hbfer, 1901. Lit.: P. Hofer, Jahresschrift Halle, 1 (1902): 16ff.

BADEN Culture
A Kurgan-influenced complex, composed of contrasting indigenous post-Vinca (agricultural) and alien Kurgan (pastoral, patriarchal) elements, in the Middle Danube basin dated between the 34th and 30th centuries BC. Also called “Pecel” or “Radial-decorated Pottery” culture. Together with Ezero (which see) it forms a large and uniform cultural complex stretching between W Anatolia and Poland.

Post Vinca cultural complex in W Hungary. Related to the Lasinja complex in Croatia, Bosnia, and Slovenia from the first half of the 4th mill. BC.

See Linearbandkeramik.

A stratified Vinca site northeast of Belgrade, with 4 m of cultural remains.
Excav. 1955-57 by J. Todorovic and A. Cer-manovic. Lit.: J. Todorovic and A. Cerma-novic, 1961.

An impressive stone cairn (more than 90 m long] including eleven passage graves with corbelled chambers at Plouezoc'h, Lanmeur, Finistere, NW Brittany. Possibly in use for some 500 years, the primary cairn with five tombs dates from the middle of the 5th mill. BC.; the secondary was built 200-300 years later. A number of orthostats in chambers were engraved with symbols — wavy lines, triangles or axes, ships, and a cross. Excav. by P.-R. Giot, 1955-68. Lit.: P.-R. Giot, Barnenez, Rennes; Idem., “Les lecons finales du cairn de Barnenez,” in P. Kjaerum and C. E. Daniel, eds., 1973: 192-202; P.-R. Giot and J. UHelgouach, Bulletin Soc. Preh, Francis, 54 (1956): 358-65.

See Corded Pottery Culture.

A mobile and pastoral culture, an amalgam of Yamna and Vucedol traditions in east-central Europe, which diffused between 2500 and 2100 BC. between central Europe, the British Isles, and the Iberian Peninsula.

Type site for the middle stage of the Hungarian Copper Age, c. 4000 BC, located at the mouth of the Bodrog River in NE Hungary; a cemetery of 50 inhumation graves. Excavated by L. Bella 1921-26.

BOIAN Culture
Developed from the symbiosis between the Early Vinca and LBK cultures in southeastern Romania. In its second stage, stimulated the formation of the Petresti and Cucuteni cultures. Eponymous site is on an island in Lake Boian north of the Danube, between Olteni^a and Calarasi, SE Romania.
Excav. by V. Christescu 1924; E. Coms.a 1956-59. Museum: NAM, Bucharest. Lit.: V. Christescu, Dacia 1 (1925); Coms.a, Mate-riale Cercetari Archeol. 5-8 (1959-62).

A Funnel Beaker (TRB] and Baden-like settlement located on an elevation above the Nid-zica River (tributary of the upper Vistula] floodplain, distr. of Kielce, S Poland. This site covers more than 50 hectares (120 acres). Five occupational phases are uncovered: three of TRB, c. 3770-3110 BC.; last two of Baden-like culture, c. 3110-2400 BC.
Excav. by J. Kruk and S. Milisauskas, 1974-78. Lit.: J. Kruk and S. Milisauskas, Germania 59 (1981): 1-19; Germania 60 (1982): 211-16; Germania 64 (1984): 1-30; Archeologia Polski 26, 1: 65-113; W. Hensel and S. Milisauskas, Excavations of Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Sites in SE Poland (Ossolineum), 1985: 52-78.

LBK site of c. 5100 BC, and a late Lengyel settlement c. 4300-4000 BC. in the province of Bydgoszcz, Wfoclawek distr., W Poland. Distinct for over 50 trapeze-shaped Lengyel houses, 15-39 m long with inhumation burials nearby.
Excav. by K. fazdzewski 1933-36; P. Bogucki and R. Grygiel 1976-80. Lit.: K. Jazdzewski, Wiadomosci Archeologiczne 15 (1938), lff.; P. Bogucki, 1982; R. Grygiel, 1986.

A Vinca group in W Romania named from the stratified tell of Bucova£, Timis,oara dist. The cultural layer, 1.7 m thick, is subdivided into three phases: Bukovat I-E.
Excav. in 1973 and 1975. Lit.: Gheorghe Lazarovici, Neoliticul Banatului, 1979.

BÜKK Culture
Also called “Eastern Linearbandkeramik.” A culture in the upper Tisza basin of the 6th mill. BC. named after the Bukk Mountains, north of the Hungarian plains.

See Seeberg.

Settlement in Sarajevo, the name-giving site for the Butmir culture in Bosnia, c. 5300-4300 BC.
Excav. 1893-96. Museum: Zemaljski Muzej, Sarajevo. Lit.: W. Radimsky and M. Hoernes, 1895; F. Fiala and M. Hoernes, 1898, Die neolithische Station von Butmir.

LBK settlement near Kutna Hora, Kolin, Czechoslovakia.
Excav. 1953-61 by B. Soudsky. Museums: Bylany and Prague. Lit.: B. Soudsky 1958, 1959, I960; Antiquity 36 (1962), 1966.

Stone alignments — avenues built of multiple rows of upright stones, 1-6 km long — outside Carnac in Brittany, presumed to be of the same age as passage graves. There are three separate structures: the Menec, north of Carnac composed of 1,000 stones in 11 parallel rows; the Kermario, with 10 rows; and Kerlescant with 13 rows. Each alignment originally had a circle of standing stones or other constructions at the western end. These may be the sanctuaries toward which the avenues are aimed.
Lit.: P. R. Giot, Brittany, London, 1960.

A stratified site including late Boian and Gumelni^a settlements near Olteni^a, an island in the lower Danube. Famous for the temple with pillars, wall paintings, and the clay model of a large edifice.
Excav. in 1925 by G. Stefan; 1962-69 by H. and V. Dumitrescu. Museum: National Museum, Bucharest. Lit.: V. Dumitrescu, 1965, 1970; H. Dumitrescu, 1968.

Mesolithic culture of eastern Spain and southern France.

Largest Neolithic town in the world, located on the Konya plateau, south-central Turkey, from the end of the 8th through the 7th mill. BC. The excavated portion of this tell has revealed mudbrick houses and temples, wall paintings and reliefs, sculptures, and a host of other objects greatly contributing to the reconstruction of Neolithic life and religion.
Excav. by J. Mellaart, 1961-63, 1965. Lit.: J. Mellaart, 1962, 1963, 1967, 1989.

1. Cemetery site of the Hamangia culture, northwest of Constanta, Danube delta, Romania. 2. Fortified hilltop settlement of a Kurganized culture, early 4th mill. BC. Excav. by D. Berciu in 1957. Museum: National Museum, Bucharest. Lit.: D. Berciu, 1966.

Cemetery at Bucharest, Romania, from the Early Boian phases, early 5th mill. BC, in which 362 inhumation burials were uncovered.
Excav. by G. Cantacuzino and S. Morintz, 1960-67. Museum: National Museum, Bucharest. Lit.: C. Cantacuzino and S. Morintz, Dacia N.S. 7 (1963): 27ff; G. Cantacuzino, Dacia N.S. 9 (1965): 45ff; Dacia N.S. 13 (1969): 45-59”.

Sesklo settlement in Boeotia, central Greece, with 6 m of cultural material.
Excav. by G. Sotiriadis, 1902-7. Museum: Chaeronea. Lit.: Sotiriadis, Athen. Mitt. 30 (1905); Ephem. Arch. (1908); Rev. Etudes Greques 25 (1925).

An advanced Neolithic post-Cardial culture in France, related to the Cortaillod in Switzerland and the Lagozza in Italy. Practiced intensive horticulture with technologically advanced ceramics and lithics. Dated to the 5th and early 4th mill. BC.

Pastoral, patriarchal, single-grave culture of the first half of the 3rd mill. BC. in the Upper Danube, Elbe, Oder, and Vistula basins. From C Europe it spread to NW Germany, S Scandinavia, the East Baltic area, the Upper Dnieper basin, and C Russia. Also known as the Battle Axe culture.

A culture of lakeshore dwellers of the 5th and 4th mill. BC. in western and central Switzerland and eastern France. Ceramics were bag-shaped with little decoration. Agriculture is attested by grain crops as well as apples, pears, plums, cabbage, flax, and opium poppy. There is ample evidence of a highly developed tool kit, weaving technology, and animal domestication.

A cultural complex representing remnants of Old European traditions in the Danube valley, western Muntenia, southern Banat, and Transylvania toward the end of the 4th mill. BC. These sedentary agriculturalists used copper tools and still produced burnished red and white painted ceramics.

CRTS Culture
Same as Koros. The Starcevo culture in Romania, named after the Cris River.

A stratified settlement near Tirgu-Frumos, distr. of lasi, Moldavia, NE Romania with Cucuteni A, A-B, and B phases, which gave its name to the Cucuteni civilization in Moldavia.
Excav. by H. Schmidt in 1909-10, and by M. Petrescu-Dimbovit.a in 1961-68. Museums: Berlin and Bucharest, Ia§i and Birlad. Lit.: Schmidt, Cucuteni, 1932; Petrescu-Dimbovita, Cucuteni, 1966.

A culture in Moldavia and the western Ukraine, dated from c. 4800 to c. 3500 BC. Originated from an amalgam of the colonizing Boian people with the Neolithic LBK culture in Moldavia to become one of the richest cultures of Old Europe. The largest settlements of the Late Cucuteni period contained as many as 2,000 houses arranged in concentric ellipses covering 400 hectares. Cucuteni ceramic art is one of the finest of Old Europe.

A stratified cave site in Castellon near Alto Maestrazgo, E Spain, indicating an early and gradual transition from a food gathering to a food producing economy in the west Mediterranean area. Its earliest layer, from the 8th mill. BC, contained sheep but no domesticated plants. The lithic industry was mesolithic. Pottery — deep egg-shaped bowls  — appeared during the next period, c. 6500-6000 BC.
Excav. by Carme Olaria and F. Gusi in 1975-79. Lit.: C. Olaria, Cora Fosca, 1988.

