Ogur and Oguz
Ethnic Affiliation Scythians
Scythians and their descendents
Adji M. The European Kipchaks
Adji M. English Kipchaks
O.Frolova The ethnic name Burdjan
Russian Version needs a translation
The early Roman historians treated Germania as geographical space, and called all peoples there Germanic without regard to their ethnicity, stating that they are Celtic people. The Romans simply labeled the Gauls along the Rhine, and the Celts and Sarmats as Germania tribes, even though they clearly were different peoples. The border between Germania in the west and Sarmatia in the east run somewhere along the Oder-Vistula rivers. Later Roman historians made clear that not all peoples of the early Germania were ethnically Germanic, they learned to discriminate between the Celtic, Finnic, Baltic, Slavic, and Germanic peoples. During Dark Ages little was known about ethnicity. And the modern historiography tends to follow the lead of the early Roman historians, treating clearly non-ethnically Germanic people as ethnically Germanic. Thus, the modern historiography encounters two contrasting types of Germanics: societies of sedentary farmers and societies of nomadic animal husbandry pastoralists, each equipped with its own unmistakable set of distinct ethnological traits. To treat these disparate communities as one unbreakable continuum is impossible, although their histories are much intertwined their disparateness brings havoc into historical discourse.
In contrast with the sedentary farmers, the pastoral societies of the Classical Germania stand out with their Sarmatian traits: unlike the Germanic tribes, they are horse pastoralists, they leave faint archeological traces of their settlements; they bury under kurgans, they supply their deceased with necessities for a travel to the other world including horses, tools and arms, food and drinks, and they bury their deceased dressed in their best daily attire. Their armies are cavalry armies, their military routs run through terrain able to support their horses, they are known as salient warriors, they are distinctly dressed and armed, their battle tactics is mobility and surprise, instead of standing their ground they would rather dissipate and reappear from the rear. In appearance they are Caucasoids with a tint of Mongoloidness, low-faced and distinguished by a tradition of cranial deformation. They have distinct social organization, predicated by the mobility of their constituent tribes, and distinct system of overlordship over sedentary subjects. Historical records and archeological finds concur on their location and allow to trace their migrations. In the European history they appear as Scythian-kindred tribes, vaguely located between Scythia and Germania; they occupy enormous poorly defined space; the ancient geographers can't be blamed for the misty descriptions, for the mobility defies stationary descriptions.
The Vandals and their Burgund branch are clear cases of nomadic origin, ignored in their ethnology and misrepresented in their culture. Other "Germanic" tribes distinguished with less obvious non-Germanic traits are the Thurings, also reviewed in this book. Archeological traces obviously distinguish the horse pastoralists' Przeworsk and Chernyakov cultures from the neighboring agricultural and hunter-gatherer cultures. The Przeworsk culture 2nd century BC - 5th century AD is a culturally varied zone dominated by the unmistakably Türkic horse pastoralist Sarmats whose most prominent component was made famous by the later Vandals and Burgunds. The Chernyakov culture of 2nd - 5th cc. AD is an extension of unmistakably Türkic Scytho-Sarmatian horse pastoralists' culture with notable dynastic Hunnic presence, admixture of Germanic elements introduced by the Goths, which readily explains the heavy layer of Turkisms in Germanic languages and underscores social demography by Gothic having only few Slavic loanwords, and sedentary elements that are traceable to the later Slavic settlements, which also readily explains the heavy layer of Turkisms in the Slavic languages. Both Przeworsk and Chernyakov cultures are adjacent and include areas where Herodotus placed the Scythian ploughmen, he included sedentary farmers into the Scythian horse pastoralist-led society. And both Przeworsk and Chernyakov cultures distinctly belong to the Scytho-Sarmatian-Hunnic-Türkic Kurgan Culture.
Page numbers are shown at the beginning of the page in blue. Page breaks in continuous text are indicated by //. Posting notes and explanations, added to the text of the author and not noted specially, are shown in parentheses in (blue italics) and in blue boxes, or highlighted by blue headers. The original footnotes are mostly omitted.
Tools, weapons and ornaments:
Germanic material culture in Pre-Carolingian Central Europe, 400-750
Part A. History and the Archeological Evidence
Tacitus does not name the Burgundians living along the south shore of the Baltic Sea.