A settlement near Sibenik, W Yugoslavia, the eponymous site of the Danilo culture. Excav. by D. Rendic-Miocevic in 1952; by J. Korosec 1953-55. Museum: Sibenik. Lit.: J. Korosec, 1964.

A culture which lived along the Adriatic coast in Dalmatia c. 5500-4000 BC.

A tell settlement at Philipi, Macedonia, NE Greece, with Neolithic and Early Bronze Age layers dating from late 6th to early 3rd mill. BC.
Excav. by ]. Deshayes and D. Theocharis 1965, 1968-70. Lit.: J. Deshayes, Bulletin de Correspondence Hellenique 86, 2: 912-33.

DIMINI Culture
Late Neolithic culture of Thessaly, c. 5500-4000 BC. Dimini derives from the eponymous settlement near Volos.
Excav. by C. Tsountas 1901-2. Lit.: Tsountas, 1980.

Starcevo and Late Vinca settlements near Kragujevac, C Yugoslavia.
Excav. by A. McPherron and D. Srejovic 1968-69. Museum: Kragujevac. Lit.: A. McPherron and D. Srejovic, Divostin, 1988.

Neolithic culture of the Dnieper basin, represented by a massive (robust) Cro-Magnon population, descended from the Upper and Middle Dnieper basin. Three developmental phases, distinct for practicing collective burial, are recognized between 5500 and 4500 BC. This culture was supplanted in the middle of the 5th mill. BC. by a steppe population from the Volga basin.

An early Neolithic culture in Moldavia and the western Ukraine, 6500-5000 BC. Independent experiments in animal and plant domestication by groups indigenous from the Mesolithic, 500 years before contacts with Starcevo (Cris.) agriculturalists. Influences from Starcevo and LBK culture in later phases.

A Starcevo settlement near Deronj, northern Yugoslavia, distinct for its Starcevo ritual objects.
Excav. by S. Karmanski 1968. Museum: Odzaci. Lit.: S. Karmanski, Ztrvenici, statuete i amuleti sa lokalitela D. Branjevina kod'Deronj a, Odzaci, 1968.

A cave, 5 km long, which begins near Kecovo, distr. of Safarikovo, Slovakia, and extends into NE Hungary at Barydla, where it is called Aggtelek. Ritual structures and deposits of the Biikk culture were found within.
Excav. by L. V. Marton and O. Kadic 1910; by ). Bohm 1933-34. Lit.: F. V. Tompa, Die Bandkeramik in Ungain, 1929; B. Novotny, 1958.

One of the three large circular mounds in the funerary complex of the Boyne Valley, Co. Meath, E Ireland. The mound is 85 m in diameter and 15 m in height. The base is surrounded by kerbstones. There are two chambers on its western side. The larger has a passage 8 m long, a cruciform chamber with a corbelled roof, and a large stone basin in the center. The smaller one has a short passage and a circular chamber. Some ortho-stats in both tombs were pecked with symbols.
Lit.: George Coffey, Newgrange and other Incised Tumuli in Ireland, Dublin, 1912.

A ceremonial monument at Amesbury, Wiltshire from the Middle and Late Neolithic of S England, late 4th and 3rd mill. BC. This is a twin-entrance henge with a diameter of more than 500 m (1600 ft.). Two timber structures of concentric rings were within the enclosure, one of them approached by an avenue of timber uprights.

Small Neolithic lakeshore villages of cattle breeders in Canton Luzern, Switzerland, of the Egolzwil group, related to the Cortaillod culture of the 1st half of the 4th mill. BC. Distinct for its well-preserved rectangular timber houses, bark and wooden tools and vessels, data for forest history, and vegetation studies.
Excav. by E. Vogt 1950, 1952, 1954-64 (Egolzwil 3 and 4); by R. Wyss 1956 (Egolzwil 5). Lit.: E. Vogt 1951, 1954, 1967; R. Wyss 1976.

Late Neolithic villages from the 4th mill. BC. of the Michelsberg and Schussenried groups, with well-preserved timber houses of one or two rooms in the distr. of Ulm on the Danube, Baden-Wurttemberg, Germany. Distinct for the good preservation of wooden artifacts and quantities of grain.
Excav. in 1962 and 1960 by O. Paret and H. Ziim. Lit.: O. Paret, Das steinzeitdorf Ehrenstein bei Ulm, Stuttgart, 1955; H. Ziim, Germania 40 [1962).

TWo Sesklo tells rich in ceramic finds, Phokis, Greece.
Excav. by G. Sotiriadis 1909-10; by S. Wein-berg 1959. Museum: Chaeronea. Lit.: G. Sotiriadis, Athen. Mitt. 30 (1905), 31 (1906); Ephem. Arch. (1908); Rev. Studes deques 25 (1912); Wace and Thompson, Prehistoric Thessaly, 1912; Weinberg AJA 65 (1961); HesperiaZl (1962).

A Mesolithic culture inhabiting northwestern Germany throughout the 5th mill. BC.

An LBK settlement and graves in the province of Limburg, The Netherlands. Ten hectares yielded 95 long-houses of various phases within c. 5500-5000 BC. Of 110 graves, 70 were inhumations in contracted position and 40 were cremations.
Excav. by P. J. R. Modderman 1950, 1958-59, 1966; by R. S. Hulst 1963. Lit.: P. J. R. Modderman, Palaeohistoria 6-7 (1958-59), 1970.

Indigenous Mesolithic food-gatherers inhabiting the coastal regions of Denmark and southern Sweden throughout the 5th mill. BC.

A stratified tell in central Bulgaria near Nova Zagora, originally occupied by the Karanovo people between 6000 and 4300 BC. The hybrid culture which emerged after a hiatus following Kurgan Wave No. 1, was an amalgamation of Old European and Kurgan influences and is related to Baden. Habitation continued through most of the 4th mill. BC. Excav. by N. Ya. Merpert, G. I. Georgiev, et al., through the 1970s. Lit: Georgiev, G. L, N. Ya. Merpert, R. V. Katincaroy, and D. G. Dimitrov, 1919, Ezero.

Vinca settlements at Kosovska Mitrovica, S Yugoslavia. Fafos I (Early) and Fafos n (Late Vinca) are known for Vinca art and ritual objects.
Excav. by B. Jovanovic in 1956 and 1959-61. Museum: Pristina. Lit.: B. Jovanovic and J. Glisic, Aiheoloski Piegled 3, 1961.

A stratified cave site in Sardinia, province of Mara, 30 km south of Sassari, which yielded a sequence of Neolithic and Bronze Age deposits: Impresso (Cardialj, Filiestru, Bonu Ighinu, Ozieri, Monte Claro, Bonnanaro, and Sa Turricula, all with radiocarbon dates.
First explored by R. Loria in 1969 and 1972 and excav. by D. Trump in 1979 and 1980. Lit.: D. Trump, 1983.

Classical Cucuteni settlement from the mid-5th mill. BC. near Peatra Neamt, Moldavia, noted for its exquisite painted vases. Excav. by C. Matasa- Museum: Peatra Neamt- Lit.: C. Matasa, 1946.

A fully agricultural society, also called TRB, dated from the end of the 5th mill. BC. to the middle of the 3rd mill. BC. It moved into the Erteb011e and Ellerbek territories and later colonized the lower Vistula region of northern Poland and the Nemunas basin to western Belorussia.

One of the most elaborately decorated passage graves in Brittany, located on an island (former peninsula) in Morbihan. The designs pecked on 23 stone slabs of the passage reveal the theme of regeneration expressed by rising concentric arcs, spirals, axes, and bulls. Lit.: C.-T. LeRoux, 1985; E. S. Twohig, 1981.

GGANTIJA (“Giants' Tbwer”)
The best preserved temple complex on the island of Gozo (north of Malta] from the mid-4th mill. BC. Consists of two anthropomorphically shaped temples, each having five egg-shaped apses (see fig. 5-25). Known from the 18th century, clearance of the site was undertaken in 1827.
Excav. by the National Museum, Valletta. Lit.: J.D. Evans 1959 and 1971.

A culture of patriarchal pastoralists whose appearance in north-central Europe during mid-4th mill. BC. led to the disintegration of the TRB culture. Also extended into areas of the Cucuteni as well as the Nemunas and Narva cultures. Burial rites are similar to those of the Kurgan culture in the North Pontic region.

A hilltop site with stratified deposits of Rossen, Michelsberg, and Altheim type from the end of the 5th to the 3rd mill. BC. near Nordlingen, distr. Aalen, Wurttemberg, SW Germany. A number of small rectangular houses with hearths were uncovered.
Excav. by G. Bersu in the 1920s. Lit.: G. Bersu, Neue deutsche Ausgrabungen, 1930; Germania 20 (1936), 21 (1937).

A stratified tell on the River Sava, Vojvodina, N Yugoslavia, with a mid-Vinca layer below Baden-Kostolac, Middle and Late Bronge Age, La Tene n and m, Roman, and medieval layers.
Excav. since 1904 by J. Bmnsmed; by R. Rasajski and S. Nagy 1953, by B. Brukner and B. Jovanovid 1965-71. Museum: Novi Sad. Lit.: B. Brukner, “Die Siedlung der Vinca-Gruppe. auf Gomolava,” in B. Brukner, D. Dejic, M. Girid, B. Jovanovid, B. Mitrovic, et al., Gomolava Simpozium, Ruma (Novi Sad, 1986): 19-38.

One of the largest tell-like settlements, located at the confluence of the Tisza and Maros rivers on the Hungarian plain, near H6dmezovdsarhely, SE Hungary. The 3 m thick cultural deposits yielded Late Neolithic, Early and Late Copper Age, and Early and Middle Bronze Age materials. Most significant were levels of the Tisza culture, 2 m thick, subdivided into five phases. Of these, level C revealed houses and house complexes arranged in an open central area, some with interior and exterior walls decorated with incisions and red and yellow painting, ritual vases richly decorated with meanders, altars, tables, figurines, and such.
Excav. by E. Zabotay in 1953; by G. Gaz-dapusztai 1955-57 and 1963; by F. Horvath 1978 to present. Museum: Hodmezb'visarhely. Lit.: F. Horvath, “Hodmesovasarhely-Gorzsa. A Settlement of the Tisza culture,” P. Raczky, ed. The Late Neolithic of the Tisza Region, 1987: 31-46.

Several Neolithic and Chalcolithic stratified settlements in the vicinity of the Gradesnica village near Vraca, NW Bulgaria. Cultural remains date from the end of the 7th to the early 5th mill. BC. and belong to the west Bulgarian branch of the Starcevo and Early Vinca cultures, parallel to Karanovo I-ul in C Bulgaria. Excavations revealed the remains of many rectangular houses built of timber uprights with wattle-and-daub walls. Among the finds were 200 clay figurines, temple models, offering tables, exquisite painted pottery, and the finest examples of inscribed plaques, figurines, and other ritual objects with Old European script signs from the end of the 6th mill. BC.
Excav. by B. Nikolov between 1963 and 1973. Publ.: B. Nikolov, 1974.

Neolithic flint mines near Brandon, on the Norfolk-Suffolk border, England. In 346 mine shafts, good quality flint was discovered from which axe blades were produced and traded in semifinished condition. One shaft included an altar of flint lumps surrounded by piled deer antlers. At its base was a chalk lamp and in front were chalk balls, the chalk figurine of a goddess, and a phallus. Lit.: R. R. Clarke, Grimes Graves, 1964.

A tell settlement near Olteni^a, S Romania. Excav. by V. Dumitrescu in 1925 and 1960. Museum: National Museum, Bucharest. Lit.: V. Dumitrescu, Dacia 2 (1925), 7-8 (1937/40), 4 N.S. (I960); Archaeology (1966).

A culture in southern Romania in the mid-5th mill. BC. related to and synchronous with Karanovo VI in C Bulgaria, which produced magnificent ceramics and sculptural art.

A large Classical Cucuteni settlement of c. 4300 BC. near Tirgu-Frumos., Moldavia, ME Romania.
Excav. by V. Dumitrescu 1949-50. Museum: National Museum, Bucharest. Lit.: V. Dumitrescu, 1954.

A Neolithic village in SW Turkey, including a pre-pottery layer of the 8th mill. BC, followed by 6th mill. Neolithic layers with pottery (Levels Dt-Vl, Late Neolithic) with substantial mudbrick houses, and by Chalcolithic levels (V-IJ. Excav. and publ. by J. Mellaart, 1970.

A temple complex in S Malta near the sea built of globigerma limestone from the end of the 4th mill. BC. Consists of six double-egg-shaped temples surrounded by a wall (see fig. 5-26). In one niche beneath a step in a break in the corner, statues of the Goddess were having egg-shaped buttocks and legs. (PLATE 20) Figures of the same shape with egg-shaped calves appear on a wall in relief. These represent the same temple Goddess as the gigantic goddess of Tarxien. At the outer wall of one of the temples is a great upright stone, standing more than 4.5 m high, possibly a Goddess's menhir.
Excav. began in 1839 by J. G. Vance; National Museum of Valletta 1944, 1954. Museum: Nat. Museum, Valletta. Lit.: J. D. Evans, 1959 and 1971.

Large, unique Maltese hypogeum in the outskirts of Valletta, consisting of 33 egg-shaped, rock-cut tombs and halls on three levels reaching 10 m below the surface. Red-ochre-painted egg-shaped cells, ceilings painted with ivy-spirals and discs, bull frescoes on walls, axe- and double-egg-shaped amulets, and figurines of fish and ladies with egg-shaped buttocks lying on beds speak for the prevalence of regeneration symbolism. It is presumed that funerary rituals took place continually between c. 4000-2500 BC.
Excav. by T. Zammit 1905-9. Lit.: J. D. Evans 1959, 1971,- D. Trump, Malta, An Archaeological Guide (London, 1972): 58-65.

A Neolithic culture on the Black Sea coast with a distinctive art style of black-burnished pottery with white-encrusted designs and individualistic figurine types. Five phases of cultural development parallel to Boian and Karanovo m-IV, 5500-4700 BC. The treasured finds are clay sculptures of a pair of gods found in a grave, cemetery of Cemavoda.

Tell settlement in the Berettyo valley and name-giving site for the cultural group in E Hungary, related to Tisza. The mound contained 3 m of Late Neolithic Herpaly materials and a Bronze Age layer 1.2 m thick. Five building horizons were unearthed within the Herpaly culture which yielded large tripartite houses, including two-storied buildings, probably used for worship, with elaborately built rectangular bread ovens with bucrania on four corners, walls decorated with bull heads in clay, clay basins on both floors, a great many biconical and pedestalled vases, and more; c. 4700-4400 BC..
Trial excav. by L. Zoltas and J. Soregi 1921-22, by J. Korek and P. Patay 1955; large scale excav. by N. Kalicz and P. Raczky 1977-82. Lit.: J. Korek and P. Patay, Polia Arch. 8 (1956): 23-42; N. Kalicz and P. Raczky, “Berettyoujfalu-Herpaly. A Settlement of the Herpaly Culture,” in P. Raczky, ed., The Late Neolithic of the Tisza Region, 1987: 105-25.

Settlements of LBK and Lengyel cultures near Znojmo, Moravia. Noted for Lengyel painted pottery and statuary.
Excav. by F. Vildomec 1927-39; by J. Neu-stupny 1949-50. Lit.: F. Vildomec and Salm, Ipek 11 (1931-37); Obzor Prehist. 13 (1946); J. Neustupny, Arch. Rozhl. 2 (1950); 3 (1951); Casopis Nar. Mus. Frag. (1948-50).

See Gorzsa, Kokenydomb.

A kitchen midden and graves of premegalithic Brittany located on an island south of Vannes, distr. of Morbihan. Includes 9 graves with 14 inhumation burials, 4 of which were covered with deer antlers. Important for insight into the beginnings of collective burials.
Excav. by M. & S.-J. Pequart, 1931-34. Lit.: S.-J. Pequart, Hoedic, dewtieme station necro-pole du mesolithique coder Armoricain, 1954.

Late Neolithic, post-Cortaillod lakeshore settlements on Lake Neuchatel, Canton Zurich, Switzerland. Eponymous site for cultural group related to Seine-Oise-Mame in E France.
Excav. in 1923. Lit.: E. Vogt, "Horgener Kul-tur, Seine-Oise-Mame Kultur und nordische Steinkiste.” Anzeiger fin Schweizerische Altertwnskunde, Zurich, 1938.

A stratified settlement with layers of LBK (Zeliezovce variant), Lengyel, Tisza, and Bukk cultures near Hurbanovo, Komarno, Slovakia.
Excav. 1953-8. Museum: Nitra. Lit.: C. Ambros and B. Novotrry, Arch. Rozhl. 5 (1953), P. Caplovic, Arch. Rozhl. 8 (1956); B. Novotny, Pociatky vytvarneho prejavu na Slovensku (1958); H. Quitta, Prahist. Zeit-schrift 36 (1960).

Island cave site at Grapceva spilja, eponymous for the Late Neolithic culture along the Adriatic coast, Yugoslavia. Excav. and publ. by G. Novak, Hvar (1955). Museum: Zagreb.

A megalithic tomb of S Orkney from the late 4th to early 3rd. mill. BC. which yielded important information on burial rites. Hundreds of disarticulated human skeletons (after excarnation by birds) were found, as well as fish skeletons and carcasses of sea eagles and other birds of prey, probable incarnations of the Goddess of Regeneration.
Excav. by R. Simison. Lit.:). W. Hedges, 1984.

Early Cucuteni settlement on the Bistrrfa River near Bacau, Moldavia, NE Romania, with five horizons belonging to Proto-Cucuteni and Cucuteni A.
Excav. by R. Vulpe 1936-38. Museum: National Museum, Bucharest.

Tell near Nova Zagora, C Bulgaria, eponymous site of the Karanovo culture which provides the backbone of the east Balkan cultural sequence: Karanovo I-IV, 6th to 1st half of the 6th mill. BC. Karanova V-VI: early and mid-5th mill. BC. Layer VII is from the Early Bronze Age which does not show continuity from layer VI.
Excav. by V. Mikov and G. I. Georgiev 1936-57. Museums: Nova Zagora and Sofia. Lit.: V. Mikov, Izvestija 5 (1937), Antiquity 13 (1939), Sovetskaya Arkheologiya 1 (1958); G .1. Georgiev, 1961,- S. Hiller and G. I. Georgiev, TelJ Karanovo 1984-86; S. Hiller and V. Nikolov, Tell Karanovo 1988-89 (Salzburg: Universitat, Institut fur Alte Geschichte und Altertumsforschung).

Find of 852 objects in a vase attributed to the Pre-Cucuteni (Tripolye A) culture from the Cimisli distr., Soviet Moldavia, USSR. More than half of the objects were of copper and more than 250 were of shell.
Lit.: Sergeev, Sovetskaya Arkheologiya I (1962).

Best known for its palace-temple from the Bronze Age on Crete, 5 km SE from Herak-leion, discovered by Arthur Evans at the beginning of the 20th century. First settled by Neolithic farmers around 7000 BC. Neolithic deposits below the Early Minoan Bronze Age layer are 4 m thick.
Excav. by ). D. Evans in the early 1960s. Lit.: J. D. Evans, 1964.