He may have considered them to be included among the Lugians (Balto-Slavic lug = meadow, quite a proper exonym for peoples pasturing in meadows and bogs) and hence associates of the
Vandals (Germanic Vandals = Wandalen = Nomad,,
quite a proper exonym for peoples pasturing in pasturing routs). Pliny, in the first century AD, did not know of any Lugii though he names
Burgundiones as members of the larger group of Vandili (Pliny's
mention of Gutones states that Vandals are one of five races of Germany, and that Vandals
include the Burgodiones, the Varinnae, the Charini and Gutones. The most logical
explanation for the syllable gut/guth/got/goth is the Türkic generic guz = tribe, and we can
recognize it in numerous ethnonyms, from Scandinavia to Mongolia. The form guz is Oguzic,
while the form Gur is Oguric. Together, the forms gus and gur, and subforms gut/get cover
most of the Eurasian span. Depending on the time of their spin-off, vary their the other traits,
like the Kipchak-type stone circles around the graves, and the grave stelae). 24
Their location according to Ptolemy in the second century AD can be placed in eastern
central Europe near the river Vistula. 25 Here
links with the Wielbark and Przeworsk
cultures are indicated. The earliest identifiable settlements along the northern Middle
Oder point to the first century BC. The archeological evidence suggests expansion between
/23/ the Elbe and Oder Rivers to have taken place
during the late second and third centuries AD.
The evidence suggests an assimilation of the indigenous population with the tribal elements known as Burgundians during which process pockets of settlement gradually assumed a degree of uniformity. 26 Linguistically they may have been linked to the Goths, however, very little of their language has been retained (What specifically has been retained?). Ablabius' early legendary 'history' of the Visigoths mentions a devastating defeat of the Burgundians by the Gepids at a time when the Goths had already reached the plains north of the Black Sea, perhaps early during the first half of the third century AD (ca 220 AD).
Archeology has revealed that while the Goths and other eastern Germanic peoples (I.e. seddentary peoples of ancient zone called Germania) did not customarily include weapons in the graves, the Burgundian fire pit graves were nevertheless equipped with weapon inventories before they were replaced by gravefields of the Gepidic type, but already in AD 269 the Gepids were settled in Dada.
In Lusatia between Elbe and Middle Oder conflicts with the Lombards introduced unsettled conditions, including Lombardic oppression of parts of the Burgundian tribe. Burgundian splinter groups are mentioned repeatedly during this time along the Lower Danube.
Dubious references are also made to 'eastern' Burgundians fighting with the Alans against the Goths along the Don River in southern Russia (And if two centuries later they are identified with the Hunnic Bulgars, how can it be dubious? More than that, Agathias confirms that Bulgars and Burugunds are two separate ethnonyms, they are not two close versions of the same ethnonym). 27
24 Pliny, Natural History, Vol. IV, translated by W.H.S. Jones, XCV (Cambridge, Mass,
and London), 99. See also Hachmann, pp.138, 241ff.
As early as AD 278 Burgundians are mentioned with Vandals invading Raetia where Probus defeated them and pushed them north out of Raetia. The prisoners taken were sent to Britain as reinforcements for the Roman army there. A decade later some of the Burgundians have settled in the Main-Neckar region. In AD 286 the Emperor Maximian repelled them as well as Alemans and others from Gaul. Rather than heading for the Danube, they turned to the area formerly delimited by the limes. The experience gained by the earlier Germanic raiding parties against this part of the Roman frontier will have helped them find the way. No doubt Burgundian nobles and their retinues will have served there as auxiliaries during the middle of the third century.
For the next hundred years the main tribe of the Burgundians still remaining in their tribal realms between Elbe arid Oder, appear gradually to have left their land and joined their advance groups, gathering reinforcements from other tribes through whose lands they passed. In 359 Julian, not yet Emperor, campaigned against the Alemans and in this context it is mentioned that the rivers Jagst and Kocher, part of the Upper German limes formed the western boundary of the Burgundians. 51
51 Ammianus Marcellinus, The Surviving Books
of History, in three volumes With an English
translation by J.C. Rolfe. Classical Library (Cambridge, Mass. And London 1964), 18, 2, 15.