The principal and most spectacular monument of the Boyne Valley funerary complex, Co. Meath, E Ireland, from the middle of the 4th mill. BC. The central mound, which covers an acre and a half and is 9.9 m in height, was surrounded by 16 smaller satellite tombs. There are two passage graves within the large mound placed back to back. The eastern one has a corbel-vaulted burial chamber with three niches in which cremation deposits were found. One niche contained a stone basin decorated with grooves and circles. The stones forming the kerb around the mound and the passage grave orthostats are pecked with symbols.
Excav. by G. Eogan 1962-1980s. Lit.: G. Eogan, Knowth, 1985.

A tell 7 m high with remains of the Boian culture, followed by Gumelnita, near Sumen, NE Bulgaria.
Excav. by R. Popov in 1914. Museum: Sofia. Lit.: R. Popov, Izvestija Bulg. Arh. Druz. 6 (The Bulgarian Archeol. Society), 1916-18.

A tell settlement in H6drnezovasarhely, SE Hungary, covering 1.5 hectares with burials of the Tisza culture. Noted for rich sculptural art. First half of the 5th mill. BC.
Excav. by ). Banner in 1929, 1940-42, and 1944. Museum: H6dmezovasarhely. Lit.: f. Banner, “A Kokenydombi neolithkori telep,” Dolgozatok 6 (1930): 49-158; 1958.

A typical LBK settlement with long-houses on the outskirts of Cologne, Germany, with 7 phases of occupation. Over 30 houses uncovered in 30,000 sq m of excavation. The last village was surrounded by a ditch.
Excav. in 1929-32. Lit.: W. Buttler and W. Haberey, Die bandkeramische Ansiedlung von Koln-Lindenthal. Rom-Germ. Forschun-gen 11 [1936].

KOROS Culture
A Neolithic culture of the 1st half of the 6th mill. BC. in SE Hungary, named after the Koros River. A northern branch of the central Balkan Starcevo culture.

A late Baden branch in northern Yugoslavia and Bosnia.

KURGAN Culture
A warlike, patriarchal, and hierarchical culture of S Russia with a pastoral economy augmented by a rudimentary agriculture with transient settlements of semisubterranean houses. Their burials, which reveal concentrations of wealth among ruling males, include pit graves with tent- or houselike structures of wood or stone covered by a low cairn or earthen mound. The term Kurgan was coined by the author in 1956 to designate a Proto-Indo-European [PIE) culture. In Russian, the Kurgan culture of the Volga steppe and forest steppe, c. 4500-3500 BC, is called early Yamna; its extension into the lower Dnieper steppe is called Sredniy Stag II, followed by the Maikop culture north of the Black Sea and the Caucasus Mts., and late Yamna in the Volga basin, c. 3500-2500 BC.

Middle to late 4th mill. BC. lakeshore villages of northern Italy, following the Square-Mouth Pottery stage, related to Chassean.

Multiple settlement site in the distr. of Ia§i, Moldavia, NE Romania, with Early (“Pre-Cucuteni”) and Late Cucuteni (Cucuteni B] material.
Excav. by A. D. Alexandrescu. Lit.: A. D. Alexandrescu, Dacia V (1961) and SCIV 12, 2 (1961).

See Balaton.

Last stage of the dying and isolated Tisza culture known only from inhumation and cremation graves in eastern Slovakia. Diminished copper and obsidian industries and a diminished ceramic style.

A clearly distinct cultural group from the Danube basin, formed around 5000 BC. from a Starcevo core through intensified relations with Bosnia and the Adriatic area. After c. 4300 BC. emerges in Bavaria, C Germany, and W Poland, colonizing the central areas of the LBK culture.

Name-giving settlement and cemetery near Szekszard, Tolna, Hungary.
Excav. 1882-88 by M. Wosinszky. Museum: Szekszard. Lit.: M. Wosinszky, Daspra-historische Schanzwerk von Lengyel, 1888.

The indigenous culture of the Iron Gate region of N Yugoslavia and S Romania, transitional between the Upper Paleolithic Gravet-tian and the Starcevo culture, llth to 6th mill. BC. Fourteen sites explored, including Cuina Turcului, Vlasac, Padina, and Lepenski Vir.

A locus of 50 triangular/trapezoidal temples and graves on the bank of the Danube River at the Iron Gate, N Yugoslavia, 6500-5500 BC. The temples revealed red plastered floors, rectangular stone-walled altars, 54 monumental egg-shaped sculptures, some with Fish Goddess characteristics, and many other objects of ritual significance.
Excav. by D. Srejovic and Z. Letica 1965-69. Museum: Univ. of Belgrade. Lit.: D. Srejovic 1969, D. Srejovii and L. Babovid, 1983.

A stratified site near Argos, E Peloponnese, Greece, consisting of two Neolithic layers, followed by Early Bronze Age remains.
Excav. by J. L. Caskey 1956-59. Museum: Argos. Lit.: f. L. Caskey, Hesperia 23 [1954), 25 (1956), 26 (1957), 27 (1958J, 28 (1959).

Tell at St. Gheorghe, Transylvania, consisting of two phases of the Starcevo (Cris) culture, followed hy the Boian and Cucuteni-Ariu§d layers.
Excav. by Z. Szekely, I. Nestor, and E. Zaharia 1949-55. Museum: NAM, Bucharest. Lit.: E. Zaharia, Dacia N.S. 6 (1962).

Located between eastern France and Romania c. 5500-4500/4300 BC. Also called “Danu-bian,” “Linear Pottery,” and "Bandkeramik."

Islands north of Sicily, source of obsidian. Castello di Lipari yielded Late Neolithic (Diana culture), Copper Age, and Early Bronze Age occupation materials.
Excav. by L. Bernabo Brea and M. Cavalier began in 1950 and continued for several decades. Materials in local museum,- part exposed in situ in front of the cathedral. Lit.: M. Cavalier, Costello de Lipari, 1958.

Hvar settlement near Konjic, Hercegovim, Yugoslavia, divided into three living horizons.
Excav. by A. Benac 1952-54. Museum: Zemaljski Muzej, Sarajevo. Lit.: A. Benac, Neolitsko naselje u Lisicichna kod Konjica, Sarajevo, 1958.

Early Cucuteni (Tripolye A) settlement, located in the Upper Dniester valley, distr. of Kamenec-Podolski, Ukraine, USSR.
Excav. 1946-50 by S.N. Bibikov. Museum: Moscow, Inst. Arch. Lit.: S.N. Bibikov, Materi-aly i Issledovaniya po Arkhelogii SSSR 38: 1-408.

Settlement and cemetery of the Lengyel culture with painted pottery, on the bank of the Nitra River, 6 km NW of Nitra, Slovakia. The name is used to designate highly advanced, early Lengyel red and yellow painted pottery.
Excav. by V. Budinsky-Kricka 1942; by B. Novotny 1956. Lit.: B. Novotny, 1962.

A magnificent passage grave from Orkney, Scotland, with a squared burial chamber roofed by corbelling covered by a circular cairn surrounded by & ring ditch; looted by the Vikings. The affinities with Newgrange suggest that this tomb was built at the end of the 4th mill. BC.
Lit.: V. Gordon Childe, "Excavations at Maes Howe,” Pieh. Soc. AS 82, 1947-48; A. S. Henshall, The Chambered Tbmbs of Scotland 1 (1963): 219-22.

MAIKOP Culture
The Kurgan culture, more advanced than Kurgan I, which developed in the North Pontic area between the Lower Dniester and the Caucasus mountains. The early stage is represented in the lowest layer of Mikhai-lovka, c. 3500 BC, in the Lower Dnieper basin. Royal burials and hoards of the late Maikop culture of the early 3rd mill. BC. in the northwestern Caucasus area express the fabulous riches of tribal leaders and their contacts with Mesopotamia.

A tell near the town of Marica, distr. of Caskovo, C Bulgaria, with cultural remains of the Karanovo V period, early 5th mill. BC. Used unnecessarily as a culture name, representing a period of the Karanovo culture.
Lit.: H. Vajsova, Slovenskd Arheoldgia 14 [1966).

A temple complex in N Malta, 1 km west of Skorba. This is a double temple consisting of two adjacent trefoils. The larger is from the Cgantija phase, the smaller is from the Hal Saflieni phase, middle and 2nd half of the 4th mill. BC.
Excav. by T. Zammit in 1923-26. Lit.: J. D. Evans, 1971.

A Late Neolithic culture of the 4th mill. BC. of the Upper and Middle Rhine basin, extending to Bohemia and Austria in the east. It occupies a frontier zone between the W European Neolithic and TRB, with cultural elements related to both. The name comes from a hilltop site northeast of Karlsruhe, Germany.
Excav. since 1888. Lit.: J. Liming, 1968.

One of the most attractively located temple complexes in S Malta. Built in a hollow at the bottom of a hill which opens out to give a view of the sea, 100 m. away. The Hagar Qim complex is 500 m. up the hill. Consists of two main buildings, anthropomorphic in shape, of the Tarxien period, c. 3000 BC. (see fig. 5-27), and a smaller trefoil temple from the Cgantija phase, mid-4th mill. BC. Temples were built of coralline limestone blocks and slabs, with globigerina limestone used exclusively for the interior. Among the finds are figurines with exposed vulvas and pregnant bellies representing a birth-giving function.
Excav. by J. G. Vance 1840; by the Nat. Museum of Valletta 1944, 1954, which contains the finds. Lit.: J. D. Evans, 1959 and 1971.

LBK settlement followed by a Lengyel settlement at Zabreh, Sumperk, Moravia.
Excav. by R. Tichy 1953. Museum: Brno. Lit.: R. Tichy, Arch. Rozhl. 8 (1956); Sbomik Arch. Ust. Brno I (I960); 2-3 (1961-62); Prehled Vyzkumu Brno I960; 1962; Ran. Arch. 49 (1958); 53 [1962).

An Impresso settlement with 50 excavated burials at Bari, Puglia, Italy.
Excav. by A. Mosso and M. Gervasio 1908-10. Museums: Museo Archeologico di Bari and Seminario di Molfetta. Lit.: M. Mayer, Le stazioni preistoriche di Molfetta, 1904,- M. Mayer, Molfetta and Matern, 1924; A. Mosso, “La necropoli neolitica di Molfetta,” Monument! Antichi 20 (1910): 237ff.

A pyramid-shaped ritual place, 6 m high and 30-37 m wide, near Sassari, N Sardinia, from the Ozieri culture, c. 4000 BC. This structure of earth and stones has a ramp 41.5 m long leading to it. Among the finds are exquisite vessels, marble figurines, and large stone altar tables. Southeast of the structure stood two menhirs, and to the west was a multiroom building with a hearth, quernstones, and figurines, among other finds.
Excav. by E. Contu 1952-60. Lit.: E. Contu, Bollettino di Paletnologia Italiana n.s. 8 V (1953): 174ft.; Rivista di Scienze Preist. 8 (1953): 199ff.; 15 (I960): 236ff.; G. Liliu, Bollettino PI, 66 (1957): 11, 39ff.

NARVA Culture
East Baltic Neolithic culture, from the 5th to early 3rd mill. BC. Fishing was main occupation/ agriculture was practiced in later settlements around 3000 BC.

Settlement site near Verroia, Macedonia, consisting of two levels: Early Neolithic [Proto-Sesklo) and Late Neolithic.
Excav. by R.). Rodden 1961-63. Museum: Verroia. Lit.: R.J. Rodden, Proceedings of Pieh. Society IS (1962); Scientific American (April, 1965).

A Butmir settlement near Travnik, Bosnia, Yugoslavia.
Excav. 1948-49 by A Benac. Museum: Zemaljski Muzej, Sarajevo. Lit.: A. Benac, Prehistorysko naselje Nebo i Problem Butmiiske Kuhure, 1952; Glasnik Sarajevo Arh. NFS (1953).

Indigenous culture of the Nemunas basin in S Lithuania and NE Poland during the Mesolithic and Neolithic. Also known as Zedmai in German and Serowo in Polish. Colonized by the TRB around the middle of the 4th mill. BC. and the Globular Amphora people around 3000 BC, resulting in hybridization of traditions and final disappearance of Nemunas features.

One of the finest passage graves of Ireland, 25 km north of Dublin, in the religious complex of the Boyne Valley. Built around 3200 BC, the mound of stones and turf layers is delimited by 97 kerbstones, covers about one acre, and is about 11 m in height. The 19 m long interior passage ends with a cruciform chamber with a corbelled roof. The largest capstones weigh between six and eight tons. Many stones of the entrance, chamber, and passage carry exquisite pecked designs including the triple snake spiral, concentric circles and arcs, rhombs, triangles, snakes, and cup marks, all consistent with the symbolism of regeneration. Traces of cremation burials were found in the chamber cells.
Excav. and publ. by M.I. C/Kelly, New-grange, 1982.

An Early Linear Pottery cemetery with 77 graves located on the left bank of the Nitra River, Slovakia, and a Lengyel village with preserved houses.
Excav. by J. Lichardus and ). Vladar. Lit.: ]. Vladar, Slovenska Archeologia 18-2 (1970).

A Starcevo (Kakanj) settlement near Kakanj, Bosnia, consisting of four habitation horizons. The earliest represents a Starcevo complex with geometrically painted black on red ware; the upper three belong to an end of the same culture, locally called “Kakanj.” 6th mill. BC.
Excav. 1968 by A. Benac and M. Gimbutas. Museum: Zemaljski Muzej. Lit.: M. Gimbutas, Archaeology 23, 4 (1970); A. Benac, Wiss. Mitt, des Bosnisch-Herzegowinischen Landesmuseums (Sarajevo), 3, Heft A (1973): 327-430.

Butmir settlement near Kakanj, Bosnia with nine habitation horizons and three developmental phases. Early and middle Butmir dated within 5000-4500 BC.
Excav. by A. Benac and M. Gimbutas 1967-68. Museum: Zemaljski Muzej, Sarajevo. Lit.: M. Gimbutas, Archaeology 23-4 (1970); A. Benac, “Obre n, Neolithic Settlement of the Butmir group at Gornje Polje.” Wiss. Mitt, des Bosnisch-Herzegowinischen Landesmuseums (Sarajevo) 3, Heft A (1973): 1-327; M. Gimbutas, et al., Wiss. Mitt. 4, Heft A (1974).

A Tisza settlement located in the loop of the lower Koros River, SE Hungary, contemporary with Szegvar-Tuzkoves which lies c. 40 km to the south. The occupation area covers 21 hectares and is composed of three larger and two smaller settlement nuclei, each covering 3-5 hectares. The cultural layer of 1.30-1.60 m thickness is composed of two continuous layers, Tisza I and n, from the 1st half of the 5th mill. BC.
Excav. by P. Raczky 1982-83. Lit.: P. Pvaczky, “Ocsod-Kovashalom, A Settlement of the Tisza Culture.” The Late Neolithic of the Tisza Region, P. Raczky, ed., 1987: 61-83.

An LBK settlement at the western edge of the city of Cracow, S Poland, located on a loess elevation above the Rudawa River. The LBK occupation covers 50 hectares, with IVa hectares uncovered, revealing the remains of more than 20 long-houses from various phases ranging from 7 to 41.5 m in length. Radiocarbon dates place the settlement between the end of the 6th and mid-5th mill. BC.
Excav. by S. Milisauskas with the Institute of History of Material Culture, Polish Acad. of Sciences 1967-73. Lit.: W. Hensel and S. Milisauskas, Excavations of Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Sites in SE Poland (Ossolineum), 1985: 10-51.

Tell near Larisa, Thessaly, with four cultural layers of the Sesklo culture.
Excav. by V. Milojcic 1953-55. Museum: Larisa. Lit.: V Milojcic, Arch. Anzeiget 1954, 1955, 1959; fb. Romisch-Germ. Zentral Museum, 1959; V. Milojcic and J. Milojci6 von Zumbusch, 1971.

Neolithic and Chalcolithic settlements SE of Trgoviste, N Bulgaria. An Early Neolithic site with subterranean dwellings was found at Ovcarovo-Zemnika I. A Chalcolithic tell with 13 habitation horizons lies west of the Neolithic site at the Kalaidzidere River. Distinct for 500 years of continuous habitation, divided into periods I-rv, parallel to Karanovo V-V1 and late Boian-Gumelni£a, c. 4750-4250 BC. Ample information on the structure of a small township and architecture. Finds from the 9th habitation horizon include two-story buildings (temples), temple models, ceramic workshops, exquisite graphite-painted and white-encrusted pottery, spondylus jewelry, and a ritual tableau consisting of 16 miniature clay objects representing altars, female figurines, tables, vases, chairs, and drums. A cemetery of inhumation graves lies near the tell.
Excav. by H. Todorova 1972-75. Lit.: H. Todorova, Ovcarovo, Sofia, 1976.

OZIERI Culture
A burgeoning Late Neolithic Sardinian culture, end of the 5th and early 4th mill. BC, characterized by hypogea (underground tombs) and an extraordinary ceramic tradition. Vases in a great assortment of shapes were incised and painted with a rich variety of symbols and mythical images, similar in value to Late Cucuteni paintings of the same period.

Site in the Iron Gate Gorge, N Yugoslavia, related to Lepenski Vir.
Excav. by B. Jovanovi6 1968-71. Lit.: B. Jova-novic, Arh. Pregl. 10 (1968); Stare Kulture u Djerdapu (1969); Arch. lugoslavica 9 (1971).

Early and Classical Vinca settlement SW of Timisoara, SW Romania. Noted for two temples with monumental sculptures and bucrania.
Excav. by I. Miloia 1931; M. Moga 1943 and 1951; M. Moga and O. Radu 1962-63; from 1980 to present by G. Lazarovici. Museum: Timisoara. Lit.: G. Lazarovici 1979; Varia Arch. Hungarica 2 (1989): 149-74.

The largest ditched village in the Tavoliere Plain, located 5 km north of Foggia, SE Italy, from the 2nd half of the 6th mill. BC. Consists of some 100 compounds of C-shaped ditches, girded by an outer ditch of c. 1 km across. The center part with several C-shaped ditches has been explored, revealing a small rectangular house on a stone foundation with an apsidal end. The settlement is typified by exquisite painted pottery and black-burnished round and egg-shaped vessels of Scaloria type. The treasured find is a Goddess figurine marked with M signs and butterflies.
Excav. by S. Tine 1965-80. Lit.: S. Tine, Passo di Corvo, 1983.

See Baden.

From the Mures, basin in Transylvania dated to the middle 5th and early 4th mill. BC, related to classical Cucuteni. Trichrome painted pottery is typical.

A lakeshore village with nine houses from c. 3000 BC, Canton Thurgdu, Switzerland. A name-giving site for the Late Neolithic in E Switzerland.
Excav. 1944 by K. Keller-Tarnuzzer. Lit.: O. Tschumi, Urgeschichte der Schweiz 1 (1949): 717ff.

Late Vinca settlement at Prokuplje, S Yugoslavia with c. 3 m of cultural deposits. The name is used to designate late Vinca.
Excav. by M. Grbi6 1927; by B. Stalio 1968-70. Museum: National Museum, Belgrade. Lit.: M. Grbic, Aneolithiche Ansied-lung, Belgrade (NM), 1929.

A Chalcolithic tell south of Trgoviste, N Bulgaria, with eight consecutive building levels forming a cultural layer 3 m thick, from the end of the 6th throughout the 1st half of the 5th mill. BC. Distinct for its well-organized settlement plan surrounded by wooden palisades. Buildings are from one to three rooms, symmetrically and compactly grouped according to the four cardinal points. Entrances through the palisades were half way in each side.
Excav. by H. Todorova 1972. Lit.: H. Todorova, 1978: 48-51, tables 18-21.