It is possible that the Burgundians actually occupied the military territory of the former limes forts, where for a hundred years they probably had very close contact with the remaining Romans and the Romanized population and probably also foedus obligations to guard the area against the Alemans especially during the reign of Valentinian I who attempted to restore the old border. The region is rich in salt springs and in c.369 disputes between the Alemans and the Burgundians did take place over the control of some of these springs. It may have been the occasion of these disputes which prompted the Emperor Valentinian I in 369/70 to encourage the Burgundians to attack the Alemans from the rear while he attacked from Raetia. 52 In keeping with Rome's divisive policies he would have been pleased to see two Germanic tribes weaken one another rather than to help one gain dominance in the region, upset the balance of power and become a problem to Rome. The hostilities brought the Burgundians, reputedly eighty thousand strong, along the river Main to the Rhine and Valentnian I may have feared that Burgundian ambitions could take them into Gaul. Under the threat of the impending Burgundian attack Alemanic groups pushed evasively into Raetia where they were overcome by Theodosius, magister equitum, and father of the future Emperor by the same name. When the Roman support of the Burgundian attack did not materialize and Valentnian refused to cover their retreat, the Burgundian kings were angered to the point of killing all of their prisoners, probably including Romans. According to Ammianus the Burgundians had been willing to join the Roman designs, since for a long lime they, the Burgundians, had known themselves to be descendants of the Romans, perhaps left there by Drusus and Tiberius. 53 If the Burgundians had such feelings they were more likely to have been caused by more recent close association with the Romans in their new territories.
When the Vandals and their confederates crossed the Rhine in 406/07 the Burgundians followed in their wake and crossed the Rhine near Mogontiacum/Mainz (Fig. 14) As was the case with almost all of these tribal groups, not all the Burgundians gave up their lands on the right side of the Rhine, a large enough group stayed behind to form a contingent in Attila's army in 451. 54 Seventy years later, in 542 they finally joined the main tribe in its kingdom on the Rhone.
52 Hanz-Jorg Kellner, Die Romen in Bayern
(Munich 1978), p. 173.
Once they had crossed the Rhine in 406/07, the Burgundians occupied lands in Germania II along the left hank of the river between Argentorale/Strasbourg in the south and Mogontiacum in the north. Their engagement in the politics of the Empire is indicated in that in 411 Burgundians sided with the usurper Iovinus, actually a member of the old Celtic aristocracy, in his quest for the purple, and in conjunction with Franks, Alemans and a large Roman army attacked Constantine III, 55 the usurper from Britain, and threatened to invade Gaul. It was this threat, which helped the Visigoths obtain land in southern Gaul. It is possible that the Burgundian king Gundahar, with other support, played a more active role this usurpation and actually proclaimed Iovinus Emperor, partly to gain legitimacy in the political process as forces to be taken seriously and partly as a means to gain the recognition of ownership of the lands in their possession. However that may be, in 413 the Emperor Honorius recognized the Burgundians as foederati and gave them the land even though the usurpation had failed and the other tribes had withdrawn. But then the Visigoths were fighting in Gaul against the troops of Ravenna and the military power of two tribes may have been more than Ravenna was willing to fight at the same time.
The Burgundian lands were developing into a kingdom, which according to tradition, had its capital at Worms. The kingdom may actually have been located further north along the Middle Rhine, the Moselle being its northern frontier. 56 Twenty years later, in 435. the Burgundians attempted to expand their territories westward into Belgica but were defeated by Aetius, since 330 the supreme commander of all Roman forces in the west. This defeat may not have been decisive, for in 436 Aetius set his Hunish mercenaries (Fig. 15) under the command of Litorius, one of his generals, on the Burgundians and this time the entire royal family was wiped out along with purportedly twenty thousand members of the tribe. More is not known about the destruction of the Burgundian kingdom. Earlier, in 428 and 432, Aetius had been victorious over the Franks, in 435 he used Huns when he had to deal with the uprising of the bacaudae (apparently, from Spanish baca ~ cow > "shepherds, cowboys", but a notable remnant of Bacauds is a high number of Bagaud-based last names among Itil Tatars, allowing for an alternate hypothesis) and there was war with the Visigoths in southern Gaul. These struggles may account for the drastic measures taken against the Burgundians at this time.