Tell settlement near Bitola, S Yugoslavia. Macedonian Early Neolithic, c. 6000 to early 6th mill. BC. Noted for temple models of clay, sculptured art, and exquisite painted pottery.
Excav. by M. Grbic, et. al. 1953-54. Lit.: M. Grbic, et al., 1960.

See Baden.

A stratified tell with Early and Classical Vinca materials on the bank of Tifarului stream, less than 300 m from the Danube, S of Craiova, W Romania, covering more than 10,000 sq m. Although partly destroyed, it yielded quantities of ceramic and stone objects. Noted for the richly decorated and inscribed figurines, offering vessels, and other ritual objects.
Excav. by V. Dumitrescu et. al. 1943, 1950. Lit.:V. Dumitrescu, 1980.

A stratified Early Neolithic settlement of a ditched village type in the Ofanto River valley, SE Italy, dated from the end of the 7th to the mid-6th mill. BC. The site yielded three phases jl-in) of the late Impresso culture of S Italy, revealing a gradual sequence of culture. Period ffl ceramics included anthropomorphic vases, vases decorated with symbols, figurines, and seals. Cereals, pulses, and five domestic animal species — cattle, sheep, goat, pig, and dog — were present.
Excav. by M. Cippolloni Sampo 1970-76. Lit.: M.C. Sampo, 1982.

Late phase of the LBK culture with elements deriving from Kurgan I. The name comes from the cemetery near Merseburg, C Germany.
Excav. 1882-90. Lit.: E Niquet, Das Graber-feld von Rossen, Museum Halle Publications 9, 1938.

Vinca copper mines in the mountainous region of ME Serbia near the towns of Rudna Glava and Donje Milanovec, from the first half of the 5th mill. BC. Thirty shafts were uncovered which yielded stone tools and ceramic objects of the Vinca culture (including fine black-channeled vases and an offering table with ram's head protome).
Excav. by B. Jovanovic 1968-79. Lit.: B. Jovanovic, 1986; 1980; 1982.

A stratified settlement site in Oltenia, north of the Danube, distr. of Craiova, SW Romania, with Starcevo materials at the bottom, followed after a sterile layer by classical and late Vinca, then by Cotofeni, and topped with Bronze Age deposits. Eponymous site for the 5th mill, population from Oltenia and Banat, a variant of the Vinca culture, related to Gumelnit,a and Karanovo V-VT..
Excav. by I. Andriesescu 1916-20; H. Dumitrescu 1947; D. Berciu 1961. Lit.: D. Berciu, Contributii la problemele neokticului in Rominia, (Bucharest, 1961): 15Sff.

A fortified hilltop settlement and non-megalithic inhumation graves from the end of the 4th mill. BC. on the middle Saale River, NW of Halle, C Germany. Eponymous site for a culture group in C Germany and Bohemia following Baalberge phase. A Kur-ganized group, with patriarchal elements and warlike character, contemporary with the megalith builders of the Waltemienburg group in the Elbe basin.
Lit.: P. Grimm, “Salzmiinder Kultur,” Jahieschrift Halle 29 (1938).

SAMARA Culture
An early Eneolithic culture of c. 5000 BC. from the forest-steppe area of the Middle Volga region showing evidence of horse sacrifice, sculptures of horses and oxen, and the use of flint and bone daggers.

See Viakovcl,

A peat bog site of the Narva culture from the end of the 4th mill. BC. in the distr. of Alsunga, W Latvia, which yielded timber-frame, above-ground rectangular houses, quantities of wooden utensils, fishing tools and nets, ladles in a waterbird shape, a large Goddess sculpture, a boat, amber workshop, layers of nuts, large Narva-type pots, etc.
Excav. by E. Sturms and L. Vankina. Lit: L. Vankina, 1970.

A cemetery of long triangular barrows (30-60 m long) from the mid-4th mill. BC, distr. Wloclawek, Kujawia, W Poland. Barrow 9 was built for a woman 70 years old who was buried in a coffin under a ritual wooden structure.
Excav. by Krdlikowska 1947. Lit.: W. Chmielewski, Zagadnienie giobowcdw Kujawskich (Warsaw, 1952); H. Wiklak, Prace i Materialy Muzewn Arch, i Etnogr. w todzi 33 (1986): 5-19.


A tell settlement near Vama, E Bulgaria. Eponymous site for cultural group on the Black Sea coast, preceding the cemetery of Varna and contemporary with Karanovo V (or “Marica”) in C Bulgaria; early 5th mill. BC. Lit.: M. Mircev and D. Zlatarski, “Selist-nata mogila pri selo Sava.” Izvestija na Varnenskoto Aicheol. Dmzestvo 11 (I960); H. Vaisova (Todorova), Slovenskd Arheoldgia 14 (1966).

Cave at Manfredonia, SE Italy, with deposits from the Upper Paleolithic, Early Neolithic Impresso, and Middle Neolithic (“Scaloria”) period, with exquisite painted pottery from the second half of the 6th mill. BC. Consists of wide upper and narrow lower caves with stalagmites and stalactites. Whole vases and sherds of 1500 painted vases are recorded with designs associated with the theme of regeneration,- 137 whole and disarticulated skeletons were found at the entrance to the lower cave. Spring water is found at the bottom of the sleeve-shaped lower cave, clearly the holiest area. Vases were deposited at the stalagmites.
Excav. by Q. Quagliati 1930; M. Gimbutas, S.M. Winn, D.M. Shimabuku 1978-80. Lit.: U. Rellini, La piu antica ceramica dipinta in Italia, 1934,- Bollettino Palaeoist. Italiana 56-57 (1936-37); S.M. Winn and D.M. Shimabuku, “The Heritage of Two Subsistence Strategies: Preliminary Report on the Excavations at Grotta Scaloria, Southeastern Italy, 1978,” Anthropology 9, Dept. of Anthiop., Saint Mary's Univ., Halifax, N. Sc., Canada.

One of the best explored Swiss lakeshore villages of the Cortaillod culture, mid 4th mill BC, located at Lake Burgaschl in the Swiss midlands. Remarkable for the preservation of pile dwellings and wooden implements. Excavations by Bern Historical Museum in 1952, 1957, and 1958. From 1957 excavated by Hansjurgen Muller-Beck.
Lit.: 9 vols. in Acta Bernensia-Seeberg, Burgaschi-Sud, 1963-73. Hansjurgen Muller-Beck, 1961, 1965.

The final Neolithic-Copper Age culture of the Paris basin, early 3rd mill. BC, best known for its gallery-grave-type megaliths and rock-cut tombs.

A Vinca settlement in the Lower Morava valley between Smederovo and Smederevska Palanka, Serbia, Yugoslavia. Cultural deposits with nine habitation horizons yielded classical Vinca materials of three phases from between 5000 and 4400 BC.
Excav. by R. Tringham and D. Krstid 1976-78. Lit.: R. Tringham and D. Krstic, eds., Selevac, 1990.

Settlement and cemetery site near Matera, Basilicata, Italy. Type site of the Middle Neolithic of S Italy, 5th mill. BC.
Excav. by D. Ridola and U. Rellini 1919. Museum: Museo di Matera. Lit.: Mayer, Molfetta und Matera, 1924.

SESKLO Culture
A Neolithic culture of Thessaly and southern Macedonia, c. 6500-5500 BC. which reached its climax by 6000 BC. The name-giving site is a stratified settlement west of Volos, Thessaly, which includes early, middle, and late Sesklo layers, followed by Dimini layer. Excav. by C. Tsountas 1901-02; D. R. Theocharis 1957-77. Museum: Volos. Lit.: C. Tsountas 1908; D.R. Theocharis, Praktika 32 (1957); Thessalika I (1958); Neolithic Greece, 1973.

The largest human constructed mound in Neolithic Europe, 5.5 miles west of Marl-borough, Wiltshire. Its base has a turf core covered by layers of soil and chalk rubble, dated to c. 2600 BC. It is 130 ft. high and covers 5.25 acres, surrounded by a silted ditch. Lit.: R. J. C. Atkinson, Silbury Hill (London, 1969); Idem., Antiquity 42: 299; Antiquity 43: 216; M. Dames, 1956.

A late Cucuteni settlement northwest of Chernovitsi on the bank of the Prut River, W Ukraine (Bukovina), USSR, noted for pictorial vase painting.
Lit.: O. Kandyba, Schipenitz, 1947.

Tell in the Drama Plain, NW Greece, with 12 m of cultural debris representing five periods, 5500-2500 BC. Periods I and II: Late Neolithic (synchronous with Karanovo ffl and IV); period m: Chalcolithic (synchronous with Karanovo V-VI); periods IV and V: Balkano-Danubian culture of the Early Bronze Age.
Excav. by C. Renfrew and M. Gimbutas 1968-69. Lit.: C. Renfrew, M. Gimbutas, E. Elster, Sitagroi, 1986.

An LBK settlement in the province of Lim-burg, The Netherlands, 2nd half of the 6th mill. BC. In an occupied area over 600 m long, 22 complete and 26 incomplete long-houses were found. Ceramics of several phases and c. 800 flint tools were uncovered from pits.
Excav. by P.f.R. Modderman 1953-58. Lit.: Palaeohistoria 6-7 (1958-59): 33ff.

Site of a settlement and the ruins of temples from the Ggantija to Tarxien phases, mid-4th to mid-3rd mill. BC. in N Malta. A two-room building from the end of the 5th mill. BC. (Red Skorba period] which had a religious function contained a group of figurines with triangular masks. A village from the pre-temple period yielded important information on the domestication of plants and animals, with evidence of lentils, barley, emmer and club wheat, sheep, goats, and cattle.
Excav. by D. Trump, 1960-63; Museum: National Museum, Valletta. Lit.: D. Trump, Skorba, 1966.

Settlement of the Impresso culture overlaid by Danilo layers near Zadar, Dalmatia, W Yugoslavia.
Excav. 1957-59 by S. Batovic 1962. Museum: Zadar. Lit.: S. Batovic, Diadora 1 (1960-61], 1966.