55 Wnll’ramj Gothsf p.lfil. Gn'S'dr)’ ol Tnurs. II. Herr Gitjfory quotes hum Ft i^eridus.
The Senate erected a statue to Aetius on which were commemorated Aetius' victories over Burgundians and Goths. 57
Aetius, as supreme commander was also the chief policy-maker in the west. To secure Gaul, he must have realized that the location of the Burgundians on the Middle Rhine after 406 and their potentially destabilizing presence in northern Gaul after 430 had to be dealt with decisively. An anti-Roman alliance with the Franks, as had taken place in 411, had to be prevented, if Rome wanted to maintain control. The Franks could no longer be driven out, but the Burgundians could be moved further away and consequently in 443 their resettlement as foederati and laeti in Maxima Sequanorum, i.e. western Switzerland and eastern France (an area also referred to as Sapaudia, linguistically related to "Savoy" but not territorially) was completed. (Map 6)
Their role was the protection of eastern Gaul and of the Alpine passes against Alemans and Franks from the north and N-E and against the Visigoths from southern Gaul (Such counterposing of Burgunds vs. generically Germanic tribes reliably poits to the ethnical disparateness, another cue indicating their Sarmatian Uraloid Türkishness; Sarmats played that role from early 2nd c. AD, and the Scythians, Sarmatians, Huns, Bulgars, and Türks are known as renown warriors and mercenaries of all times). Devastated by years of repeated Alemanic invasion, the area was attractive to them largely on the north shore of lake Geneva and around Lake Neuchatel. In time king Gundobad (474? - 516 placed his capital at Genava/Geneva. 58 Already in 451 the Burgundians were called to reinforce Aetius' coalition against the Huns under Attila and his army of tributary peoples. (Fig. 16)
During the battle Attila against Burgundians and Romans formed the center of the battle line. The position in the line was evidently one of trust and honor, which the Burgundians had earned during the brief period in their new settlements. In their lands the integration of the Gallo-Roman population and the Burgundians proceeded particularly well. 59 Catholicism was adopted in time, both groups shared the same cemeteries. Burgundian graves no longer contained weapons. Owing perhaps to the continuing sense of importance for education and the vitality of the many men of letters in the realm of the Burgundians they more readily adopted the interests and caltural directions of the Gallo-Roman population. In time they turned towards the southwest so that during the sixties of the fifth century the kingdom expanded in that direction by incorporating most of the provinces Lugdunensis I and Vienensis at the expense of tihe Visigoths.
57 Miirnrhcn-Hrllrn. p. 99 n. 444.
By the end of the century, aided by the expanding Ostrogothic kingdom in Italy, the Burgundian kingdom reached from the Champagne region in the north to the Maritime Alps and Avignon in the south and from central Switzerland in the east to beyond the Rhone River in the west. Administered from two centers, Geneva and Lugdunum/Lyon, the kingdom was a dual monarchy in which Gallo-Romans and Burgundians enjoyed nearly equal status. It may he that this nearly equal coexistence was promoted by the circumstance that under the practices of hospitalitas the Roman landowners were made to support their "quests" with revenue, 600 rather than with expropriated land, indicating that the establishment of the new "lords" did not take place overnight and that at the end Gallo-Romans and Burgundians were represented among the landowners.
The process of integration was reflected in the law codes, written in Latin and developed under their kings, the Lex Gundobada, actually misnamed, intended to accommodate both people and the Lex Romana Burgundionum of 506. 61 King Gundobad was another of these Romanized Germanic personalities who as vir illuster held the uppermost rank of the Late Roman Senatorial nobility, whom the Emperor dignified with the highest title — patricius and who as second in command and then successor of the real power in the west, Ricimer, rose to a position where he too could make Emperors and determine the polities of the Western Empire.
This Imperial recognition equipped them with the prestige acceptable to their Gallo-Roman
populations. 62 The Burgundians never dissolved
the foedus concluded with Rome and
although the royal house generally remained Arian it retained good and tolerant terms
with the Catholic Church, so that with its assistance und that of the Gallo-Roman
aristocracy the unified kingdom with a community of interests was able to establish
itself. The collaboration of the nobility in this and
other instances indicates that, as during the Romanization centuries earlier, this
social group realized where its interests lay and knew how
to accommodate itself to the new realities presented by church and state (Fig. 17). Ii
was only a matter of time before their Gallo-Roman descent was lost behind their Germanic names.
The Burgundians’ first important contacts with Catholicism will have taken place during
their stay in the Catholic Rhineland (Fig, 18), but it is possible that under Visigothic
influence the Burgundians adopted Arianism. That this was not a conversion involving everyone is
indicated by the circumstance that the royal Burgundian princess Chrodechildis
was Catholic when she married Chlodovech, king of the Franks, c, 493, and influenced his
conversion to Catholicism. Shortly after 500 the Burgundian king Sigismund convened to
Catholicism, - he was later elevated to sainthood even though he had his son murdered —
convened a Catholic synod, maintained a link with Byzantium, and was the first Germanic
king to go on a pilgrimage to Rome, a sure sign that the idea of the centrality of a Christian Rome
was gaining acceptance among the kings of the successor states.63 In his
self-abasing correspondence with Byzantium Sigismund probably expressed the core
thoughts about the political reality shared by the other kings when he wrote so humbly
to the Emperor that his ancestors had always been devoted to the Empire, ... That his
people belonged to the Emperor and that in commanding them he was only obeying the
Emperor. ... That he appeared as king among them but that he was only the Emperor's
soldier waiting for the orders which the Emperor might deign to issue him.
64 Although the
Emperor may have deduced something else from this diplomatic display of submission, it is
correct that the successor states maintained enough of the old Imperial structures that
the distant Emperors could feel secure in their impression that nothing had really changed.
However, placed in a vulnerable position between the realms of the Visigoths, Ostrogoths, Alemans and Franks the relative stability of the Burgundian kingdom could not prevent the kingdom falling prey to the expanding ambitions of the Franks. Fratricidal and patricidal conflicts and intrigues within the royal family invited Frankish intervention in the affairs of the kingdom. 65 Already in 500 Chlodovech/Clovis the Frank, in collusion with one of the royal brothers, Godegisel, defeated Gundobad and then used Burgundian support against the Visigoths.
63 A. Angnend Das FruhmdUiallcr die abendtrin'iiicfu. Chnstmhfit ran 400 - 900
[Scuttgai t 1990), jj.1 :!'2f.
The Catholicism of the Franks made it possible for them to draw the Catholic Gallo-Roman population onto their side and the Burgundian defeat of 532 ended their independence. Destined to become a bone of contention for a long time to come, the kingdom was divided among the three victorious kings of the Franks. By 600 the Burgundian language had faded from use (For any coherent community submerged into foreign environment, it takes half of a millennium to lose their language, and a millennium to lose their traditions. Pomaks are one of the abounding examples, submerged for a millennium into Slavic medium, influenced by related Oguz Türkic vernaculars, and with their literacy wiped out a millennium ago, at home they still use a version of the Türkic language that ascends to the Ogur languages supplanted half a dozen centuries ago).
[End of citation]
(See Sarmat Synopsis on cranial deformation and Uraloid low face and jaw short in height)
VI. The archeological evidence
References have been made to burial sites, human and animal burials, funerary practices and inventories of provisions, pottery, weapons, personal ornaments and jewelry. These details allowed conclusions concerning foreign contacts and influences, such changing social patterns as the development of a gentrification and the emergence of social hierarchies. Tracing particular characteristics among these details also allowed the identification of migrations and of new settlement locations. It was also possible to conclude from the inventories that in some instances — those of the Thuringians and of the Bavarians, for example — the tribal genesis was the result of a process of assimilation.
It bears repeating that the disappearance of grave inventories marks the horizon of this book. This archeological indicator, more than any other, marks the end of the ancient world towards the conclusion of the Merovingian period. The triumph of Christianity in Europe during the Carolingian period coincides with the adoption of new funerary practices. These include the departure from the practice of burial in large gravefields in favor of interment in cemeteries placed around a (funerary) church or other sanctuary and the nobility's burial in the floors of the naves, aisles and crypts of their own religious foundations. From the Carolingian period onward funerary gifts are no longer a part of the burial. The following is in part a review of the earlier discussions.