Neolithic culture of C Yugoslavia, S Romania, and SE Hungary, c. 6300-5300 BC, whose traditions are closely related to the cultures of Thessaly and Macedonia. Name-giving settlement of the Starcevo culture is near Belgrade, Yugoslavia.
Excav. by M. Grbic; by V. Fewkes, H. Goldman, and R. W. Ehrich 1931-32. Museum: National Museum, Belgrade. Lit.: V. Fewkes, Bull. Am. School Preh. Research 9 (1936); D. Arandjelovic-Garasanin, Starcevacka Kultura (1954].

LBK settlement in the Province of Limburg. In an area of one hectare, 50 houses of various LBK phases were uncovered. The largest was 37 m long and 7.5 m wide.
Excav. by P. J. R. Modderman 1962-63. Lit.: P. J. R. Modderman, 1970.

Late Impresso settlement at Syracuse, Sicily. The name is also used to designate Sicilian Early Neolithic.
Excav. by P. Orsi 1890, 1912, 1920; by S. Tint 1961. Museum: Museo di Siracusa. Lit.: P. Orsi, BPI16 (1890]; 36 (1910); S. Tine, Arch. Star. Siracusano 7 (1961).

The most celebrated henge monument in Britain, located in the Salisbury Plain near Arnesbury, Wiltshire. Reconstructed many times, Stonehenge I, c. 3000 BC, was a circular monument, 107 m in diameter, with a wooden building in the center. Inside the ditch and bank is a circle with 56 holes which contained human cremations. About 1800 BC. or earlier, the monument was altered: two concentric rings of sockets were dug in the center for the erection of 82 blue-stones imported from the Prescelly Mountains in Pembrokeshire, Wales. To Stonehenge n belongs the avenue of two parallel banks leading to the Avon River more than 3 km away. Stonehenge m belongs to the Wessex culture of the Bronze Age. The bluestones were replaced by huge predressed sarsen stones set as a circle of uprights with a continuous, curving lintel enclosing a U-shaped arrangement of five trilithons. There has been much discussion on its association with megalithic astronomy.
Lit.: R. J. C. Atkinson, Stonehenge, 1956; A. Burl, D. C. Heggie, Megalithic Science [London, 1981]; C. L. N. Ruggles, Megalithic Astronomy, BAR 123 (London, 1984].

Lengyel settlement at Jevisovice, Znojrno, S Moravia, Czechoslovakia, noted for painted pottery and figurines. Early 5th mill. BC.
Excav. by J. Palliardi and ). Vildomec, late 19th to early 20th cent. Museum: Boskov-stejn near Znojmo and Brno. Lit.: f. Palliardi, MPCI (Vienna, 1897); I (1914); J. Vildomec, OP 7/8 (Prague, 1928-29); 12 (Prague, 194% f. Neustupny, AR 3 (1951).

Later phase of the LBK culture, c. 4700-4400 BC.

A peatbog site of the Narva culture near the Baltic Sea, north of Palanga, end of the 4th-early 3rd mill. BC. Excavated by R. Riman-tiene for more than 20 years since 1966. Forty localities were explored. Distinct for exceptional preservation of wooden artifacts, nets, cords, bark, quantities of wooden oars, hoes, pounders, house and fence posts. Workshops, amber artifacts, wooden sculptures, including a 2 m high post with an Owl Goddess face, were also found. The same area yielded a settlement of the early Corded Pottery (Baltic Coast Variant] period.
Lit.: R. Rimantiene, Sventoji I, Vilnius (Mokslas), 1979; Sventoji II, Vilnius (Mokslas), 1980.

Earliest Neolithic complex in the Upper Tisza basin.

Settlement and burials of the Tisza culture at Szentes, SE Hungary. A classic example of two coexistent settlement types: a central tell-like mound flanked by a single-layer settlement. The tell measures 400 x 100 m and is 2.5 m in height; the settlement covered 11 hectares. Excavations of the central mound yielded two phases: early Tisza and classical Tisza, c. 5000-4500 BC. The site is famous for its clay sculptures of female and male gods, anthropomorphic vases, and pedestalled bowls, among other finds. Although this is a major center of the Tisza culture, it has been recklessly damaged by modern building activities of agricultural cooperatives.
Excav. by J. Czalog 1956-57; J. Korek 1970; M. Seleanu 1978. Museums: Szentes and Nat. Museum, Budapest. Lit.: J. Czalog, 1959, 1972; f, Korek, “Szegvdr-Tuzkoves. A Settlement of the Tisza Culture,” P. Raczky, ed. The Late Neolithic of the Tisza Region, 1987: 47-60.

A passage grave on the Locmariaquer peninsula, Morbihan, Brittany, distinct for its chamber-facing, 3 m high triangular stone with convex sides and protruding head, decorated in relief with 49 hooks and a cup mark or vulva in the center, symbolic of the Goddess of Regeneration. This is one of the earliest recorded megalithic tombs in Brittany, described since the 18th cent. Lit.: E.Twohig, (1981): 170.

Stratified tell with 12 levels of the Boian and 9 of the Gumelni^a periods near Giurgiu, Lower Danube, Romania.
Excav. by D. Berciu 1933-35, 1956, 1957. Lit.: D. Berciu, Contribufii la problemele neoliticului in Rominia, (Bucharest, 1961).

A stratified tell with deposits 3-4 m thick of Early Vinca (Turdas), Petresti, and Co^ofeni cultures in the distr. of Drastic, Transylvania, W Romania. A shaft associated with the earliest (Early Vinca) layer contained the skeleton of a man, 35-40 years old, lying on a layer of ashes, accompanied by 26 schematic figurines of clay and two of alabaster, a spondylus armring, and three baked clay plaques incised with Old European script signs.
Excav. by K. Horedt 1942-43; N. Vlassa 1961. Lit.: K. Horedt, Apulum 3 (1947-49): 44rT; N. Vlassa, Dacia NS 7 (1963): 485ff.

One of the finest temple complexes of Malta, located 400 m east of the Hal Saflieni hypogeum in Valletta, dating from c. 3300 BC. (earliest temple) to 3000-2500 BC. (main temples). Consists of double and triple temples with egg-shaped chambers and a semicircular forecourt (see figs. 5-28, 5-29). Distinct for a statue of the Goddess, originally 2.5-3 m in height (fig. 7-64), beautifully carved altar blocks with plant spiral motifs, an animal procession, relief carvings of two bulls, and a probable bitch with 13 puppies. A cremation cemetery superimposed on the site is post-Tarxien, dating from c. 2500-2000 BC.
Museum: Archaeological Mus., Valletta. Lit.: T. Zammit, Prehistoric Malta, the Tarxien Temples, (Oxford, 1930); ). D. Evans, 1959 and 1971; D. Trump, Malta, Archaeological Guide, (London, 1972): 65-75.

Pre-Pottery kitchen midden site and graves, representing predecessors of the megalith builders, on a small island, distr. of Morbihan, Brittany. Some collective graves were uncovered, up to 6 burials together, and 23 inhumation graves. Burials were covered with ritual hearths, the jawbones of stag and boar, and stone mounds; jaws and antlers were found deposited with the skeletons.
Excav. by M. and S.-J. Pequart 1928-30. Lit.: Pequart, LAnthropologie 38 (1928); 39 (1929).

A stratified settlement in Kanton Schafif-hausen, N Switzerland, with cultural deposits of Michelsberg I and n and Pfyn m cultures from the 2nd half of the 4th mill. BC. Distinct for the preservation of rectangular timber houses and wooden artifacts. Various building horizons yielded from 5 to 9 houses.
Excav. by K. Sulzberger 1914-22; W. Guyan 1950-63. Lit.: W. Guyan, Das Pfahlbau-problem (1955): 221rf; Helvetia Antiqua (1966): 21ff.

Early Cucuteni (“Pre-Cucuteni III”) settlement in the distr. of Tg. Neamj, region of Bacau, NE Romania.
Excav. by V. Dumitrescu and S. Marinescu-Bilcu in the early 1960s. Museums: Nat. Mus. Bucharest and Bacau. Lit.: S. Marinescu-Bilcu, 1974.

TISZA Culture
Chalcolithic culture located along the Lower Tisza River basin in eastern Hungary and northern Yugoslavia, descended from the Starcevo (Koros) culture, c. 5300-4300 BC.

An early phase of the Biikk culture.

Late Tisza cemetery site (166 graves excav.) at the village of Polg£r near Tiszalok, NE Hungary; Early and Middle Copper Age of the Carpathian Basin.
Excav. by F. Tompa 1929,-1. Bognar-Kutzian 1946. Museum: Nat. Museum, Budapest. Lit.: I. Bognar-Kutzian, 1963.

End phase of the Tisza culture in NE Hungary, E Slovakia, and W Transylvania, 44th to 39th centuries BC. The name derives from the cemetery at Poigdr, NE Hungary.

LBK and Cucuteni settlements in N Moldavia, NE Romania, which include: Dealul Fmtinilor with LBK and Early and Classical (Cucuteni A-B) remains; and Dealul Viei with a single layer from the Early Cucuteni (“Pre-Cucuteni I”) culture.
Excav. by H. Dumitrescu 1951-59. Museum: Nat. Museum, Bucharest. Lit.: H. Dumitrescu, SCIV 3 (1952); 4 (1953); 5 (1954), 6 (1955); Materiale §i Cercetari Arh. 3 (1957); 5 (1959); H. and V. Dumitrescu, Mat. Cere. Arh. 6 (1959).

Abbreviated from the Danish Tragtbaegerkul-tur and the German Trichterbecherkultur. See Funnel-necked Beaker culture.

Classical Cucuteni settlement near Kiev, W Ukraine, eponymous for the Cucuteni civilization in Soviet Moldavia and the W Ukraine.
Excav. by V V. Khvojka 1899. Museum: Kiev. Lit.: V. V. Khvojka, Trudy XI Arkh. sjezd (Kiev, 1901).