In the north, in the region along the Lower Elbe which had been part of the core area
of the Jastorf culture (c. 600 BC) and in which the genesis of the Lombards had taken
place, there is evidence of smooth continuity of burial among a large number of
urn-gravefields dating from the Early Iron Age to the second, and in part even to the
third or fourth centuries of our era. This continuity indicates typological and cultural
development in the grave gifts of pottery, fibulas, bone needles, sickles and bronze
imports of Celtic and later of Roman provenance. Already for the early period in the
Elbian territories the funerary practices indicate a growing class differentiation as
richer graves appear separated from other burials, by their relative wealth in silver
ornaments. Silver and glass vessels appear beside the Roman bronze ware. The quantity and
selection of the grave inventories and the manner of burial point to social gaps and the
emergence of elevated personalities.
In the large cemetery at Harsefeld near Stade (Fig. 51), on the Elbe estuary, the earlier concentration of bronze urns had been replaced by a concentration of weapons. Evidently one or more families had gained dominance along the Lower Elbe, allowing the conclusion that the leaders, their dependents and their following were buried at this site. Only a quarter of the graves are weapon-graves and none shows an association between weapons and bronze urns. Smaller, neighboring cemeteries were weaponless, such as the Saxon urnfield of Oldendorf near Stade. 160 There the 73 graves yielded only a few finds, such as six fibulas, but six types in all, including a tutulus fibula, and other disc-shaped, cross-shaped and equal-armed examples, and such implements as tweezers and the fragment of an ear spoon, combs, knives, scissors, needles, keys, arm- and fingerings, a small belt buckle, bronze fragments and pieces of sheet bronze, objects of bone, as well as multicolored beads and the molten remains of glass beads. Wherever combs, beads and brooches appeared together one assumed the graves of women. Pottery was the most prevalent evidence in the graves. Fibulas and pottery allowed a dating of the urnfield to the fourth and fifth centuries (AD). Further towards the S-E a cemetery at Nienbuttel reflects developments comparable to those at Harsefeld. Here weapons were associated with bronze urns. At Harsefeld the old elite of the Early Imperial Period (25 BC - 193 AD) appears to have lost its prominence. The cemetery, has shrunk, though some of the aristocratic burials are more splendid than before and the complete armaments are contained in bronze vessels. Other weaponless cemeteries further south, showing a noticeable increase in the number of burials and their funerary inventories, indicate the presence of other aristocratic power centers and the prominence of a different and more numerous elite. At this time Nienbuttel gained in importance and along with the neighboring cemeteries, swords, shields, lances and spears appear in a variety of distributions. 161 Around another center there is a noticeably greater display of ornaments on garments and weapons. The elite group may have been wealthier. Thereafter the cemeteries indicate fewer burials and general impoverishment.
160 H.-J. Hauler, "Der sachsische Urnenfriedhof von Oldendorf (WciBcnmoorj, Kr. Stade,
Niedcrsachsen", in H,-J. HaBler, Studm ^ur Sachsmforxhmg, //, Verof-jenthchungen der
Urgeschichtlichen Sammlungen des Isindemiueums zu Hannover (Hildesheim 1980), pp.
The extensive weapon inventories in the graves have been taken to denote the evolution of aristocratic constitutional structures with a Monarch at the apex. The singular, occasionally princely, funerary treatment of certain individuals or groups suggests the existence of leaders and entourages who were able to gather forces about themselves. 162 Some of the Roman wealth in the early graves can be attributed to the adventurous warrior formations, which made up the raiding parties of all those tribes, which penetrated the Roman defenses and returned with spoils. While towards the Rhine the Romans are believed to have hindered this development, farther in the eastern interior, along the Elbe, these leaders learned to consolidate the primacy of their position among their communities and, using their supporting forces, make other tribal groups inclined to join in their political ambitions.
By the middle of the fifth century this process favored the emergence of the kingship among the Thuringians, as well as among the leading central and western European tribes. Further east, among the Goths for instance, the result of this development had been completed earlier. Further south and east in the Slavic areas characterized by the Prague type of pottery the pit-house and the block-house, square in outline and between 12 and 20 m2 in size predominated. Their western limit coincides with the western border of Slavic finds. 163 Though post and beam construction was known towards the east, the Slavs preferred the block-house (I.e timber house, Sl. “ñðóá”) construction.
'Princely' graves made an appearance in the region during the first half of the second century, in an area characterized by weaponless graves and at a considerable distance from the old power centers. Instead of the traditional cremation graves these are inhumation graves, of which some are richly equipped with many weapons, imported Roman bronze ware and other objects pointing to extensive trade relations. Linked stylistically with the inhumation graves of Bohemia and Slovakia, the southern Baltic coast and the Swedish islands, the Danish islands and eastern Jutland, the 'Princely' graves were part of a group of similar aristocratic graves found between Denmark and Bohemia and Lower Saxony and Poland.