Cucuteni settlement near Botosani, N Moldavia. Most of the 98 houses uncovered belong to the Classical Cucuteni (Cucuteni A2) period, mid-5th mill. BC.
Excav. in 1951-59; by M. Petrescu-Dimbovita 1961. Museum: Iasi. Lit.: M. Petrescu-Dimbovita, Trusesti, 1963.

TURDASH (Tordos)
Early Vinca settlement on the south bank of the Mure§ River, Transylvania, Hunedoara, W Romania. Eponymous for the early Vinca culture, c. 5300-4900 BC.
Unsystematic excav. end of 19th cent. Museum: Institute of History, Cluj. Lit.: H. Schmidt, Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, 1903; M. Roska, Torma collection, 1941.

An amalgam of Kurgan and Cucuteni traditions composed of Usatovo in the steppe region near Odessa, Gorodsk, in the northwestern Ukraine, and Fblte§ti I in Romanian Moldavia; dated between the 34th and 29th centuries BC.

Early Vinca settlement near Corabia, Oltenia, SW Romania. The name is also used for the culture in Oltenia.
Excav. by V. Christescu 1926; D. Berciu 1934; C. Mateescu 1946-62. Museum: NAM, Bucharest. Lit.: V. Christescu, Dacia 3-4 (1927-33), C. Mateescu, SCIV6 (1955); Cere, Arh. 5-6 (1959); Arch. Rozhl. 14 (1962).

Late Vinca settlement near Kosovska Mitro-vica, S Yugoslavia, from the first half of the 5th mill. BC.
Excav. by N. Tasi6 and J. Glisic 1957. Museum: Kosovska Mitrovica. Lit.: N. Tasic, 1957; N. Tasic, Glasnik muzeja Kosovo i Metohija 4-5 [I960]: 11-82.

The area of rock engravings in the Alpine Valley of Camonica, particularly concentrated in the vicinity of Capo da Ponte, 55 km north of Brescia, N Italy. A variety of designs and symbols are engraved and pecked, beginning with the Neolithic (Phase I] and ending with the Iron Age (Phase IV). Phase n, c. 3000 BC, is distinct for the appearance of daggers, halberds, horses, wagons, suns, and sun-worshiping scenes. Compositions of these motifs occur on stelae (see chap. 10) which represent characteristic traits of the Indo-European religion. Many stelae seem to be monuments dedicated to the God of the Shining Sky.
Research on rock engravings has been carried out from the early 1960s to the present by Emmanuel Anati. Lit.: E. Anati, The Camonica Valley (London, 1964); 1976.

Late Cucuteni (Cucuteni B) settlement on the terrace of the Bahlui River, distr. of lasi, NE Romania.
Excav. by M. Petrescu-Dimbovita and M. Dinu 1953-57. Museum: lasi. Lit.: Petrescu-Dimbovita, SC7V5 (1954); 6 (1955), D. Marin, Materiale Cercetari Arh. 3 (1957); 5 (1959).

Enormously rich cemetery of inhumation graves in the outskirts of the city of Varna, Bulgaria, at the Black Sea, from the mid-5th mill. BC, revealing thousands of gold, copper, shell, and marble objects.
Excav. by Ivan Ivanov 1972-76. Lit.: I. Ivanov, Treasures of the Varna Chalcholithic Necropolis (Sofia, Septemvri 1978); M. Gimbutas, Archaeology 30.1 (1977): 44-51; M. Gimbutas, Expedition 19.4 (1977): 39-46.

Late Cucuteni (Tripolye) settlement near Kishenev, Moldavia.
Excav. by V.I. Makarevich 1967. Museum: Kishenev.


Karanovo tell of the Karanovo in period, distr. of Jambol, E Bulgaria. Name also used for the culture of this period.
Excav. by V. Mikov. Lit.: V. Mikov, Izvestija 13 (Sofia, 1939).

One of the impressive tell settlements of the Tisza culture in E Hungary, covering 4.5 hectares; 230 sq m excavated. Nine cultural levels revealed deposits of the Szakalhat type (early Tisza, transitional between Koros and classical Tisza), three levels of Tisza proper (with 44 burials), and a Copper Age (Tiszapol-gar) level which was covered, after a hiatus, with three Middle Bronze Age levels. The site is distinct for the remains of large two-room houses, including a possible temple which held a rich ritual assemblage of monumental sculptures, tables, vases, etc.
Excav. by K. Hegediis 1972-76. Lit.: K. Hegediis and ). Makkay, “Veszto-Magor. A Settlement of the Tisza Culture,” The Late Neolithic of the Tisza Region, P. Raczky, ed. 1987: 82-103.

Settlement near Giurgiu, southeast of Bucharest, noted for its figurine and plastic art. Lowest level belongs to the Boian-Giule§ti phase, followed by the Boian-Vidra and Gumelnita layers.
Excav. by V. Rosetti 1931-33 and 1958. Museum: Bucharest City. Lit.: V. Rosetti, Sapdtunle de la Vidra, 1934; Publ. Muz, Municip. Buchresti 1-2 (1935-36); Ipek 12 (1938); Materiale Cercetari Arh. 7 (1961).

Settlement site with a mound of cultural remains 10.5 m deep, 14 km SE of Belgrade on the Danube River, Belo Brdo distr., Yugoslavia. The two earliest settlements (below 8 m) belong to the Starcevo culture, above which were 7 m of deposits characteristic of the Vinca civilization, subdivided into four consecutive phases.
Excav. by M. Vasic 1908-12, 1924, 1928-32. Museum: National Museum, Belgrade, and University of Belgrade. Lit.: M. Vasic, Preistoriska Vinca I-IV (1932-36).

Symbiosis of local Post-Vucedol and intrusive Yamna pastoral culture in C Yugoslavia and Hungary, possible parent to the Bell Beaker Culture. Also known as Samogyvar.

Classical Cucuteni (Tripolye B) settlement with c. 200 houses in the S Bug valley, W Ukraine.
Excav. by B. Bezvenglinski 1927-28, T.S. Passek 1940. Lit.: T S. Passek, Ceramique tiipolienne, 1935; 1949.

One of the best explored Mesolithic sites of the Lepenski Vir culture in the Iron Gate region, 9th-8th mill. BC. including trapezoidal structures and egg-shaped scluptures.
Excav. by D. Srejovic and Z. Letica in the 1970s. Lit: Srejovi6 and Letica, 1978 (includes extensive reports on human and animal bones by J. Nemeskeri and S. Bokonyi).

A Kurganized culture which followed the Baden culture in the NW Balkans in the early 3rd mill. B,C. Called the “Zok” culture in Hungary and the "Laibach-Ljubljana” culture in the E Alpine area. Vucedol materials are found as far south as the Adriatic islands and in Bohemia and C Germany in the northwest. Migration to the northwest and south which began c. 3000-2800 BC. was caused by the intrusion of Yamna people into Yugoslavia and Hungary.

A cemetery of late passage-grave tombs in the R. Elbe basin, distr. of Magdeburg, Germany. Eponymous site for the “Walternienburg-Bernburg” culture, a variant of TRB.
Lit.: N. Niklasson, Jahies Schrift Halle 13 (1925); U. Fischer, Die Graber der Steinzeit, 1956.

One of the longest barrows in Britain, 8 km west of Marlborough, Wiltshire. The burial chamber has five niches at the end of tomb with a crescent-shaped forecourt. Burial deposits consisted of approximately 40 disarticulated inhumations dating from the late 4th mill. BC.
Excav. by S. Piggott 1955-56. Lit.: S. Pig-gott, The West Rennet Long Banow (London, 1962).

A causewayed camp in Britain, 1.6 km north of Avebury, Wiltshire, enclosed by three discontinuous ditches, the outer having a diameter of 1200 ft. jc. 400 m). Occupation began before the mid-4th mill. BC, and the monument was used from the later 4th throughout the 3rd mill. BC. as shown by Windmill Hill, Peterborough, Rinyo-Clacton, and Beaker sherds found in the outer ditch. Lit.: I. E Smith, 1965,

Egg- or kidney-shaped, rock-cut tombs with collective burials in N Malta from the pre-tempfe period, considered to be prototypes for the shape of Maltese temples. Some tombs have several recesses and partitions of stone. Human bones were found in disorder, mixed with animal bones.
Excav. in 1955. Museum: National Museum, Valletta. Lit.: f. D. Evans, 1959 and 1971.

See Kurgan culture,

See Nemunas culture.

Settlement and cemetery of the Lengyel culture near Pecs, SW Hungary. The cemetery held 368 burials, most of which were single inhumations.
Excav. by J. Dombay 1936-48. Museum: P6cs. Lit.: J. Dombay, “A Zengovarkonyi oskori telep es temeto,” Arch. Hung. 23 (1939); “Die Siedlung und das Graberfeld in Zengovarkony/'/lrd]. Hung. . 37 (1960).

See Vudedol.

LBK settlement near Leipzig, Germany. In an area of 7,000 sq m, 24 complete and 3 incomplete houses were uncovered which varied in sizes from 12 to 36.5 m in length (smaller houses in later phases).
Excav, by K. Tackenberg 1935; H. Quitta 1952-57. Lit.: K. Tackenberg, Germania 21 (1937): 217ff; H. Quitta, Germania 31 (1935): 119ff; Neue Ausgrabungen in Deutschland (1958): 68ff.f.

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Kurgan Culture
Gorny Altai 1-2 Millenium BC (Pazyryk)
N. Pontic Scythians 7 c. BCBC
From Huns to Bulgars 6 to 15-th c. AD
Türkic and European Genetic distance
Klyosov A. Türkic DNA genealogy
Alinei M. Kurgan Culture Mesolith

Kurgan Afanasiev Culture 2,500 -1,500 BCBC
Kurgan Andronov Culture 1,500 - 1,000 BC
Kurgan Karasük Culture 1,000 BC - 500 BC
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