163 Peschel,pp.ll8fr., l(l! See Donat, p.lOf. for greater details concerning house
construction among the Slavs.
Not until c.400 were urn burials introduced to the Lower Elbian lands previously characterized by the use of inhumation graves. This would be consistent with the tribal tradition that the Lombards had passed through to Bohemia. Once in Rugiland and then in Pannonia they accepted the prevalent inhumation burials in W-E (occidented) (focal point of the architectural structure faces west) row-graves, which show in the aristocratic graves strong influences in personal ornaments from eastern nomadic peoples (Fig. 52) in such things as ear-hangings, mirrors and certain types of weapons and Hunnish skull elongations as a clear physical distinction from the remainder of the tribal population.
Just as the presence of Ostrogothic women's personal ornaments among
the Thuringians suggests intermarriages, so do the artificially deformed 'Hunnish'
women's skulls, displaying Germanic, as well as Mongol features
(These, certainly, are Sarmats, notable for the ubiquitous female cranial deformation, see
Sarmat Synopsis). To impede pillaging the
aristocratic graves were placed in pits seven meters deep. Simple pottery and provisions
of animal products characterized the common graves. Warriors took along their weapons,
usually battle-axes and lances (Fig. 53). Later, during their early history in Italy the Lombards gave up their burial practices as they abandoned the row-gravefields for
churchyard burials, as in ever greater numbers they turned to the prevalent practices of
the Catholic Church and as their leading groups adopted Roman funerary traditions of
self-representation. Most notable, even north of the Lombard realm, was the adoption of
the Byzantine use of the gold-foil crosses fastened to veils and placed over the
deceased's mouth (Fig. 54), which during the seventh century generally displaced the bracteats used as amulets throughout the Germanic lands.
The Burgundian Code went even further when it established for the murder of a noble or of a goldsmith a fine of 150 shillings, and 100 shillings for the death of a semi-free man or of a silversmith. Among the Burgundians the artisan was not a free man. These craftsmen could be lent out by their owners. By the third century the crafts appear partly exempt from the production of the food supply in agriculture and the raising of livestock. Frequently the craftsmen were not free. The trade in Roman objects and status symbols and the spread of the necessary techniques served as a creative stimulus, which increased the demand for and manufacture of refined ornaments.
Pottery continued to be simply ornamented and handmade rather than turned, and was
frequently fired in open flames (Fig. 64). Occasionally it was wheel finished and
fired In kilns. Kilns themselves are not really in evidence in these regions. As late as
the second century Celtic influences were still noticeable in southern Thuringia. In
general, thousand year old techniques continued into the second century. Innovations — a
technology transfer - - were probably introduced by itinerant or enslaved craftsmen who
adopted and adapted Roman forms and techniques. Textiles were not as readily available as
might be thought. A piece of material, only 1.5m in length would require 5kg of yarn, the
yield of fifty to sixty hours of spinning. In all, this piece of fabric would represent
160 - 200 hours of labor.188 Performed by women,
probably during the winters, fabrics were produced in the home and for private use. Not
until later did the regions further west gain fame for their woven coats.
The overall impression is that these early societies had to cope with the disfavor of such environmental conditions as uneven harvests, poor yield of the land, deterioration and reduction of the arable land /111/ along the coasts, poor animal yield and generally such conditions that animal diseases must be assumed.
188 Grunert, "Produktionskrafte", in Gramsch, p.50.
Examination of the stomach contents of the moor corpses suggest that at
most times hunger, persistent undernourishment and its effects on health were probably
debilitating. Weeds will have constituted a significant component of the grains
harvested. In Thuringia the evidence from the urn burials suggests men to have been
robust, between 150cm to 158.4cm tall, women to have been of a slight built, between
146.6cm to 153cm tall. When no one was taller than 160cm (5'4"), the 'prince' of Gommern,
measuring 180cm, was very tall for his time. Most of the deceased were adults between the
ages of 20 and 40. In most areas cremation came to an end during the third and fourth
centuries. In Mecklenburg it continued till the fifth century, in Lower Saxony even into
the seventh. Inhumation begins to establish itself during the fourth century. Most of the
deceased found are men. 2/3 — 3/4 died between the ages of 20 and 40 and of these most
died at about 36 - 38 years of age, fewer than 1 /4 were between 40 and 60 and only very
few were over 60 years of age. According to the calculations derived from the skeletons
people of this later period were taller, men from 159cm to 183cm, women from 147cm to
169cm, averaging c.170cm for men, c.158cm for women.190
|ARCHEOLOGY AND THE SOCIO-CULT URAL EVIDENCE|
During the Early Imperial Period earlier Thuringian populations (Fig. 65) showed links with the Rhine-Weser area who practiced cremation (Fig. 66) and who took Roman objects into their graves; or whose use of a certain type of vessel linked them with groups living in eastern Holstein and western Mecklenburg, Frankonia and Bohemia; or whose ashes were deposited in wide bowls mostly without gifts. While burial in urnfields was customary during the Early Imperial Period, inhumation gravefields in which the deceased were laid out either in a stretched or fetal N-S position, appeared during the Late Imperial Period of the third and fourth centuries, including very richly equipped graves among modestly furnished ones. (Map 13)
From c. 450 onward a uniform culture becomes apparent. Again the funerary evidence marks a
clear change in burial practice, as the graves are oriented (head in the west)
(I.e. facing east) and arranged
in row-gravefields. A uniformity horizon is reflected in the urn- and gravefields as the
garb of men and women, and armaments become standardized, allowing for social
differentiation. The process suggests a growing tribal identity, which appears completed
about 500 with the predominance of the inhumation row-gravefields. Spreading from
Bohemia, it reached southern Thuringia during the later third century, where it gradually
replaced the older urnfield and N-S inhumation burial practices. As was indicated
previously the socially distinguishing inhumation graves are wooden chamber graves in
which the deceased was laid out fully clothed, wearing ornaments, surrounded with vessels
containing food, and occasional Roman objects, such as weapons, a silver spoon or Roman
Personal silver ornaments, imported bronze objects, and pairs of glass and silver
vessels, as well as silver arrowheads accompanied the nobility into the graves as a sign
of rank (Fig. 67). Weapons, apart from spurs, were not a common funerary feature, nor did
everyday bronze arrowheads usually find their way into the graves. The row-graveficlds
connected with the earlier grave-fields, and as some old practices were retained in the
burials, continuity is indicated. In these instances it was the wearing of weapons for
men and jewelry for women, which conveniently serve to indicate social status, since the
property of the deceased during his lifetime accompanied him or her into the grave. In
one cemetery the chambered graves of the nobility were clearly separated from the narrow,
closely spaced and poor burial pits of the unfree. The burial of three horses and two
dogs accompanied each chamber grave. One grave of the late third century in the cemetery
at Hafileben, evidently that of an aristocratic lady, showed that this social group
maintained links with the Roman world (Figs.68,69). The grave contained Roman coins, belt
fittings and buckles, two disc fibulas with coil-spring fasteners, long disc-headed gilt
silver cloak- or hairpins, rings, numerous pendants, axe-shaped earrings, an engraved
neck ring with catch, most of the trinkets ornamented with gold bead granulation arranged
in concentric circles and the like.1 By contrast a poorer grave contained beads of amber,
coral and glass, two silver brooches, axe-shaped pendants, a comb, spinning whirls and an
iron knife, but no clearly Roman objects.
Smaller brooches were intended to hold the garments together. Women wore bracelets and
chains of glass beads, seldom earrings or hairpins, also a bag suspended from the belt
containing a small iron knife and other essential objects. Metal keys or girdle-hangers
attached to the bag were a clear symbol of her domestic authority. For men the
elaborately ornamented belt buckle had replaced the fibula. A leather bag at his belt
contained scissors and the means to strike fire. Throughout the Germanic area jewelry —-
with tribal characteristics — was popular at all times. The bow-fibula became dominant.
Garnet inlays in disc fibulas were very popular, even though expensive.
Ogur and Oguz
Ethnic Affiliation Scythians
Scythians and their descendents
Adji M. The European Kipchaks
Adji M. English Kipchaks
O.Frolova The ethnic name Burdjan
Russian Version needs a translation